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https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/27/143/PFilliputtiA16010054.2.jpg
3c07a50de1378330b0e3613d07f032bf
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Filiputti, Angiolino
Angiolino Filiputti
Alfonsino Filiputti
A Filiputti
Description
An account of the resource
127 items. The collection consists of a selection of works created by Alfonsino ‘Angiolino’ Filiputti (1924-1999). A promising painter from childhood, Angiolino was initially fascinated by marine subjects but his parents’ financial hardships forced an end to his formal education after completing primary school. Thereafter, he took up painting as an absorbing pastime. Angiolino depicted some of the most dramatic and controversial aspects of the Second World War as seen from the perspective of San Giorgio di Nogaro, a small town in the Friuli region of Italy. Bombings, events reported by newspapers, broadcast by the radio or spread by eyewitnesses, became the subject of colourful paintings, in which news details were embellished by his own rich imaginings. Each work was accompanied by long pasted-on captions, so as to create fascinating works in which text and image were inseparable. After the war, however, interest in his work declined and Angiolino grew increasingly disenchanted as he lamented the lack of recognition accorded his art, of which he was proud.
The work of Angiolino Filiputti was rediscovered thanks to the efforts of Pierluigi Visintin (San Giorgio di Nogaro 1946 – Udine 2008), a figurehead of the Friulan cultural movement, author, journalist, screenwriter and translator of Greek and Latin classical works into the Friulan language. 183 temperas were eventually displayed in 2005 under the title "La guerra di Angiolino" (“Angiolino’s war”.) The exhibition toured many cities and towns, jointly curated by the late Pierluigi Visintin, the art critic Giancarlo Pauletto and Flavio Fabbroni, member of the Istituto Friulano per la Storia del Movimento di Liberazione (Institute for the history of the resistance movement in the Friuli region).
The IBCC Digital Archive would like to express its gratitude to Anna and Stefano Filiputti, the sons of Angiolino Filipputi, for granting permission to reproduce his works. The BCC Digital Archive is also grateful to Alessandra Bertolissi, wife of Pierluigi Visintin, Alessandra Kerservan, head of the publishing house Kappa Vu and Pietro Del Frate, mayor of San Giorgio di Nogaro.
Originals are on display at
Biblioteca comunale di San Giorgio di Nogaro
Piazza Plebiscito, 2
33058 San Giorgio di Nogaro (UD)
ITALY
++39 0431 620281
info.biblioteca@comune.sangiorgiodinogaro.ud.it
The collection was catalogued by IBCC Digital Archive staff.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Filiputti, A-S
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
New Zealand aircrew captured by elements of the Todt Organisation
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
PFilliputtiA16010054
Description
An account of the resource
An airman with a parachute trailing on the ground behind him is surrounded by a boy and two military personnel. A farmer is standing nearby. The men in uniform are pointing guns at the airman whilst the local boy is moving towards him. Two aircraft are flying in the distance. A black car is parked on the left-hand side and a village is close by.
Label reads “114”; signed by the author; caption reads “9 Giugno 1944. Elementi tedeschi dell‘Organizzazione Tod ai lavori sulle piste aeree di Lavariano-Sammardenchia-Risano, catturano un componente dell‘ equipaggio neozelandese lanciatosi con il paracadute.”
Caption translates as: “9 June 1944. German members of the Organisation Todt working on the Lavariano, Sammardenchia, and Risano airstrips captured a New Zealand aircrew who had bailed out.”
Language
A language of the resource
ita
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Angiolino Filiputti
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Francesca Campani
Alessandro Pesaro
Helen Durham
Giulia Banti
Maureen Clarke
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War (1939-1945)
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
One tempera on paper, pasted on mount board
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Italy
Italy--Lavariano
Temporal Coverage
Temporal characteristics of the resource.
1944-06-09
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Royal New Zealand Air Force
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Artwork
arts and crafts
bale out
forced labour
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https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/113/1172/PMuratoriG160314.1.JPG
d025a0e5e087dd2fd35d9177353e109f
https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/113/1172/AMuratoriLG161125.1.mp3
7c8e7a4862d309778edec6e027bc9b61
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Muratori, Gino
Gino Muratori
G Muratori
Description
An account of the resource
This collection consists of one oral history interview with Gino Muratori who recollects his wartime experiences in Rimini.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2016-03-14
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Muratori, G
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Transcribed audio recording
A resource consisting primarily of recorded human voice.
Transcription
Text transcribed from audio recording or document
Daniele Celli: Oggi 14 marzo 2016, parliamo con Muratori Gino, classe 1929. Prima domanda che ti faccio.
Gino Muratori: Nato a Bellariva.
DC: Nato a Bellariva. Prima domanda che ti faccio è questa. Com’era composto il tuo nucleo famigliare quando c’è stato il primo bombardamento di Rimini. Quanti eravate in casa?
GM: Noi in casa eravamo mia nonna, mio nonno.
DC: Nonna materna?
GM: Materna.
DC: Materna.
GM: Nonna.
DC: E si chiama, te lo ricordi il nome, cognome e la classe, se ti viene in mente?
GM: Ostia, mio nonno dunque, è morto nel ’51 a 94 anni.
DC: E aveva 94 anni. Lui si chiamava?
GM: [clears throat] Gaspare.
DC: E di cognome?
GM: Angelini.
DC: Angelini.
GM: Angelini.
DC: Eh, sposato, eh, la sua moglie?
GM: La nonna si chiamava della Rosa che era parente qui dei della Rosa di Bellaviva.
DC: Di Bellaviva.
GM: E si chiamava Angela.
DC: E lei più o meno a che ora [unclear]?
GM: Dunque lei è morta a San Marino nel ’44.
DC: Ah lei è morta per il passaggio del fronte, tua nonna?
GM: Sì, è morta per il passaggio del fronte però di malattia perché lei.
DC: Tifo?
GM: No, lei, è venuto che, lei non ha voluto venir via da Rimini perché mia nonna, il primo bombardamento che ci han fatto, che han fatto a Rimini è morta una figlia sotto i bombardamenti.
DC: Ostia!
GM: Capito, una [clears throat] una figlia e una nipotina, hai capito.
DC: Lei stava di già ancora a San Martino quando c’è stato la guerra?
GM: No, no, no, mia nonna stava qui.
DC: Ah giusto, era nel nucleo con te.
GM: Erano già venuti giù loro da San Martino.
DC: Erano già venuti giù.
GM: Mia nonna dopo è stata tanti anni qui a Bellariva. Mia nonna aveva sette figlie, sette figlie femmine. Una stava a Riccione, una a Viserba e una
DC: No, quello, io voglio sapere quello del tuo nucleo famigliare.
GM: Il mio nucleo, c’era mio babbo che è stato anche in Germania, lui.
DC: Classe, il tuo babbo? Nome e classe.
GM: Mio babbo era del ’93.
DC: Del ’93.
GM: ’93.
DC: E si chiamava il tuo babbo?
GM: Ubaldo.
DC: Ubaldo. Sposato con?
GM: Con mia mamma Eucillia.
DC: Di soprannome, di cognome?
GM: Di cognome Angelini.
DC: Ah, Angelini, giusto. Angelini.
GM: Era una Angelini lei.
DC: E i figli? C’eri te e quanti?
GM: Io, Franco e Luciano.
DC: Franco di che classe era?
GM: Franco è del ’40, ’41 credo.
DC: E Luciano?
GM: Luciano è del ’26. E’ il più grande Luciano.
DC: Luciano è il più grande di tutti.
GM: E’ il più grande di tutti.
DC: Dimmi esattamente dove abitavate.
GM: Noi abitavamo in Via Pesaro
DC: Quindi?
GM: Numero 1, dove c’è la piscina dell’Oceanic.
DC: Sì.
GM: Lì c’era la casa dove eravamo noi.
DC: Via Pesaro 1. E quando c’è stato il primo bombardamento dicevi che la tua nonna
GM: Quando c’è stato il primo bombardamento mia nonna abitava Bellariva e io ero per un pelo che ci sono scappato, ero andato a rinnovare l’abbonamento, che io avevo un, lavoravo allora a Rimini facevo il meccanico dentista, no?
DC: Ostia!
GM: Pensa te [unclear]
DC: Con chi? Ti ricordi?
GM: Ah, con.
DC: Il dottor?
GM: Con Lazzarotto.
DC: Lazzarotto. E dove aveva il suo ambulatorio?
GM: Aveva l’ambulatorio giù per il corso. Avevo poi Marcello Drudi, lo conosci Marcello Drudi?
DC: Marcello...
GM: Drudi.
DC: Che fa il dentista
GM: Faceva il meccanico dentista.
DC: Sì.
GM: Dopo lui è andato a lavorare con il fratello del Lazzarotto che ha imparato il mestiere lì. E me son de fè fabbri da questo.
DC: [laughs] Le vabbe’ se continui ti lì
GM: [unclear]
DC: Oddio però anche un fabbro insomma.
GM: Sì. Dopo.
DC: Se entrava nel giro buono [unclear] stava bene. Era tutto un altro lavoro.
GM: E’ stato [unclear] Io dopo ho lavorato tanti anni da Fochi però dopo avevo tentato la scalata ma.
DC: [laughs]
GM: L’era sempre che la zente non aveva mai il soldo, paghè, l’era un casen te capì?
DC: Te mi, M’hai detto prima che durante il primo bombardamento, tua nonna ha perso due familiari?
GM: No, mia nonna sì, ha perso una figlia che era sposata, che aveva un albergo in via Cormons.
DC: Come si chiamava tua zia?
GM: [clears throat] Mia zia si chiamava Aldina.
DC: Angelini Aldina.
GM: Aldina.
DC: Angelini Aldina.
GM: E la bambina si chiamava Anna. Siccome aveva sposato lei un Corbelli, sposata con un Corbelli.
DC: Quanti anni poteva avere quella bambina?
GM: Avrà avuto, [unclear] Dio Bono!
DC: Più o meno.
GM: Avrà avuto cinque anni. Avrà avuto cinque anni.
DC: Quindi loro abitavano in Via Cormons.
GM: Loro avevano la pensione Primavera in Via Cormons. Che è andata giù in pieno con una bomba, hai capito? Erano
DC: Primo bombardamento su quella zona.
GM: Perché lì è stato un trucco. Diciamo che han dato l’allarme e io con l’allarme ero proprio vicino alla Villa Rosa.
DC: Proprio sul, la via del filobus.
GM: La via del filobus.
DC: All’angolo quasi con Piazzale Kennedy.
GM: Dove è venuto giù il ponte dell’Ausa che han colpito. [clears throat] Io ero andato a rinnovare l’abbonamento perché era il giorno dei santi in [unclear]
DC: Il primo Novembre.
GM: La vedi qua che vedo oggi [unclear]
DC: [unclear]
GM: Quando ho rinnovato sto abbonamento e difatti vado là, era chiuso. Allora il filobus non c’era, mi sono incamminato a piedi e lì nel Viale Montegazza c’era una mia cugina che abitava e c’era suo figlio che era un ragazzino più piccolo di me che è andato, era lì vicino il Bar Ceschi, che adesso è i Duchi, peta che è il ristorente Chi Burdlaz.
DC: Sì.
GM: E’ lì che c’è. Lì tiravano, lui aveva una fionda che tirava i [unclear]
DC: [laughs]
GM:E allora abbiamo chiacchierato un po’ così e poi io mi sono incamminato e ho detto: ‘Andrei per trovare mia zia’, hai capito,
DC: Sono qui vicino.
GM: In Via Cormons, no, e appunto là c’è l’allarme adesso quando c’è il cessato allarme appena e difatti c’era un bus fermo vicino la Villa Rosa. Da il cessato allarme e m’incammino per il bus, il bus parte e arrivo a Bellariva.
DC: Fai in tempo di arrivare a Bellariva.
GM: Faccio in tempo a Bellariva che han dato, c’era l’allarme ancora e difatti.
DC: E quindi ha suonato due volte la mattina.
GM: Due volte. Han dato il cessato allarme e nel tragitto da Villa Rosa a Bellariva
DC: Altro allarme
GM: C’è stato un cessato allarme però il, quello che guidava con la sciampugnetta, hai capito,
DC: Certo.
GM: l’altro dritto, e io son venuto a casa. Quando son venuto a Bellariva avevano già sganciato le bombe lì a [unclear]
DC: Lì il rumore del bombardamento non l’hai avvertito.
GM: Io non l’ho sentito, s’è sentito, quando sono sceso si è visto solo sto fumo nero che veniva
DC: Dalla città. Dalla zona marina centro.
GM: Dalla zona marina centro. Ho detto, puttana madonna, l’è bumbardè, ah, ie bumbardè, bumbardè, [unclear] dicevano, no. E così è stato, allora.
DC: Sei tornato a vedere dopo lì?
GM: No, no, no, e dopo è tornato il mio babbo, è tornato a vedere, perché mia nonna fa: ‘Ma Dio bono, [unclear] bombardè la dàs marina centro’.
DC: Andè veder che bordello.
GM: E difatti la pensione è andata giù completo, lei con l’allarme era già, è uscita e poi è [unclear], ha fatto in tempo ad entrare in casa.
DC: Tracchete.
GM: Andè zò da cegerme adoss.
DC: E’ morta altra gente lì? E la pensione, c’era della gente dentro o erano tutti [unclear]?
GM: No, nella pensione c’era, è rimasta sotto solo lei e gli altri figli si sono salvati che c’era, è rimasta una scalinata in quella pensione che andava nella sala e c’erano come dei gradini, si vede che era di cemento e c’era come un tunnel, come un sottoscala.
DC: Si sono infilati lì sotto?
GM: E s’infila lì sotto
DC: [swears]
GM: Tre delle figlie e lì [unclear] hai capito e quello è stato un disastro perché hanno fatto nel primo acchito lì, hanno preso proprio la scia della Villa Rosa che hanno buttato giù il Ponte dell’Ausa e poi hanno colpito lì nella Via Fiume, nella Via Trieste.
DC: Sono arrivati fino laggiù al gasometro.
GM: Sì, il gasometro.
DC: Anzi, con le bombe Via Gambalunga.
GM: Sì, l’hanno compito il gasometro in pieno [unclear], quella volta, sì.
DC: Ho parlato con una signora che stava di casa vicino al gasometro. Ha detto: ‘Noi eravamo andati alla messa dai Paolotti in città. Mentre torniamo’, dice, ‘siamo arrivati davanti al duomo, suona l’allarme, siamo corsi nel palazzo [unclear] che c’era un rifugio antiaereo’.
GM: Sì.
DC: E si sono messi lì sotto. Dice: ‘Abbiamo sentito le vibrazioni del bombardamento’, perchè loro lì erano vicini. Ha detto: ‘Il mio babbo a me e a mio nonno ci ha lasciati da un collega di lavoro’, che era in ferrovia lui.
GM: Sì, sì.
DC: E lui è andato a vedere giù. Dice: ‘Io da quel giorno lì non sono più tornata a casa. Siamo andati da un’altra parte’.
GM: Ah sì sì.
DC: ‘Mia mamma era rimasta a casa a prepararci da mangiare, è rimasta sotto le macerie.’
GM: E dopo il secondo bombardamento.
DC: Il 26 di novembre.
GM: Di novembre, allora poi è successo che, c’era la miseria qui no, allora si cercava di prendere qualche soldo. Da Milano, quando c’è stato il primo bombardamento là nel [unclear].
DC: Sono venuti un sacco di sfollati.
GM: Sono venuti un sacco di sfollati a Rimini. E allora...
DC: C’era gente anche qui a Bellariva che era venuta sfollata o erano in città, a Marina centro?
GM: Marina centro fino lì Via Pascoli c’erano tutti
DC: Erano tutti concentrati là.
GM: C’erano tutti quegli alberghi, quei due, perchè si contavano con le dita gli alberghi
DC: Sì non
GM: C’era l’Internazionale che era lì vicino, prima di Piazza Tripoli, era prima di Piazza Tripoli che avevano messo su lì una grande, dei grandi uffici di Milano e allora c’erano molti impiegati che lavoravano là. Avevano preso tutto loro l’albergo.
DC: Si era trasferita la ditta praticamente.
GM: Sì. Allora noi cosa abbiamo fatto? Io, Feruzzi e Zamagni andavamo alla fermata del filobus di Marina centro che scendeva la gente perché sull’Ausa non poteva passare la linea. Era interrotta.
DC: Era interrotta, perché c’era il ponte rotto.
GM: E noi con un velocino, andavamo a prendere le valigie.
DC: Facevate il trasbordo.
GM: Facevamo il trasbordo fino a Piazza Tripoli.
DC: E lì facevate [unclear]
GM: E da lì partiva l’altro bus che andava fino a Riccione e allora prendevamo
DC: [unclear]
GM: Dieci centesimi, venti centesimi, capito? [laughs] Un pomeriggio andavamo giù perché uno [unclear] era un [unclear] con delle ruote alte lì. Facevamo da cavallo e due salivano, hai capito? Un po’ per uno. Quando siamo a Piazza Tripoli vediamo le strisce in alto. Dio bono, gli apparecchi! Prendi ‘sta via.
DC: Non aveva suonato l’allarme quella volta?
GM: Non l’abbiamo sentito noi quel giorno lì, non l’abbiam sentito, abbiamo visto sti apparecchi, facevano tutto quel fumo dietro. ‘Gli apparecchi, dio bono, via, via, via!’ Giù in marina.
DC: Venivano dal mare? Te lo ricordi?
GM: No, venivano da monte.
DC: Da monte.
GM: Da monte.
DC: Quindi il secondo eh?
GM: Quel giorno lì, Il secondo bombardamento che noi andavamo verso
DC: Verso Riccione in quel momento
GM: Verso marina centro.
DC: Verso marina centro.
GM: Gli apparecchi, [unclear] zù in marene, la stanga pron e via, lascia [unclear] giù sotto la mura del lungomare.
DC: Del lungomare.
GM: Difatti, dio bono, venivan zù lì, [makes a booming noise] e cadono un sacco di bombe in acqua anche, no?
DC: Addirittura sono arrivati in mare quel giorno?
GM: Le bombe sono cadute anche in mare, allora noi tagliamo sulla spiaggia [unclear] andon zò verso Bellariva per mareina, però lì al direzione dei Angeli Frua, [unclear] l’Hotel Belvedere che è vecchio che è rimasto lì.
[dog barking]
DC: Tutto decrepito, quello che è ancora tutto messo male?
GM: Adesso come una volta.
DC: Sì.
GM: Però funziona ancora, funzionante, hai capito?
[Dog barking. Female voice: sta zitta.]
GM: Lì c’erano, sulla spiaggia c’erano i tedeschi con la contraerea, hai capito?
DC: Contraerea secondo te erano quelli...
GM: Che sparavano agli aerei.
DC: Ma canna o singola o quelle mitragliatrici...
GM: No c’erano le mitragliatrici a quattro canne, quattro canne.
Ui: Quelle da quattro canne, ho capito.
GM: E c’erano i reticolati fino ad un certo punto prima di arrivare nel mare, no, prima di arrivare sulla spiaggia. E allora c’erano i tedeschi [mimics angry screaming] te capì?
DC: Vi facevano andare via?
GM: Ci facevano segno, no? E noi quando hanno fatto segno ha detto: ‘Ma dai, tagliamo verso la ferrovia, andiamo giù per la ferrovia’.
DC: Guai.
GM: Guai.
DC: La ferrovia era
GM: Siamo andati giù in direzione [dog barking] della pensione, aspetta, lì c’è l’Audi, sai dov’è l’Hotel Audi. Vicino
DC: No adesso comunque, comunque dopo si ripiglia.
GM: L’Hotel Plata hai capito che adesso l’hanno chiuso perché era tutto scasinato lì.
DC: Quindi voi da lì avete preso...
GM: Abbiamo preso verso la ferrovia e la direzione, poco in là ci sono le officine.
[dog barking]
DC: Porca miseria, [laughs]
GM: E’ apparsa una formazione [speaks dialect], erano anche bassi, no, lì, bombardamenti [unclear] hanno fatto. Si me e Giorgio e [unclear]
DC: Giorgio chi, quello del distributore?
GM: Giorgio, no, era Giorgio Feruzzi, che adesso è morto lui.
Ui: Non ce l’ho presente.
GM: Quattro, cinque anni fa, dieci anni fa.
DC: Quindi siete andati in
GM: Era un mio collega, era un mio amico
DC: Coetaneo.
GM: Coetaneo, di, della stessa classe eravamo.
DC: Siete andati vicinissimi al ponte.
GM: Siamo andati lì, proprio lì [speaks dialect] finì, Dio bono. Allora dopo è passato sto bombardamento e siamo andati giù direttamente giù per la ferrovia e siamo arrivati a Bellariva, hai capito.
DC: L’antiaerea gli ha sparato a quegli aereoplani, secondo te ?
GM: Sì sì sparavano.
DC: Sparavano.
GM: Sì, sparavano, sì sì. E allora
DC: Erano aerei con quattro motori che c’avete guardato o no, erano alti?
GM: Non erano tanto, si vedevano, non erano quattro motori.
DC: Perché la prima volta mi hai detto che facevano le strisce.
GM: Sì, facevano le strisce.
DC: Perché dopo poi c’è stato un bombardamento anche il giorno dopo, il giorno successivo, grosso anche quello.
GM: Sì.
DC: In Novembre ce ne sono stati tre.
GM: Tre. C’è quell ch’è ste gross.
DC: Il terzo è stato grosso grosso.
GM: Ecco dopo lì, da quel bombardamento lì, sono andato a lavorare alla Todt, alla famosa Todt.
DC: Dov’era la sede della, dov’è che ti sei iscritto?
GM: La sede della Todt, niente come quando, di toi uperaio la Todt allora.
DC: Sì, ma dove sei andato te materialmente a[unclear]?
GM: Alla Maddalena, allora c’era la colonia Maddalena.
Ui: Colonia Maddalena, ah, a Marebello.
GM: Marebello, lì dalle colonie.
DC: Lì era la sede della Todt.
GM: Lì c’era, lì c’era, erano tutti i campi da grano quelli, no. C’era la colonia poi erano tutti i campi da grano, una casina in fondo. Si contavano con le dita le case lì. E c’erano tutti i camion [unclear] perché Maddalena era il centro dove facevano i cassettoni per le, per armare, il cemento armato, hai capito.
DC: I getti di calcestruzzo.
GM: Lì c’erano tutti i falegnami e la manodopera come noi, la mattina ci prendevano, prendevano
DC: Quindi quello era il punto di ritrovo e da lì vi portavano dove.
GM: Quello il punto di ritrovo. Tutte le mattine noi andavamo giù, lì facevano l’appello, hai capito, ti chiamavano, e poi salivi, si saliva sui camion che c’erano tutti autisti della
DC: Camion tedeschi o?
GM: Camion tedeschi.
DC: Tedeschi.
GM: Erano camion tedeschi che erano, gli autisti erano prigionieri
DC: Ucraini.
GM: Ucraini, erano tutti ucraini.
Ui: Polacchi, robe così.
GM: [unclear] Non erano armati nè niente. Avevano una divisa nera così e facevano, e ci portavano là.
DC: Eravate in molti a lavorare lì alla Maddalena?
GM: Eravamo in parecchi. La mattina andavamo giù perché dopo da là c’erano tre, quattro fortini che erano tirati giù dopo la guerra.
DC: Dove?
GM: Per togliere il ferro.
Ui: Dove ’là’?
Gm: Dopo il ponte, sai dov’è il Carlini che fann le barche?
Ui: Sì.
GM: Ecco, là.
DC: Là c’erano quei quattro fortini con i cannoni dentro?
GM: Eh, quelli lì.
DC: Quelli che guardavano il mare?
GM: Noi facevamo quelli.
DC: Quelli, lavoravi in quelli? Ma lo sai che c’ha lavorato anche il mio suocero?
GM: Ah sì?
DC: Lui era di Viserba Monte.
GM: [unclear] lì lavoravano parecchi.
DC: Senti cosa mi ha raccontato lui, non so se questo lo puoi, c’era gente che lavorava che veniva anche da fuori. Lui m’ha detto:’Io lavoravo con uno di Bergamo, che aveva un bambino con lui’. Il figlio, perché si vede che non sapeva dove lasciarlo.
GM: Però dopo, la sede, si vede che c’erano dopo altri punti di riferimento per questa organizzazione.
DC: D’incontro. Lui mi sa che faceva dalla corderia.
GM: Ah dalla corderia, ho capito.
DC: Che era un altro coso grosso che usavano i tedeschi.
GM: Noi partivamo da là, dalla Maddalena e quando c’era l’allarme ci portavano a Viserba Monte. Ci caricavano, davano l’allarme, si andava in campagna perché non potevano.
DC: Quanti mesi hai lavorato con loro secondo te?
GM: Due mesi.
DC: Quindi sei arrivato?
Gm: Sì, a Dicembre, così mi sembra.
DC: Perché se hai detto dopo il bombardamento di fine novembre.
GM: Dicembre, gennaio.
DC: C’hai lavorato dicembre e gennaio probabilmente.
GM: Due mesi ho lavorato.
DC: Se, te hai lavorato sempre a quei fortini là a Rivabella.
GM: Sì, noi facevamo la calce praticamente ecco perché dopo tutto il legno venivano giù coi camion tutte ste cose già pronte, queste.
DC: Perché quelli erano grossi, quei fortini lì a Rivabella.
GM: [unclear] Erano grossi, sì, sì, erano grossi.
DC: Ho visto delle fotografie.
GM: Ce n’era uno anche qui.
DC: Hanno messo prima i cannoni dentro e poi gli hanno fatto il calcestruzzo, te ti ricordi?
GM: Quando hanno messo i cannoni io non.
DC: Te non c’eri.
GM: Io non c’ero più.
DC: Quindi prima [unclear]. Li hanno messi dentro dopo.
GM: Sì, dopo, dopo, li hanno messi dentro.
DC: Qui vicino
GM: Qui ce n’era uno più grosso, eh.
DC: Dove? Spiegami un po’, che mi interessa molto.
GM: Qui.
DC: Toh.
GM: Era ne, qui, sai dov’è il gas?
Ui: Sì.
Gm: Qui, c’è quella stradina che viene che c’è il divieto, lì, la prima strada.
Ui: Guarda, così guarda. Questa, allora questa è la ferrovia. Via Chiabrera.
GM: Chiabrera.
DC: Qui ci sono gli uffici del gas.
Gm: Del gas. Qui c’è
DC: E qui adesso c’è la rotonda.
GM: Sì.
DC: Dimmi un po’ dov’era?
GM: Qui c’ è la prima, la prima strada.
Ui: Sì.
Gm: Qui. Poi dopo, c’è la prima col semaforo, la seconda col semaforo.
DC: Sì.
Gm: La prima strada qui e il bunker era qui.
Ui: Ed era grosso quanto, secondo te?
Gm: Ah, era grosso.
DC: Una stazza così?
GM: Eh, anche più grande.
DC: Quindi questo era un bunker.
GM: L’hann buttato giù lì proprio quando sono venuto giù io.
DC: Questo è il gas.
GM: Qui
DC: Bunker.
GM: Quando sono venuto giù io dalla parte verso Riccione, l’hanno forato con due cannonate. C’erano proprio i
DC: I buchi.
GM: I buchi delle cannonate.
DC: Ma questo qui secondo te, doveva tenere un cannone o era più?
GM: Ma quello lì penso io che tenessero mitraglitrici credo.
Ui: Qui lungo la ferrovia, allora, [unclear] quello della frutta cinquanta metri più in qua attaccata alla ferrovia, un metro
GM: [unclear]
DC: Sì, c’è un fortino piccolo.
GM: Eh.
DC: Sono andato a fargli la fotografia.
GM: Sottoterra vai anche lì eh.
DC: Questo qui.
GM: Quello è profondo.
DC: Ha, il, la botola sopra.
GM: Sì, la botola sopra che c’era una mitraglia penso io.
DC: Secondo, o era una riservetta, dico, sì, secondo me lì sopra ci doveva stare la mitraglia.
GM: Lì c’era questa piatta, questa cosa tonda che si vede che c’era una mitragliera
DC: Da fronteggiare.
GM: A quarantacinque gradi, vai a capire, a novanta gradi, e in più c’era una casamatta dentro. Casematte erano tutte quelle tonde di ferro che erano
DC: A cupoletta così.
GM: Erano tonde, tonde, proprio tonde. E avevano una porta di otto, nove centimetri. Che noi, quando io lavoravo da [unclear] dopo la guerra.
DC: Andavate a recuperare la roba.
GM: Abbiamo tagliato ste porte per fare il tasso per raddrizzare il ferro, per battere il ferro
DC: Per lavorare
GM: Hai capito?
DC: [laughs] Quella era roba bona.
GM: Ce n’era una anche vicino il [unclear] dove c’era, dove finiva la mura del De Orchi.
DC: C’era un fortino lato mare?
GM: C’era una casamatta di ferro così.
DC: Allora questa è la De Orchi.
GM: Eh. Di dietro.
DC: De Orchi. Questo qui è il mare.
GM: Sì.
DC: Dov’è che era sto fortino?
GM: Questo è il mare, il fortino è, dunque questo è la De Orchi, qui, qui. Era qui.
DC: Questa era uno di quelli piccolini, cupoletta.
GM: Tutto ferro, tutto ferro.
DC: Ah, solo ferro.
GM: Solo ferro.
DC: Ah , ostia!, interessante. C’è una fotografia nei libri della guerra lì dei [unclear]? Bunker.
GM: Quello è tutto ferro, tondo. C’era
DC: Tutto ferro.
GM: Con porta di spessore da dieci centimetri.
Ui: E qui intorno ce ne erano degli altri che ti ricordi te?
GM: No, qui, qui, qui, e qui [unclear], no.
DC: Sai dove ce n’è uno ancora esistente?
Gm: Eh.
DC: In Via Zavagli. Te sei a monte e vai verso il mare.
GM: [unclear]
DC: Come passi il primo ponte della ferrovia, guardi sulla spallata così della ferrovia, c’è il fortino. A trenta metri dalla Via Zavagli. Ci sono andato dentro, ho preso le misure.
Gm: [unclear] perché io ho visto un altro coso come quello della [unclear]
DC: E’ fatto così a due livelli.
GM: Ho capito.
DC: Sopra il tetto ha, stranamente ha la porta verso il mare, che non è, sembra illogico. E’ così guarda. C’ha la porta qui così,
GM: [unclear] verso il mare.
DC: si alza un po’ e qui c’è la feritoia. E’ fatto così, tutto in calcestruzzo. E qui la porta e la feritoia guardano tutti due
Gm: E’ quello che te sei andato qui perché invece
DC: Invece quello è così, è un rettangolo praticamente smussato un po’ indietro così
GM: Sotto si va, si va giù coi gradini sotto da dentro nel recinto dalla casa.
DC: Ah, anche quello c’ha la porta qui.
GM: Quello c’ha la porta.
DC: E il buco qua sopra.
GM: C’ha la porta verso il mare.
DC: Verso il mare.
GM: Sì. Infatti
DC: Guarda, è a un metro dalla linea ferroviaria, dalla rotaia.
Gm: Quella casa lì l’ha presa uno, ma sotto c’ha fatto la cantina.
DC: Sì c’ha fatto la cantina, ma non è tanto grande questo eh.
GM: No.
DC: Questo sarà largo così, è più lungo, è un rettangolo ma non è molto largo. Non so se lo usavano come riserva per le munizioni.
GM: Può darsi, senz’altro. Senz’altro.
DC: Tuo babbo che lavoro faceva in quel periodo?
GM: Mio babbo lavorava all’aeroporto allora al tempo di guerra.
DC: Cosa faceva?
GM: Dava benzina agli aerei così, hai capito?
DC: Ostia! Ma va!
GM: Eh sì, perché, dopo lui è stato in Germania.
DC: Coso qui, Antimi
Gm: Antimi, il falegname?
Ui: No, Antimi, adess l’è mort pure et ma lui durante la guerra era sotto naja, era in marina. Antimi, aspetta eh, sta, stava di casa, hai presente la rotonda qui dell’ospedale?
GM: Eh.
DC: Vai verso Riccione. Una, prima di arrivare in Via Rimembranza, lui sta in una di quelle casette lì. In Via Fasola.
GM: Fasola?
DC: Sta, lui di casa durante la guerra.
GM: Ah, ho capito.
Ui: Era di quella famiglia che stavano lì di fronte alla Coca-Cola. Un pochettino più verso Rimini.
GM: Sì [unclear]
DC: E lui lavorava dentro l’aeroporto e, se ricordo bene m’aveva detto, che era assieme, cosa che c’era, c’è un meridionale qui a Bellariva che anche lui era, lavorava dentro l’aeroporto.
GM: In tempo di guerra?
Ui: Sì, non so se faceva il calzolaio.
GM: Ah, può darsi.
DC: Come cus ciema, è famoso qui a Bellariva, sicuramente te lo conosci ma adesso mi sfugge il nome, e lo stesso. E lui quindi metteva benzina negli aeroplani, faceva questi servizi così. Porcaccia loca!
GM: [unclear] dopo, sì, mio babbo nel prima ha lavorato anche con il comune di Rimini, però lavorava d’estate, sai il lavoro era quello lì in tempo prima della, in tempo di guerra o prima della guerra, [unclear] ogni tent, si muradure.
DC: Dove capitava.
Gm: Dop l’è andè in Germania, è stato due tre anni là.
DC: Faceva le stagioni o stava fisso?
GM: No, no, lui, lui lavorava in una fabbrica di, dove facevano i sommergibili.
DC: Ostrica! Ti ricordi in che città era?
GM: Era witt, eh Wittenberg.
DC: Tre anni filati è stato là?
GM: No, veniva a casa in licenza.
DC: Faceva le licenze. Porco boia!
GM: Lui e mio zio, tutti e due.
DC: Perché qua mancava il lavoro.
GM: Eh, qua mancava il lavoro, dopo ha fatto sta cosa. Il primo anno l’ha fatto a Villach, in Austria.
DC: E li che cosa, fabbrica di che cosa?
GM: Lì campagna.
DC: E mio suocero l’è andè in Polonia a piantar patè di un anno.
GM: Anche lì fè in campagne dopo l’è [speaks dialect] il secondo turno l’ha fatto là in Germania.
DC: Perché pagavano più di qui.
GM: Ostia, pagavano [unclear] poi.
DC: Però mi ha detto mio suocero l’era un freddo
GM:Ah, l’era dura no però
DC: E’ arrivato là in maggio c’era ancora la neve dov’era lui.
GM: [unclear] Noi, io avevo tre fratelli, erano tutti e tre in Germania erano. Uno è rimasto anche fino la, il passaggio dei russi diciamo. [speaks dialect]
DC: [laughs] Dio poi!
GM: Hai capito? E invece gli altri due e mio babbo e mio zio, ce l’hann fatta a venire a casa [unclear]
DC: Dio poi! [laughs]
GM: Con una licenza e poi nel [speaks dialect]
DC: [speaks dialect]
GM: Sta bombardè forti là.
DC: Porcamiseria. La Germania dove c’erano le fabbriche l’hann rasa praticamente al suolo.
GM: L’hann raso al suolo.
DC: Il terzo bombardamento di Rimini, anzi forse è stato il secondo. Dei caccia di scorta hanno sganciato i [unclear] nella zona del Ghetto Turco.
GM: Sì, i serbatoi.
DC: I serbatoi.
GM: I serbatoi, sì sì.
DC: Ti ricordi di averlo visto te sta cosa?
GM: Sì sì. Che venivano giù sta cosa, puttana [unclear].
DC: Una signora. La Gattei [?], [unclear] la mamma di Gattei [?]
GM: Sì.
DC: [unclear], La mamma di Gattei [?]
GM: Sì.
Ui: Il coso, il vecchio bagnino di Bellariva.
GM: Sì sì.
DC: Lei mi ha detto: ‘io stavo là vicino al Ghetto Turco [unclear] abbiamo visto venire giù sti robi strani [unclear] ah, Dio poi! Ma venivano giù piano, che di solito le bombe, quando prendevano velocità, non le vedevi più no. E questa si continuava a vedere [unclear] sai che sarà, corri di qua, corri d’là, arrivano per terra, non succede niente. Allora tutti avevano paura, disi, scoppierà per terr. Allora dice che c’era un carabiniere là c’la dett: ‘[speaks in dialect] che vado a veder io. Tanto ormai sono vecchio, anche se muoio io’. Quand’è arrivato là ha capito che erano serbatoi di benzina. Dopo [unclear] che qualcosa hanno rimediato ma c’era rimasto poca roba.
DC: Quindi anche te li hai visti scendere?
GM: Sì sì.
DC: Si capivano che erano caccia su in alto?
GM: [unclear] quando c’era la, la formazione degli aerei, quella era per il terzo bombardamento adesso [unclear] perché [unclear].
DC: Cert. [laughs]
GM: Mi ricordo che ero, ero lì dove c’è il semaforo adesso, no, la Via Rimembranza era tutta campagna. [speaks dialect] mi fa:’dio bono’, difatti venivano da Riccione e andavano verso Rimini. C’era la caserma Giulio Cesare, che c’erano ancora i soldati lì. H a dit, Puttana madonna guarda quanti aerei. E difatti si è visto proprio, io mi sono messo nel fosso, sembrava che queste bombe cadessero proprio sopra di noi.
DC: Dio poi!
GM: Puttana Madonna! [speaks dialect] Invece, hai capito, [unclear] vicino la mura della caserma, hai capito. Ah la Madonna! Era un bel disastro.
DC: Robe che non si dimenticano eh.
GM: Eh, non si dimenticano.
DC: [unclear]
GM: Ti faccio vedere un libro che ha scritto mio, un figlio di una mia cugina.
DC: Su questo argomento qui?
GM: Che racconta anche lui [unclear]
DC: Va la!
GM: Di questa. Tutti, ci sono tutti racconti, non so se tu l’hai visto quel libro lì.
DC: Come s’intitola?
GM: A m’arcord.
DC: Prova a far vedere, che mi interessa moltissimo. Che ci sia anche in biblioteca, l’avrà depositato.
GM: Non credo.
DC: Signora, voi di solito a che ora cenate, che non vorrei.
FS: Ma no no no, tardi.
DC: Tardi.
FS: Tardi, eh.
DC: [laughs]
FS: No no, non si preoccupi.
GM: Aspetta, ‘la città invisibile’.
DC: Ce l’ho.
GM: Ce l’hai?
DC: Ce l’ho. La scritto chi, tuo cugino? Tuo parente?
GM: No, c’è un racconto che è di un mio parente.
DC: Coso?
GM: Rodolfo si chiama.
DC: Francesconi?
GM: Francesconi.
DC: Te sei parente con Francesconi?
GM: Francesconi è il figlio di una mia cugina buona.
DC: Lo sai che io da un racconto [unclear] qui?
GM: [speaks dialect] Sarà zinquanta, sessanta anni.
Ui: Fa vedere la fotografia di Francesconi che di faccia non me lo ricordo.
GM: [unclear] vieni a pagina qua.
DC: Questo è bellissimo, sto libro qui. Il racconto di Rodolfo. Fa veder. Perché qui c’è un racconto anche di un altro di Bellariva.
GM: Germano Melucci.
DC: [unclear] sull’elenco non c’è.
GM: Stai qui, stai qui.
DC: Non l’ho trovato sul elenco telefonico.
GM: Te dè me il numero.
DC: Dio bonamma! Rodolfo, fa veder la foto.
GM: Questo è tutta, tutta storia, tutta la parentela anche il mia, la mi zia, che era su nona, hai capito? Dopo c’era mio cugino.
DC: Questo è ingegnere? No.
GM: No, lui no, lui è chimico credo.
DC: Ingegnere chimico. Sta a Riccione?
GM: Sì.
DC: Lo sai che io c’ho parlato con lui?
GM: Sì?
DC: E mi ha prestato il suo diario da fotocopiare?
GM: Ah sì?
DC: [laughs] Perché gli sono andato a chiedere se aveva voglia di raccontarmi. Lui mi fa, mi ha guardato, fa:’ma perché fa sta cosa?’ Dico: ‘Guardi, io sono un appassionato, io ho letto un libro che c’è’. E mi fa:’sa che sto diario l’ho dato alla biblioteca di Cattolica’ che dovevano fare qualcosa, tipo una pubblicazione così. Ma lo vuole leggere? Dico:’magari, se vuole, ma si fida?’ dico perché io lui non l’avevo mai visto, c’eravamo incontrati così per le mie ricerche.
GM: Sì sì sì.
DC: Me l’ha dato, mi ha prestato il diario, me lo sono, lui qui ha fatto la cronistoria di tutti gli aerei che ha visto cadere.
GM: Sì sì. [unclear] tutto.
DC: Ha fatto una roba fuori di testa. Ma ha visto un sacco di roba questo qui eh. Poi si erano spostati là nella colonia a Misano.
GM: Sì perché la colonia lì, perché mia zia.
DC: Ma pensa te, è tuo parente [laughs]
GM: Aveva sposato un Amati, no. I famosi Amati di Riccione.
DC: Di Riccione.
GM: Anche parente c’è qualche [unclear] eccetera e praticamente il marito di mia zia era uno che stava bene, era uno che, una persona, un grande pescatore.
DC: Stava a Mirano mi sembra lui, Francesconi?
GM: Mirano, lui è stato
DC: C’ha lavorato?
GM: Francesconi era il babbo di Rodolfo, hai capito, che era un gerarca fascista. E’ stato in Libia, cred che sia mort, na, na, dop la guerra l’è torni. [speaks dialect] direttor l’Alitalia un per. Hai capito?
DC: Com’era, uno di quelli che
GM: Dopo mia cugina si era disunita da lui come
DC: Quest na, è Germano?
GM: Questo è Germano.
DC: Dio bonamma, l’ho cercato che gli volevo parlare.
GM: [unclear] sta zitta. Questo è un altro libro di chiesa, però racconta anche un po’ questo di bombardamenti. Questo è “una spiaggia, una chiesa e una comunità”.
DC: E chi l’ha, ah, Manlio Masini. Bravo che lui scrive
GM: Questo è ’43. Dal ’12 al ’43.
DC: E parla del [unclear], anche qui della guerra?
GM: Questo parla un po’ della guerra anche.
DC: Sei amico te con lui, lo conosci?
GM: Masini? No, questo qui me l’ha dato un mio amico che era un professore; Marcello [unclear] perché el cognom [speaks dialect]. Era, siccome faceva, d’estate faceva il, il, parlava bene l’inglese e il francese, faceva, lavorava per, con l’areoporto per le agenzie, ora ho fatto anche il tassista, te capì? Per sto [unclear]
DC: Per un certo periodo.
GM: E allora hai capito, beh comunque, c’è la storia di qualche bombardamento perché c’è anche Marvelli, che ha lavorato anche lui nella Todt.
DC: Ah, lui era ingegnere.
GM: Lui era ingegnere.
DC: Era lì alla cosa, alla Maddalena, come sede, lui? [unclear] in giro?
GM: Ma io non, io non me lo ricordo. Io ho letto qui che lui ha lavorato nella Todt.
DC: Sì ma l’hanno detto che lui era.
GM: Hai capito, ho letto qui che c’è un racconto.
DC: Forse lui magari era in una delle altre sedi.
GM: Lui era ingegnere, hai capito, dopo parlava bene il tedesco lui perché la mamma era tedesca di lui.
DC: Ah, non lo sapevo questo.
GM: Hai capito.
DC: Fammi vedere il titolo che me lo scrivo. Allora, Manlio Masini, una spiaggia, una chiesa, una comunità. Fammi una cortesia.
GM: Dimmi.
DC: C’hai il numero di Germano, hai detto?
GM: Sì sì sì.
DC: Dammelo subito che così non mi dimentico che dopo, dopo di te, becco anche lui [laughs]. Che belle foto che ci sono.
GM: Qui ci sono anch’io in una processione.
DC: Ah sì? Te frequentavi la, il coso dei Salesiani?
GM: Io nel, nel ’38, quando ho passato la cresima, tutti [unclear] lì perché la chiesa era a Piazza Tripoli, noi qui non avevamo la parrocchia, hai capito?
DC: Non facevate con la Colonnella?
GM: No, la Colonnella era dalla parte di là. La Via Rimembranze era, una parte della ferrovia in là era Colonnella e fino, sulla destra era Colonnella e sulla sinistra era Piazza Tripoli. Comunque
DC: Ah, quindi te eri collegato là.
GM: Io ero collegato con la chiesa di [unclear], quindi Germano, Germano, Germano, Germano, 380424.
DC: E abita anche lui in questa via qui?
GM: Lui abita dirimpetto [unclear] c’è pure il tabaccaio che fa angolo qui.
DC: Sì.
GM: C’è un tabaccaio no. La stradina lì, la seconda casa, c’è un cancello con l’automatico.
DC: Con l’automatico. Ah, dio bo, lo chiamo eccome. Lo sai che l’ho cercato anche sotto Riccione, [unclear] siccome quelli lì sono quasi tutti di Riccione, dico, si vede che sta a Riccione [unclear]
GM: [unclear] Ha il distributore a Riccione.
DC: Ah.
GM: Allora uno c’ha regalato il libro, lui, me l’ha dato lui sto libro.
DC: E’ bellissimo.
GM: E allora dopo [unclear] ho letto tanti
DC: Questa storia qui.
GM: Eh.
DC: Il racconto di Dino, questo.
GM: Sì?
DC: Che era il fabbro di Spontricciolo.
GM: Spontricciolo.
DC: Lui, assieme ad altri due, ha tenuto nascosto un americano per tre mesi, un aviatore che si era buttato il 5 giugno del ’44 nella zona di Ospedaletto. Erano in dieci, sei li hanno catturati subito, quattro
GM: [speaks dialect]
DC: Era, ma adesso arriviamo anche lì,
GM: Quando zè rivà, in che periodo che è caduto l’aereo?
DC: Cinque giugno ’44.
GM: Difatti, quando il fronte è passato in
DC: In settembre.
GM: In settembre
DC: Qui hanno combattuto a [unclear] dai primi di settembre.
GM: Era una fortezza volante.
DC: Era una fortezza volante.
GM: L’è cascè [speaks dialect] perché una volta c’era una fortezza volante, noi da porta san marino
DC: Vedevate tutto.
GM: Prendevamo una galleria che aveva tutto lo sbocco e abbiamo visto tutta la battaglia dei carri armati, si vedeva tutto, hai capito? E poi, era uno che aveva un binocolo buonissimo [unclear]
DC: La galleria quale, quella del Borgo Maggiore?
GM: No, era l’altra.
DC: [unclear] al convento dei frati?
GM: No. Dunque partiva, dal Borgo Maggiore partiva, dunque, petta,
Ui: Ce n’era una che faceva tutto il giro del monte
GM: No, Il nostro giro, la nostra galleria, quando tu venivi giù dalla città,
DC: Sì.
GM: Da San Marino, per andare già nel borgo, prima di prendere la penultima curva che [unclear] il borgo
DC: Che fa tutto il giro
GM: Sotto quel, quel coso lì c’è l’entrata di questa galleria
DC: Che fa tutto il giro del monte
GM: Che va, va a finire
DC: Al convento di Valdragone. Mi sembra, no?
GM: No, no, no, no, quello va a finire a Santa Mustiola. E prende un’altra galleria ancora che va nel borgo dopo.
DC: Ho capito.
GM: Ce n’erano due, hai capito, uno attacca l’altra.
DC: Quindi voi eravate dalla parte che guarda verso il mare.
GM: Noi guardavamo, sì, noi guardavamo verso il mare perché eravamo, quando uscivamo dalla galleria c’era uno spiazzale lì. Vedevamo il mare, Serravalle, e vedevamo, e se andavi su poi dopo vedevi anche Riccione eh cioè, però dovevi andare sulla strada, hai capito.
DC: Sì.
GM: Perché c’era la strada lì. Era una galleria che era ottocento metri credo, faceva un ferro da cavallo faceva
DC: Sì, girava intorno al monte,
GM: Sì.
DC: Praticamente.
GM: E vedevamo tutto Verucchio, tutto il Montebello, tutte le cose lì, tutti i compartimenti.
DC: Era una zona praticamente.
GM: Dalla galleria vedevi proprio i ultimi tedeschi scappava via
DC: E parlami di quel [unclear], di quella fortezza volante.
GM: Di quella fortezza volante, allora, è successo che sta fortezza volante andavano verso
DC: Verso sud.
GM: Verso sud.
DC: Stava rientrando da un bombardamento.
GM: Stava rientrando da un bombardamento. E questa che è qui ha preso verso la campagna qua, verso Cerasolo, su, su, e andava verso l’Arno. E poi tutta una volta si sono buttati via sti [unclear]
DC: Paracaduti.
GM: L’apparech andava verso Cattolica così, hai capito, [speaks dialect] quel casca.
DC: C’erano due caccia che lo attaccavano sta fortezza volante o era da sola?
GM: No, era da sola la
Ui: Allora è quello lì. Hai visto quello lì.
GM: Era da sola.
DC: Perché un mese prima ce n’era stato un altro sempre [unclear]
GM: Per me quella lì è stata colpita dalla contraerea.
DC: E’ esatto.
GM: E’ stata.
DC: A Bologna.
GM: Eh, difatti.
DC: Era andata a bombardare a Bologna.
GM: [speaks dialect] questo [speaks dialect] si vede che c’era qualcosa che non andava.
DC: I colleghi di, gli altri aeroplani che erano più avanti,
GM: Sì.
DC: Perché lui era rimasto attardato,
GM: Sì.
DC: Che non gli andavano i motori.
GM: Difatti [unclear] questo era lì per [unclear].
DC: Hanno scritto che era esploso in volo l’aereo. Te ti, quando è andato sul mare, secondo te, è andato giù nell’acqua o l’è sciupè?
GM: Io non ho visto [unclear] perché io [unclear] orca madonna butta zò [unclear] dopo hann detto che poi un po’ li hanno presi.
DC: Sei li hanno presi. Tre sono finiti a Monte Grimano e sono stati nascosti da un signore, con cui ho parlato, che li ha tenuti in casa
GM: [unclear]
DC: E il quarto era quello che ha aiutato lui.
GM: Ha avuto un bel coraggio.
DC: Quelli si sono incamminati, sono riusciti ad arrivare all’interno. Dopo hanno trovato dei partigiani che li hanno portati a Monte Grimano, in sta famiglia che stavano in una casa isolata. E lì sono stati circa due mesi. Poi dopo è arrivato il fronte e sono riusciti a consegnarsi. Lui invece che era rimasto aiutato da uno lì che era nella zona, questo, Dolci
GM: Sì, sì, sì.
DC: Questo, il Dolci di soprannome, era sfollato a Mulazzano.
GM: Ho capito.
DC: Dice, sono andato giù, per vedere dove erano atterrati sti aviatori. Dice, l’er ved un camion fascisti e tedeschi, ia ciap su, erano nel grano, dice, hann tirato, c’hanno mitragliato sopra in alto no questi col fazzoletto bianco così si sono arresi, dice, li ha ciap, ha detto, torno su a Mulazzano. Arrivo a Mulazzano e trovo un signore con la bicicletta che mi fa: ‘te’, siccome lui dava in giro i giornali proibiti, L’Unità così, faceva propaganda no, non era un partisen però si dava da fare e dai, lui era giovane.
GM: [speaks dialects]
DC: [speaks dialect] [laughs] Allora mi dice: ‘mi avvicina un signore con la bicicletta ha detto: ‘te che sei un partigiano, hai presente il Ristorante Vannucci a Mulazzano?
GM: Sì.
DC: Dietro il ristorante Vannucci, giù nella scarpata c’era questo aviatore, che qui c’è anche la fotografia, che si era slogato una caviglia e non riusciva a camminare. Diceva: ‘anda zì e aiutè perché quello non ries a moversi’ e da lì è nata la storia. E lui e gli altri, e un altro me l’ha raccontata tutta, ha fatto un libretto che ho depositato in biblioteca.
GM: Qui c’erano partigiani uno che faceva il tassista con me, lui è, per dire, che poi va detto, si chiamava Amati, Amati Gino, se tu guardi anche sul computer c’è Amati Gino
DC: A Rimini?
GM: Rimini sì. Era assieme con i tre che hanno impiccato lui eh. Quelli che sono scappati, è scappato via [unclear]
DC: Che è riuscito a
Gm: Scappar via a bruciapelo. La storia di lui.
DC: Lui è ancora vivo?
GM: No, è morto
DC: Vacca boia!
GM: E’ morto due, tre anni fa. E [unclear] dimmi Gino, insomma quante semo partigiani? [speaks dialect] durant la guerr eran tut partigien. [speaks dialect] In partigien sem sette o otto.
DC: [laughs]
GM: Quei poveracci che hanno ammazzato che poi delle grandi azioni non le hanno fatte.
DC: Grandi azioni qui a Rimini non le hanno fatte. Tagliavano i fili del telefono, mettevano i chiodi
GM: Bolini con la mazzetta, [unclear] fucilè fradè per sbai.
DC: Chi Bolini?
GM: Quelli di Bolini che
DC: Ciavatta.
GM: Ciavatta. Però
DC: [unclear]
GM: Era imparentato coi Bolini
Gm: Ciavatta er, erano quattro o cinque fratelli, no, la sai la storia
DC: Te li conoscevi, sì, me l’hanno raccontata.
GM: Io ho preso la pensione da loro quando
DC: Quando hai cominciato
GM: Quando hanno incominciato a fare la pensione a Marebello.
DC: Ah, Marebello avevano loro?
GM: Avevano la Pensione Emma lì no, che c’è ancora. Era dei Ciavatti quella lì.
GM: Che dopo poi loro ne hanno fatto un’altra là a Rivazzurra. E quella lì l’han venduta e noi l’abbiamo preso da lui in affitto quando
DC: Ho capito.
GM: Dopo l’ha presa una certa Giunchi e allora lì mi ricordo che ancora c’era ancora la mamma che era ancora [unclear]
DC: Poi con la storia che il fratello non si era consegnato [unclear]
GM: [unclear]
DC: E non tocchiamo questo discorso che qui siamo sul personale, dopo.
GM: E allora voglio dire che c’entravano [unclear] i partigiani, a volte [unclear] ah ma sei partigiano, ma che partigiano [unclear]. La battaglia [unclear].
DC: Durante il terzo bombardamento di Rimini i caccia tedeschi, te non so se te ne sei accorto,
GM: Caccia tedeschi.
DC: Caccia tedeschi hanno attaccato la formazione e hanno abbattuto due bombardieri, due fortezze volanti che sono andate a cadere, una a Città di Castello e una a Campo, che è verso
GM: Quello, quando è stato quel bombardamento lì?
DC: Quello è stato il 27 Novembre del ’43. Poi dopo ci sono stati quelli grossi
GM: Infatti, però hanno buttato giù anche un caccia tedesco che c’era un, c’erano i caccia della
DC: Della Repubblica Sociale.
GM: Della Repubblica Sociale.
DC: Quel giorno secondo te, è caduto?
GM: [speaks dialect]
DC: E dove sarebbe caduto questo aereo lì?
GM: Sarebbe caduto là verso San Marino credo, sia caduto là a Fiorentino, penso io.
DC: Dietro San Marino, due aerei della Repubblica Sociale sono caduti, abbattuti per sbaglio dai tedeschi. Pensa te. Uno è caduto verso Montecopiolo e uno una decina di chilometri più in là. Questi italiani della Repubblica Sociale Italiana stavano inseguendo,
FS: Oh ciao!
DC: Ciao, salve, non salve, ciao [laughs], te, scusami, sai. C’hai il babbo che, è uno classe 1929 che può raccontare un sacco di robe e non m’hai mai detto niente?
SFS: Eh, certo, come no.
DC: Eh no, no. [laughs]
FS: Ne abbiam parlato, ne abbiam parlato.
DC: Come stai?
FS: Bene, te?
DC: Non c’è male.
FS: Come va il tuo libro?
DC: Eh io due, ho depositato due libri in biblioteca.
FS: Ah sì?
DC: Sì.
FS: Dai, ma due.
DC: Raccogliendo le robine così ma robine così da bastare eh
FS: Vabbè, ma sei un appassionato infatti la Patrizia è mia amica la Patrizia, quella bionda bionda della biblioteca
DC: Ah sì, la [unclear]
FS: La [unclear]
DC: [unclear]
FS: Mi dice sempre perché una volta così abbiamo parlato. Mi fa, ma dai ma [unclear] parlare di storia perché anche lei è laureata in, proprio in storia moderna, hai capito, la sua specializzazione. E allora faceva: ‘Ma dai non lo conosci, non, coso, Celli, no, ti ricordi, ‘come non lo conosco’, ha detto, è anche venuto a casa mia per, che facevi l’albero.
DC: Sì che facevo le ricerche
FS: Le ricerche. E infatti allora insomma.
DC: Allora mi faccio raccontare anche dal tuo babbo quello che ha passato lui. Dio bon, c’ha una memoria della Madonna, il tuo babbo.
GM: [unclear]
FS: Il mio babbo, ha su quelle cose lì il mio babbo, mio zio Luciano di là, dio bon, chi li ferma più. Infatti fai bene, stai facendo un [unclear]
DC: Io adesso raccolgo, dopo vedrò.
FS: Vedrai.
DC: Adesso intanto cerco di raccogliere.
FS: Ah bene bene bene. Poi dopo fa. Adesso qua che li verrai a vedere, eh, quei depositi là?
DC: [unclear]
FS: Devi chiedere alla Patrizia.
DC: Fammi vedere i libri di Celli. Ma ti dico, io non sono bravo a scrivere, quindi, è giusto per non perdere la memoria di quello che mi racconta.
FS: Eh, hai fatto bene. Le hai praticamente solo depositato come documento.
DC: Come documento.
FS: Come documento che se uno vuole reperire delle cose, no? Un ambientazione.
DC: Se uno vuole fare una ricerca sul passato bellico di Rimini, lì ci sono delle notizie.
FS: Come no, come no.
DC: E uno, che dicevo adesso al tuo babbo, è nato da una storia che ho letto su sto libro qui. Qui c’è uno che ha aiutato un americano
FS: E chi è, perché adesso non ho gli occhiali, città?
DC: ‘La città invisibile’.
FS: ‘invisibile’. L’ho sentita dire. E chi è l’autore?
DC: Fabio Galli, Glauco Galli.
GM: Glauco Galli.
FS: Glauco Galli.
DC: Deve essere uno che [unclear] dalla politica e adesso penso che abbia una carica a livello di provincia o di regione.
GM: Ah sì?
FS: Può essere.
DC: Deve essere un politico lui.
FS: Ma guarda. Bene allora quando mi capita, io vedo sempre, al sabato sono andata a trovare la Patrizia, adesso me li faccio vedere quei libri.
DC: Uno non te lo daranno sicuro perché è in unica copia ma il secondo che ho fatto su quella storia lì, è in duplice copia, quindi uno può uscire. Poi se lo vuoi, se mi dai l’indirizzo di posta elettronica, ti mando il pdf, te lo leggi così.
FS: Ah, beh dai, scrivilo. Daniela, no aspetta, danimurat
DC: Danimurat
FS: Danimurat, con una t, @alice.it. Ecco, a posto.
DC: Ti mando le ultime due che ho fatto.
FS: Grazie.
DC: Anzi, sono tre depositate in biblioteca. Uno che stava lì [unclear] Pino Burdon, adesso sta qui in Via Carlo Porta [unclear]. Lavorava da Ciavatta, quelli che facevano le reti dei letti.
GM: Burdon. Pino.
DC: Fabbri, la, sua moglie qui in Via Carlo Porta doveva avere un negozietto di mercerie mi sembra, c’hai presente?
GM: Burdon. Stavano in Via Pesaro una volta.
DC: Ma forse quello sarà un altro parente, qualcosa di collegato, mi aveva raccontato una storia durante ste ricerche che mi aveva incuriosito tantissimo ma non riuscivo a trovare riscontri. Lui aveva visto passare sul mare un aereo tedesco con sei motori, bassissimo, perché c’erano le nuvole che erano
GM: Allora avevano i sei motori?
DC: Avevano[unclear] aerei da trasporto di quella stazza lì.
GM: Sì ne avevano.
DC: E’ andato a sbattere contro il coso di Gabicce.
FS: Davvero, la cosa, il monte lì?
DC: Sì, ho sentito con dei ricercatori storici di areonautica, non lo sapeva nessuno di sta storia qua. E allora, cerca, cerca, cerca, ho trovato uno di Gabicce che lui personalmente non se lo ricordava, però c’era un suo vicino di casa che gli aveva raccontato sta storia. Ci siamo messi in contatto, siamo andati a fare un sopralluogo, mi ha fatto vedere dove era caduto, ho chiamato i miei amici di Bagnacavallo col metal detector, sono venuti, abbiamo trovato i pezzi, e c’era un testimone oculare che ci ha detto dov’era caduto quindi sapevamo che era lì e poi dopo guardando su internet, al cimitero tedesco della Futa, tra Bologna e Firenze, c’era, c’erano nove militari morti il 16 dicembre del ’42 e ho trovato il riscontro di quei nove lì, registrati nel cimitero di Pesaro perché un mio amico delle Marche, che ho contattato attraverso internet, chiedendogli se sapeva di sta storia, perché non riuscivo a trovare riscontri. Lui me l’aveva raccontato, questo qui di Bellariva e non c’era, non riuscivo a trovare né una data
FS: Certo, non riuscivi a trovare riferimenti.
DC: Riferimenti per approfondire la ricerca.
FS: Eh certo.
DC: Allora, un mio amico bravo, uno di quelli con il metal detector, che si sa spatacare bene con internet, ha trovato sti nove caduti cinquanta chilometri a sud di Rimini. Cinquanta chilometri serìa Fano però Gabicce, poi con quell’aereo lì ne è caduto uno solo qui intorno. E dopo ho sentito anche quelli del cimitero.
GM: [unclear]
DC: Andavano giù in Sicilia.
FS: Ma no, me l’aveva raccontato coso a me, [unclear] una volta
DC: Mulazzani?
FS: Mulazzani perché io una volta
DC: Di sto aereo con sei motori?
FS: No, che passavano questi aerei. Che lui si ricordava
DC: Andavano giù. Seguivano il mare, la costa.
FS: Ma aveva parlato anche di una rotta. Adesso a m’arcord perché avevo scritto per la Granzela no, il giornalino facevo perché intervistavo [unclear] anch’io dei personaggi ma giusto a livello di narrativa, non di storia. Però naturalmente quando che ne so, magari intervistavo Mulazzani o mio zio, erano tutte cose legate alla guerra perché per loro era un ricordo vivo.
DC: Era qualcosa che, ecco, esatto.
FS: Quindi mi raccontava di questo, di questi aerei
DC: E insomma, dopo ho sentito quelli del cimitero di Pesaro. Gli ho detto, guardate, io ho trovato sto riscontro di nove caduti perché questo, l’amico delle Marche mi ha detto:’Guarda, io non so di questo aereo caduto, però ho trovato nelle mie ricerche un servizio su Il Corriere dell’Adriatico che parlava di un funerale di tedeschi ma non diceva né dove erano morti e né di che aereo erano’. Però un numero così, guarda, alcuni tedeschi, il funerale. Allora con quell’articolo lì, sentendo col cimitero se trovavano riscontro con la data di quell’articolo, mi ha trovato gli stessi che erano su al cimitero del Parco della Futa. Lì c’era scritto che era un aereo con sei motori perché c’era la sigla dell’aereo e quindi si è chiuso il cerchio.
FS: Si è chiuso il cerchio.
DC: E dopo ho presentato anche quella lì [unclear].
FS: Che bella questo.
DC: Ti mando anche quella.
FS: Ma questo, guarda, stai facendo un lavorone.
GM: Sì, anche a San Marino è caduto uno.
DC: Sì, è andato a sbattere contro la montagna un giorno che c’era nebbia. C’è, nel cimitero di San Marino c’è
GM: C’è l’elica.
DC: La tomba con l’elica. Sono andato a fargli la fotografia.
GM: Ah sì?
DC: Quei miei amici col metal detector hanno fatto un libro su tutti gli aerei che hanno censito loro.
GM: Su quella collina, sotto la città
DC: Montecchio si chiama lì, mi sembra.
GM: Non so. Dove ero io, io ero a Le Piagge, [unclear] che è poco lontano dal centro, no, dal paese e c’è una collinetta, hai capito, che si va giù a Santa Mustiola lì e st’aereo [unclear] quella volta.
DC: Veniva dalla zona di Ravenna e stava rientrando anche [unclear].
GM: Ma io penso che era uno di quei bimotori,
DC: Bimotori, bravissimo.
GM: Pippo, Pippo il bombardiere, che faceva [unclear], butteva zò una bomba.
DC: Buttava una bomba di cla, una bomba di là,
GM: Sempre quel fazeva.
DC: E disturbava il sonno della gente.
GM: Buttava i bengala, che s’illuminava tutto, no e poi faceva un giretto e [makes a booming noise] [unclear].
DC: Ma sai che quegli aerei
GM: Al Ponte di Verucchio, quando noi eravamo nella galleria, [speaks dialect]
DC: [laughs]
GM: Hai capì, ecco, arriva Pippo buttava zò i bengala e poi [makes a booming noise] e no i ne ciapava mai quel ponte, l’ha fat saltar per aria i tedeschi
DC: I tedeschi quando si sono ritirati
GM: Quando si sono ritirati. Hai capito?
DC: M’ha detto uno che stava dalla parte di là, m’ha detto, [unclear], i pezzi della roba che sono saltati, ha detto [unclear], ha detto, anche loro, ha detto, abbiamo visto un sacco di attacchi su quel ponte e non l’hann mai ciap.
GM: Non la mai ciap. Tutta scena [unclear]
DC: [speaks dialect]
FS: Ma pensa te. Bravo. Allora bene.
DC: Ti mando se c’hai voglia di leggere qualcosa
FS: No, ma è interessante, no ma mi piace molto la tua passione, no, perché io ce l’ho con i libri quella passione lì, nel senso come ricerca degli scritti, delle, no, a chi appartengono. Adesso non le faccio più quelle ricerche lì, però prima mi piaceva. E dai, è bello, è bello quando scopri, no
DC: A me piace tantissimo.
FS: Che arrivi, come hai detto te, che [unclear]
DC: Che riesci a trovare i riscontri
FS: Arrivi al, che ne so, al manuscritto del, questo [unclear] l’ha scritto quello, per dire.
DC: Io al tuo babbo gli ho chiesto per telefono, sai di quei due fucilati perché.
GM: Ho dunque quelli lì, sì io ho sentito un paio di volte
DC: A colonia De Orchi hanno [unclear] ragazzi
GM: Però, ho chiesto a mio fratello anche perché [speaks dialect] che cla volte hanno amazzè tutti a De Orchi perché io mi ricordo, quando sono venuto giù dalla guerra diciamo che siamo venuti che son venuto giù prima io dei miei, di mia mamma e di mio babbo, no, mio babbo era venuto giù, di mia mamma. Era passato mio cugino che andava dal dottore a San Marino perché aveva un infezione in un occhio e lui stava [speaks dialect]
DC: Al pedrune
Gm: Al pedrune. E io sono andato con lui che pioveva come oggi così. Siam passati tutta la campagna dove c’erano ancora le mine, i mort ancora mess a gambe de fura,
DC: Dio poi!
GM: hai capito?
DC: Cos’hanno visto questi.
FS: [unclear]
GM: Proprio c’era ancora.
DC: Tutto così, era successo da poco
GM: Il mio babbo, [unclear] con un casco su un bastone,
DC: [unclear] Un bastone.
GM: Per gli inglesi metteva il casco inglese, se eran tedeschi metteva il casco tedesco.
DC: [speaks dialect]
GM: [speaks dialect]
DC: I tedeschi li lasciavano così più che altro, m’hann detto.
GM: Sì guarda. E voglio dire che sono venuto giù e dopo che dopo, il giorno dopo sono andato a prendere la bicicletta [speaks dialect] alla dugena da una mia zia che era sfollata lì. I cupertun [unclear]
DC: [unclear]
GM: Allora [speaks dialect] cercione
FS: Madonna.
GM: [speaks dialect]
DC: [unclear]
GM: Strada vecchia di San Marino che era tutta una colonna di carri armati. [unclear] Puttana Madonna [unclear]
DC: Loro ce l’avevano la roba, eh.
GM: Tanta roba che ha questi qui. Ti facevi il coso coi tedeschi che erano ridotti [unclear]
DC: All’osso. [unclear]
GM: Con le vacche
DC: Con le vacche [unclear]
GM: Che dopo [unclear] ero arrivato lì alla Grotta Rossa, me davano cioccolata, m a’rcord ne [speaks dialect] sta bicicletta cerciun [unclear]
FS: Cioccolata [unclear] ce la puoi fare.
DC: Ma chi che l’aveva mai vista, la cioccolata?
GM: Non l’avevo mai vista la cioccolata. Hai capito?
DC: [laughs] [unclear] E allora che cosa ti diceva tuo fratello di quei due?
GM: Mi diceva:’Na, [unclear]
DC: No, no [unclear]
GM: Perché Gino, ma perché lui era in ferrovia mio fratello, no, aveva, era giovane, [unclear] diciassett diciotto anni. Però lui prendeva tutti i treni, tutti i giorni il treno poi passava da mia nonna che era ancora qui e poi dopo ogni tanto veniva a vedere della casa e poi andava a prendere il trenino per venire su a San Marino, noi dopo eravamo a San Marino.
DC: Finché ha funzionato.
GM: E lui sapeva più informazioni. Lui ha detto che:’No, lì l’unica cosa è che hanno ammazzato, sono stati quei tre tedeschi che tenevano la resistenza da [unclear] che poi erano seppelliti lì vicino [unclear]
DC: Come mi dicevi, me l’ha detto Zangeri, che li hanno seppelliti lì dove c’era quel traliccio
GM: Sì bravo.
DC: Davanti a Papini la, coso lì.
GM: Sì, erano tre tedeschi lì.
DC: Guarda che è vero quello della fucilazione.
GM: Sì, quello della fucilazione può essere, però la ricerca non c’è di quelli lì.
DC: Adess sta a sentire cosa mi è capitato. Il primo che mi ha raccontato di questa cosa è stato Tonino Baschetta, quello che fa i cesti a [unclear].
GM: I cesti.
UI. Lo conosci?
GM: Sì sì.
DC: Sandrini lì. [unclear] poliziotto [unclear] suicidato.
GM: No, non lo conosco.
DC: Sandrino, due anni meno di noi aveva.
GM: [unclear]
DC: Tonino Baschetta sta qui in Via Davanzati, qui, è vicinissimo. Qui, e lui [unclear]. Quando noi eravamo bambini avevano la bottega attaccata al Bar Vici. L’alimentari.
FS: Ah. Eh. Eh.
DC: Suo figlio, lui quando era bambino dice, loro stavano lì vicino alla Corial, sopra la [unclear]. Dice, c’avevano i tedeschi in casa perché venivano su dal fronte, si schiaffavano nelle case del contadino e dice, cosa faccio io ero diventato amico con loro, molti erano giovani cosa facevano la mattina presto? Prendevano i loro carri, andavano già verso Marina centro, le case con i bombardamenti erano tutte disabitate, spaccavano la porta, entravano, portavano via di tutto. Dice, facevano dei carri di roba. Arrivavano lì a casa mia, facevano le casse di legno, schiaffavano roba dentro, portavano alla stazione e mandavano in Germania. Fa, ma sono stati lì da me due tre mesi, dice, la roba, la roba che hann port via, io andavo con loro, ha detto, perché ero giovane. Un giorno tornando con sti carri, arrivano lì vicino al tiro a volo, un tedesco in mezzo alla strada li ferma, sentono la scarica di fucile e poi li fanno passare. Quando arriviamo davanti, [unclear], li hanno fucilati tra la colonia e il gruppo di bagni che c’è verso il distributore di Giorgio.
GM: Sì sì sì.
DC: Lì contro il muro li hanno fucilati.
GM: [unclear] anche a me avevano detto così.
DC: E lui mi ha detto: ‘Il tedesco, quando siamo stati lì vicino, mi ha messo le mani sugli occhi ma io sono riuscito a vedere. C’erano due ragazzi stesi per terra. Dicevano che erano due toscani che li avevano presi a tagliare i fili del telefono dei tedeschi e li hanno fucilati. Invece, avevo mandato, sapendo, pensando che fossero partigiani, ho mandato mail all’ANPI di Ancona, all’ANPI di, tutto qui intorno,
FS: Sì sì sì.
DC: All’ANPI di Firenze, all’ANPI di Ravenna, non mi ha rispost nienche nissun. Solo un istituto di Ravenna mi ha dato risposta che loro non conoscevano sta storia. Un giorno, leggendo un libro di Forlì, di Mambelli che ha fatto la cronistoria di quello che succedeva soprattutto a Forlì, ma due libri più grossi di quello, con un sacco di dati interessantissimi. Trovo, tre marzo 1944, fucilati due ragazzi a Forlì e di uno c’era anche il nome. Erano di Faenza. Questi qui probabilmente erano, si erano dovuti arruolare nella Repubblica Sociale verso, quando te ti sei iscritto nella Todt. Molti per non dover farsi richiamare, andavano nella Todt perché lì eri esentato dal presentarti. Questi qui probabilmente hanno cercato di scappare via, li hanno presi e li hanno fucilati. Quindi su quel libro ho trovato un nome, vado al cimitero di Rimini, c’era il nome lui e di quell’altro. Quindi son i due nomi, erano tutti e due del ’25, avevano diciannove anni e li sono venuti a riprendere i familiari dopo nel ‘45, dopo la guerra. Ho conosciuto [unclear]
GM: E allora come diceva quello lì che li hanno fucilati
DC: Li hanno fucilati lì contro il muro
GM: Alla fine del De Orchi e l’altra palazzina.
DC: Sono entrato in contatto con uno di Faenza, gentilissimo, che mi ha mandato anche dei dati su Rimini che li ha rimediati non so dove, e lui mi ha mandato anche la fotografia di uno di quei due. M’ha mandato la fotografia del monumento che c’è a Faenza dove ci sono riportati i loro nomi ma dell’altro ancora non sono riuscito a rimediare la foto. Ho sentito con quelli dell’anagrafe di Faenza. Mi hanno detto che, volevo parlare con, contatto con i familiari per vedere di avere.
FS: Eh sì, un riscontro diciamo vero.
DC: Dei riscontri. Di uno sono morti tutti, un altro si è trasferito a Cesena e con quel nome lì non figura nessuno. Adesso dovrei provare a sentire se a Cesena mi dicono, vivono, ci sono degli eredi perché dopo c’è il discorso della riservatezza, è un po’ fatica.
FS: Sì, un po’ fatica.
DC: Però,
FS: Può darsi che
DC: Può darsi che come l’hann fatto gli altri
GM: Io mi ricordo questo qui
DC: E quelli di Faenza dell’anagrafe mi hanno mandato un documento in pdf dove c’è scritto addirittura: ‘fucilati dai tedeschi’ e c’è anche il nome di un tenente della repubblica sociale che era andato sotto processo per quel, per quell’uccisione. Che era di Pesaro questo qui, quest’ufficiale.
FS: Ma pensa te.
DC: Quindi.
FS: Devo salutare. Ciao carissimo.
DC: Piacere di averti visto.
FS: Alla prossima.
GM: Però l’hanno,
FS: Continua così.
DC: [laughs]
GM: Non l’hanno, dico pure, l’hanno spenta così perché io dopo.
DC: All’ANPI qui di Rimini non sa niente nessuno. Li hanno fucilati. Potevano dire, sono due partigiani.
GM: Infatti io mi ricordo che eravamo, ma ti ho detto, dopo la guerra subito, e dopo siamo andati a lavorare un po’ anche con gli inglesi, a lavorè anche a De Orchi [speaks dialect]
DC: Con gli alleati.
GM: Con la [unclear]
DC: Che lì c’erano un magazzino di roba m’hann detto della Madonna.
GM: Madonna.
DC: [laughs]
GM: [unclear]
DC: [laughs] Però, tu, petta adess bisogna che la va a chieder perché se no la mi madre, la mi moglie. Te vuoi andè a prender [speaks dialect] uno di sti dì?
GM: Sì, sì, la facciamo.
DC: Dai, così continuiamo il discorso del bombardamento di San Marino. Comunque te ti ricordi un sacco di roba.
GM: Sì, eh mi ricordo tutto quello che
DC: Petta eh, l’ultima roba che m’hann detto su quell’aereo che avete visto
GM: Sparire
DC: Sparire.
GM: Io, per me è cascat [unclear] quell’aereo
DC: Gli alleati, i loro colleghi hanno detto, è andato sul mare, è tornato sulla terra ed è esploso in volo. Dovrebbe essere caduto tra Gradara e Gabicce, quelle zone lì, Cattolica, quel settore lì.
GM: Quel settore lì è caduto quello lì, [unclear]
DC: Un mese prima di questo fatto, ma non so se te l’hai visto, era passato, basso stavolta, perché questo doveva essere abbastanza su, era passato un altro quadrimotore che avevo dietro le calcagna due aerei tedeschi che, un da sotto e un da sora il mitraglieva. Sono arrivati fino a San Clemente, anche lì si sono buttati tutti i paracadutisti tranne il mitragliere di coda che, poretto si vede che l’avevano ucciso quei, i caccia
GM: I caccia
DC: E poi questo qui è andato a cadere tra Levola, Saludecio, Montefiore, quelle zone là. Te questo, te lo ricordi un aereo grosso, basso, che lasciava il fumo, attaccato da due caccia?
GM: No, ma io mi ricordo un’altra roba, che eravamo a San Marino che una formazione di aerei tedeschi, inglesi che andava verso nord, che passavano
DC: Bombardieri
GM: Bombardieri che andavano verso la campagna
DC: Sì
GM: E lì si sono sfilati dall’aeroporto qui di Rimini
DC: Sono decollati da qui, gli sono andati dietro
GM: Sono andati dietro e lì c’è stato un [speaks dialect] quella volta ma era in [speaks dialect].
DC: Perché ha incominciato il bombardamento?
GM: Perché c’era, c’era i caccia inglesi che c’erano anche i [unclear]
DC: Quelli con due code?
GM: Con due code.
DC: Sì.
GM: Puttana la Madonna.
DC: Li han fatt combattiment?
GM: Combattiment [speaks dialect]
UI. [laughs]
GM: [speaks dialect] dopo l’è finì perché [speaks dialect]
DC: [unclear] Quindi erano anche abbastanza bassi.
GM: Bassi, si vedeva proprio [unclear], puttana madonna, e la formazione andava avanti. E c’era sto combattimento che avevano fatto sopra Cà Berlone [?], Santa Mustiola
DC: Però non è caduto nessun apparecchio, secondo te?
GM: Non ho visto cadere nessuno, io lì.
DC: Questo non me l’aveva mai raccontato nessuno.
GM: Ah e l’è cla volta l’è sta un cumbattiment
DC: Quanto potrà essere durato, cinque minuti, dieci minuti?
GM: Eh
DC: Gli ha sparà na [unclear]?
GM: Sì dieci minuti, sì, sette minuti sicuro.
DC: Secondo te quanti aerei ci potevano essere in questo combattimento?
GM: La formazione dei caccia, [unclear] ce ne erano due, tre, che giravano.
DC: E chi è il tedesco, secondo te?
GM: E il tedesco, penso, due o [unclear]
DC: Altrettanto.
GM: Altrettanto.
DC: A Monte Tauro c’è stato un combattimento aereo. Due aerei si sono andati anche a sbattere e quello americano è morto poeretto. Il tedesco si è buttato con il paracadute.
DC: Io ho visto una volta proprio in volo sopra Covignano [?] sempre dalla galleria allora che lì Covignano ogni tent i caccia
DC: Lì hanno attaccato di brutto.
Gm: [unclear] Una volta proprio ho visto, proprio presi in pieno con una cannonata.
DC: Ne è caduto uno di aereo sotto la chiesa di San Fortunato. E [speaks dialect], sai dove gl’è? A metà sulla spalla ho parlato con uno che stava nel Ghetto. Dopo la guerra lui, quando è finito i combattimenti, ha recuperato un motore che l’ha portato giù e l’ha venduto alla stracciaia. Se, come dici te, lo hanno preso, lui si è schiantato lì contro la costa, a metà costa.
GM: Dopo [unclear], il giorno dopo
DC: Che aereo era, secondo te? Era un caccia?
GM: Era un caccia, erano i famosi Spitfire, hai capito.
Ui: Uno si era schiantato alla garitta della dogana. Che aveva fatto l’attacco basso
GM: Anche
DC: L’ha sbagliè, non ha calcolato bene, ha strisciato il terreno, s’amazzè lì.
GM: S’amazzè lì. Ah, qui passeva da sopra lì quando vedevano, io mi ricordo una volta c’era due, tre camion tedeschi che passavano uno ogni tanto, no, perché stavano in distanza. Era sempre un tedes sora. La Madonna, l’era un caccia [speaks dialect] un caccia sopra
DC: Come l’ha visto, eh
GM: Come l’ha visto, puttana madonna, che il tedesco s’è buttè del camion e
DC: [laughs]
GM: [mimics machine gun sounding]
DC: [speaks dialect]
GM: [speaks dialect] Prima di, tra Verucchio e Borgo Maggiore, sulla strada lì.
DC: Arca madonna, sulla strada da, quello che girava
GM: Ah lì [unclear]
DC: Uno m’ha detto è tedesco ma aveva messo, un italiano, dovevano andare a Pesaro a prendere materiale. M’ha detto, m’avevano messo sopra il carro che io dovevo guardare [unclear] [laughs] ho detto, batti sulla cabina se vedi caccia che a buttèm a terra. Ha dett, se m’andè ben cla volta. Dai, che adesso ti lascio.
Dublin Core
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Title
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Interview with Gino Muratori
Description
An account of the resource
Gino Muratori (b. 1929) recollects three Rimini bombings that occurred in November 1944, one of which was aimed at the Ausa river bridge. Mentions his grandmother losing two relatives when their boarding house was destroyed. Remembers how on 26 November 1944 they didn’t hear the alarm sounding and sought shelter only after seeing aircraft approaching. Describes evacuees being temporarily housed at local hotels. Remembers German anti-aircraft guns and barbed-wire fences, and recollects being employed by the Todt organization as a construction worker, toiling alongside Ukrainian and Polish prisoners of war deployed as truck drivers. Tells of his father being sent to Germany to work in a submarine factory. Discusses various anecdotes; dogfights; aircraft jettisoning fuel tanks; looting of private houses; strafing of German military transport; "Pippo" dropping flares and bombs at night time. Describes the whereabouts, use and general arrangement of German fortifications along the Adriatic coast.
Creator
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Daniele Celli
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IBCC Digital Archive
Date
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2016-03-14
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Peter Schulze
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01:05:29 audio recording
Language
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ita
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AMuratoriLG161125
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Civilian
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Italy
Italy--Rimini
Temporal Coverage
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1944-11
1944-11-26
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Type
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Sound
anti-aircraft fire
bombing
childhood in wartime
civil defence
evacuation
forced labour
home front
Pippo
strafing
-
https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/446/7911/ABozziF170712.1.mp3
7231d73624122158e1222380cee96971
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Title
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Bozzi, Francesco
Francesco Bozzi
F Bozzi
Description
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One oral history interview with Francesco Bozzi who recollects his wartime experiences in Greece and in the Po River valley area.
The collection was catalogued by IBCC Digital Archive staff.
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IBCC Digital Archive
Date
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2017-07-12
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Identifier
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Bozzi, F
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The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Interview with Francesco Bozzi
Description
An account of the resource
Francesco Bozzi reminisces about his military training followed by service in Greece. Describes harsh living conditions while in Germany-occupied Crete after September 1943: hard labour, scarce food, punishment, brutalities, being wounded while digging a tunnel, bombings, and Allied attacks of Italian convoys packed with soldiers. Describes being hospitalised in Italy and mentions the disruption of transport, destroyed bridges, strafing, and aggressive behaviour of partisans. Mentions a cache of arms discovered by chance after the war.
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Filippo Andi
Date
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2017-07-12
Format
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00:29:20 audio recording
Language
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ita
Type
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Sound
Coverage
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Civilian
Spatial Coverage
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Greece
Greece--Crete
Italy
Italy--Po River Valley
Identifier
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ABozziF170712
Rights
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
Conforms To
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Pending OH transcription
bombing
forced labour
Resistance
strafing
-
https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/501/22593/MCurnockRM1815605-171114-022.2.pdf
7926a26f45c20e495523731963048cc3
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Title
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Curnock, Richard
Richard Murdock Curnock
R M Curnock
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
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Curnock, RM
Date
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2016-04-18
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Description
An account of the resource
92 items. An oral history interview with Warrant Officer Richard Curnock (1924, 1915605 Royal Air Force), his log book, letters, photographs and prisoner of war magazines. He flew operations with 425 Squadron before being shot down and becoming a prisoner of war.
The collection has been licenced to the IBCC Digital Archive by Richard Curnock and catalogued by Barry Hunter.
Transcribed document
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Transcription
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THE
Prisoner of War
[Symbol] THE OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF THE PRISONERS OF WAR DEPARTMENT OF THE RED CROSS AND ST. JOHN WAR ORGANISATION, ST. JAMES’S PALACE, LONDON S.W.1.
VOL. 3 No. 35. Free to Next of Kin MARCH, 1945
The Editor Writes –
MANY inquiries are, naturally, reaching the Prisoners of War Department from anxious relatives for news of the camps in Poland and Western and Eastern Germany, which have either been overrun by the victorious advances of the Russian Army or else lie in the direct path of the Allied Armies both in the east and west. The progress of the Allied attacks, accompanied as they have been by terrific air bombardment, have necessarily resulted in the mass movement by the Germans of camps and prisoners towards the centre of Germany under difficult conditions, and in almost complete disorganisation of the German transport system. The resulting effects on the condition of our prisoners is discussed in the statement made by Sir James Grigg, the Secretary of State for War, on February 28th, which is printed in full on page 3, and the Chairman of Red Cross and St. John Prisoners of War Department on p. 2.
Liberated Prisoners
It is now possible from the various official statements that have been made to gain a fairly clear picture of what is happening as regards prisoners of war who have been overtaken and liberated by the Russian advance. Information has been received from the Soviet authorities that 2,661 British Commonwealth prisoners of war (of whom 70 are officers) recovered from German camps were on their way by rail to Odessa and that they were to be assembled in a transit camp which was under construction. Since that news arrived, Sir James Grigg has stated in the House of Commons that the Soviet authorities are giving facilities for officers in our military mission to visit the camp in Lublin where prisoners are awaiting transfer to Odessa. Officers from the mission are also on their way to Odessa and their first task on arrival will be to collect and make lists of names and then telegraph them home at the earliest possible moment. The Service Departments will inform next of kin of any news of individual prisoners immediately it is received. A list of the camps involved and information of German plans for their transfer will be found on page 16.
[Photograph of five men in uniform] A group of prisoners at Stalag IIID which was situated at Berlin-Steglitz and to which the Postmaster-General advises that no more parcels should now be sent.
I must call readers’ attention to the important announcement on page 16 concerning parcels and letters to these camps and emphasising that no new parcels should be sent.
Red Cross Depot at Odessa
In accordance with the agreement recently concluded in the Crimea, the Soviet authorities are providing food, clothes and any necessary medical attention for our men. These basic supplies which the Russians are providing will be supplemented by the food, medical parcels, cigarettes, tobacco, chocolate and soap to the value of £77,000, which was sent to Russia last year by Red Cross and St. John. Red Cross and St. John are preparing to co-operate wholeheartedly with the Soviet Government in caring for our ex-prisoners of war until they can be repatriated. They are desirous of setting up a depot at Odessa, with stocks of Red Cross comforts and a team of women Welfare Officers. Already over 400 cases of Red Cross comforts have been shipped to Odessa and further shipments will take place in the future.
A Word of Warning
I would advise nest of kin to watch the papers for statements made in the House of Commons or issued as official announcements, but to be sceptical of any unofficial reports about prison camps or prisoners of war until they have been officially confirmed. The newspapers indicate the sources of reports which reach them from time to time through neutral countries, and it is easy to distinguish these reports from the official statements.
[Page break]
2 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
Prisoners Exchange
Mr. Eden has announced in the House of Commons that a fresh proposal regarding the exchange of able-bodied long-term prisoners of war has been handed to the Swiss Government for communication to the German Government providing for the direct repatriation through Switzerland of a number of British prisoners of war from the Navy, Army, Air Force and Merchant Service captured before July 1st, 1940, in exchange for an equal number of German prisoners.
Priority for Discharge
In answer to a question in the House of Commons of February 6th as to whether prisoners of war repatriated to this country are required to undergo training, with a view to their services being used again in other theatres of war, and whether any long period of imprisonment by the enemy will entitle released prisoners to immediate or early discharge from the Army either now or at the conclusion of hostilities in Europe, Sir James Grigg said: “Returned prisoners will be given no formal priority for release, but as a large number of them joined the services in the early years of the war their priority will be high.”
Medical Attention
Those people who have any fears that the medical attention supplies to prisoners of war upon their return to this country is not fully adequate may be reassured by the recent statement of the Minister of Health, Mr, Henry Willink. “Returning prisoners of war,“ he said, “have the benefit of all the resources of the Emergency Hospital Scheme, when the Service Department concerned requests that they be treated under that scheme.” As for those suffering from tuberculosis whose condition calls for sanatorium treatment, special measures are taken to secure their admission to a sanatorium and they need treatment, but it is not always possible to avoid a short waiting period at home, during which the patient is under the expert care of the tuberculosis officer.
The Best Yet
“The best since I have been a prisoner of war” was the verdict on Christmas pronounced in a letter from Stalag IVG. “We had from Saturday mid-day to Tuesday night holiday. We spent the time with concerts, dancing and singing. We cleared one of the barrack rooms out which we used for the shows and dancing. The sixteen lads in our room clubbed together and had a high tea on Christmas Day.” The Entertainment Committee in Stalag XIA have kindly sent a special report of their Christmas festivities. I am sorry that it arrived too late for it to be printed in full. They say: “To all our loved ones at home it will be very pleasant to know that this Christmas and New Year was certainly the best we have ever had during our captivity.”
Studied by Margarine Light
A vivid impression of the difficulties under which students in camps have to work is given in a letter received from a warrant officer in Stalag 357. He writes: “Those students who can afford sufficient margarine from their ration or who have enough cigarettes to purchase one of these lamps work in the dim, uncertain light of a ‘Fat Lamp’ for periods of four to five hours.” In spite of the handicaps (which include overcrowding and “paralysing cold”), all the students “display a keenness that is surprisingly alive.” Another typical instance of difficulties conquered comes from Stalag IVB, where the lack of chalk precipitated a minor crisis until one prisoner, after experimenting privately with plaster of paris and tooth powder baked in the oven, produced a successful substitute.
Spectacles from England
In 1942 the Joint War Emergency Committee of the Optical Profession offered to provide spectacles with Army standard-type frames, free of charge, for prisoners of war. Up to the end of December the Invalid Comforts Section of the Red Cross Prisoners of War Department received no fewer than 3,340 pairs of spectacles from the committee. These represent an extremely valuable gift to our prisoners of war, and a deep debt of gratitude is owed to all members of the committee for their kindness. When spectacles cannot be obtained at the camps the senior medical officers send lists of optical prescriptions to the Invalid Comforts Section. These are then sent to the committee and distributed amongst its members for dispensing.
Reception in Cyprus
On November 16th last 300 repatriated prisoners of war arrived in Famagusta, Cyprus. These men were escapees to Switzerland, where they had been for a year, and they were full of praise for the kindness shown them. All the workers of the Prisoners of War Bureau in Cyprus assisted in the reception that was given to them by the Red Cross and at which the Governor, the Officer Commanding the Area, and the Deputy Commissioner, British Red Cross, were present. From all accounts the ex-prisoners of war were in very good heart and health and much appreciated the special Cyprus food and drink given to them. The men, I am told, have since been to the Prisoners of War Bureau, and were most grateful to the Red Cross for the parcel which kept them alive in Italy. There are still 1,500 Cypriot prisoners of war in Germany.
TRANSPORT OF FOOD PARCELS By Sir Richard Howard-Vyse, K.C.M.G. D.S.O.
IN the February number of this journal I told our readers that the flow of parcels via the Mediterranean and the Baltic had improved sufficiently to allow the resumption of the full issue of a parcel a week as soon as sufficient stocks were available in camps. I said that it was entirely a question of rail transport through Germany, as to which we had reason at the moment to feel hopeful, but I added that in view of the Russian advance it was dangerous to prophesy.
These words were written in the first half of January, since when it has become clear that the successes of the Russians, coupled with bombing attacks from this side have thoroughly disorganised the German railway system. Matters have been complicated, of course, by the fact that the men from many of the camps overrun by the Russians were moved away beforehand by the Germans. Details of these moves, so far as they are known, have been published in the Press, and I understand that supplementary information will be issued from time to time; reports of statements by the Secretary of State for war appear elsewhere in this journal.
We now know that in December and early in January supplies arrived at some camps, for instance, Oflag VA, Oflag VIIIB, and Stalags IVD, XIA, XXB and Stalagluft III (since moved) and 357; they may have reached others, and geographically it seems likely that they may have done so; but we have no information one way or another.
The position to-day – and I am writing on February 28th – is that hardly any despatches are being made from Switzerland, but that, after a total cessation of several days, there is, for the moment at any rate, a flow through the Baltic port of Lubeck, though nothing like sufficient.
The supplies, as all know, are there. As regards food parcels the steps which are being taken to produce the transport so vitally necessary, I have little to add to the statement made by Sir James Grigg to-day. It will be seen from that statement that all available resources have been enlisted, including the active co-operation of S.H.A.E.F., and, of course, the good offices of the International Red Cross Committee. The War Organisation has authorised that Committee to incur, on our behalf, any expenditure which may be necessary to procure and operate additional transport and we are in the closest possible contact with all concerned.
One thought I would offer which may be comforting. The prisoners know, as well as we do, that this is the dawn of victory and of release.
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 3
EMERGENCY SUPPLIES
For the Camps
Statement by Sir James Grigg, Secretary of State for War, in the House of Commons on February 28th
THE House is already aware that the progress of the Allied attacks on Germany by land and from the air has resulted in mass movements of prisoners and civilians from the perimeter toward the central districts, particularly from the eastern side of Germany. The conditions under which such movements must take place have largely been created by the military success of the Allies. But inevitably these conditions involve for large numbers of our prisoners in Germany movement on foot, under difficult conditions, with inadequate provision on the road for accommodation at night and for food, and eventually overcrowding in the camps to which they are moved back.
The representatives of the Protecting Power in Germany are doing all they can to secure improvements from the Germans; and their efforts have not been without some results. For example, they have been assured that in future sick or weak prisoners will be moved by train or lorry, and we know for certain that this has been done in some recent cases. Between February 19 and 24 their inspectors were due to pay special visits to certain camps to which British prisoners of war have been transferred, and I will give the substance of their reports to the House as soon as they arrive.
FOOD RESERVES.
The Government and the British Red Cross War Organisation had foreseen that as the weight of attack on Germany was pressed home this situation might arise. Efforts had therefore been made to establish substantial reserves in the camps of Red Cross food parcels, medical supplies and comforts, clothing and boots; and we hope that in spite of the interruptions in supplies to Geneva consequent on operations in the south of France last summer, the position in the matter of clothing will not become serious.
In the case of food parcels, however, the Germans last autumn insisted on those reserve stocks being reduced to a weekly basis. To the best of our knowledge this order was enforced in most of the camps, and the excess stocks were consumed accordingly. Recently the International Red Cross Committee, as a result of long negotiations, had secured agreement from the German authorities to the establishment of limited reserve supplies of food parcels outside the camps, but this agreement came too late for it to become effective before the dis-organisation in Germany had reached a point where transport facilities for Red Cross supplies from Switzerland had been seriously reduced. Not only are few railway wagons reaching Switzerland from Germany, but such trains as are dispatched from Geneva cannot, we understand, get very far into Germany. While everyone will welcome the results of this disorganisation so far as the war effort is concerned, it has created increasing anxiety for the welfare of the British Commonwealth prisoners.
Naturally this situation has for a long time been present in the minds of His Majesty’s Government and of the British Red Cross Society, and various possibilities have been examined in order to meet it. The supply of food to prisoners from the air is one of those possibilities. The Government have satisfied themselves that this is not at present practicable, but if circumstances change and it becomes feasible use will certainly be made of this means of supply.
LORRY CONVOYS
Negotiations are in train for the purchase of lorries in Sweden which could enter Germany and be used to transport supplies for Lübeck to prisoner-of-war camps in northern Germany. These lorries burn wood. As Sweden is so abundantly supplied this is a great advantage, but we have undertaken to replace any tyres or oil which are used for this project, and also any petrol in the event of ordinary lorries being used as well as the wood-burning ones.
Similar projects have been examined for introducing supplies from Switzerland. The railways in south Germany are apparently so disorganised and clogged with traffic that the supply of wagons in Switzerland in not likely to help. It has been possible to proceed further with the supply of lorries. The Supreme Allied Command, who are, as it were, on the spot, are obviously in the best position to do whatever is possible. The British Government in the United Kingdom, as well as the Commonwealth and the United States Governments, in agreement with the respective national Red Cross organisation, have asked the Supreme Allied Command in France to carry on on their behalf all negotiations with the International Red Cross in these matters. Members will realise that nothing is likely to be achieved except through the good offices of the International Red Cross Committee.
One hundred lorries which were being used in France by the International Red Cross have been assembled in Switzerland, and they are now ready to enter Germany with food parcels. It is, however, impossible to proceed further without the agreement of the German authorities, and I do not yet know to what extent the steps which the International Red Cross are endeavouring to take will be in fact be acceptable to the Germans. I understand that a representative of their left Switzerland yesterday for Berlin in order to obtain the agreement which is necessary.
UNSPARING EFFORT
But I would like to assure the House that there will be no difficulty on the score of provision of lorries by the Supreme Allied Command. Indeed, 100 more lorries are ready to go into Switzerland at once if those which are there now are allowed into Germany, and arrangements have been made to supply petrol, oil, tyres and spare parts to Switzerland when they are needed. I should add that the British Red Cross War Organisation have authorised the International Red Cross Committee to incur on their behalf any expenditure which they consider necessary in connection with the care of our prisoners now in German hands.
I hope I have shown that the Government in this country, the Supreme Allied Command, and the British Red Cross are doing all in their power to see that any request from the International Red Cross for vehicles, fuel, or maintenance stores which can be effectively used to supply our prisoners is met, subject only to the condition that such assistance will not weaken the attack on Germany and so delay the conclusion of hostilities. I will give the House any further information I can at the earliest possible opportunity.
[Boxed] HAVE YOU MOVED?
If so, do not forget to notify the Army, Navy or R.A.F. authorities as well as the Red Cross of your change of address. [/boxed]
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4 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
[Drawing] “We know how to cook”
BY NORMAN W. GOULD
ILLUSTRATIONS BY FLETCHER
YOU may not know it, but we prisoners of war are pretty good cooks. So would you be if you had been without the Gentle Ministering Hand for four years. Of course we are not the only ones. There are our traditional comrades on the home front – husbands of Service wives and other hairy citizens, who make aeroplanes by day and cook their own supper at night. Men who couldn’t be trusted to boil an egg, men who didn’t know a saucepan from a frying pan now boil the egg in the saucepan with perfect confidence. (When they can get the egg.)
We prisoners are proud to be in the vanguard of this movement. We have learned to keep our chins up in our prison kitchens; we shall be able to carry our heads no less high in our own homes. We have broken the tyranny of the Women’s Kitchen Front: WE KNOW HOW TO COOK!! For us it has been a bloodless victory; no woman has yet dared to invade our kitchens. (We have even jettisoned this effeminate word, the scenes of our culinary triumphs are known as cook-houses.) For the hairy aeroplane merchants we have great respect. Time after time they have successfully repelled the invasions of wives on leave. But what of the enemy within our ranks? The man who still has a woman in his kitchen. To those soft, overfed creatures – martyrs to the feminine Fresh Wholesome Food cult, we address this message: “Be a master in your own kitchen, free yourself from woman’s age-old tyranny: cook your own food!”
Take the Gestapo, the Ku Klux Klan, and a pinch of the British Secret Service. Roll them into one – a deep, dark and sinister combination, yet a mere crew of amateurs compared with the secret Sisterhood of British Housewives. For centuries we British males have been in the stranglehold of this organisation, weak tools in the hands of our unscrupulous women.
Napoleon knew all about it. He taught his soldiers to march on their stomachs. They got so stomach conscious that they took to cooking their own food when they got home again. To-day the finest cooks in the world are Frenchmen. No Frenchman cares two hoots if his wife does walk out of the house and kitchen, he can cook his own food. The poor, envious Englishman can’t even light the gas. Or rather, couldn’t.
Any foreigner who has been around will tell you that English cooking is the worst in the world. Plain and stodgy. But we liked it, because from birth we were stuffed with the S.B.H. propaganda about Fresh Wholesome Food. We were taught that tinned food is slow poison, we were lulled to sleep as children with tales of bachelors who lived on tinned salmon. Day after day it was dinned into us that no man was to be trusted with the preparation of food. In the end we believed it.
In four short years, we prisoners (together with our traditional comrades, the hairy aeroplane supper cookers) have achieved complete liberation. We started under a tremendous handi-
[Drawing of three men cooking]
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 5
[Drawing of a man cooking on a stove, throwing a tin into a bin]
cap and we have had to overcome great obstacles.
Some idea of the magnitude of our task can be gained when we reveal that of the hundreds of thousands of letters that have poured into our camps, not one instance is recorded of a recipe being given. *
*This article was written before the issue of the Red Cross recipe book.
In the first dark year (1940) when we were groping for knowledge, a hardy pioneer made a cake from a packet of old pancake mixture (and not much else) and put it on display. In one day, in a spirit of true brotherhood, he answered 249 questions about cake-making and cooking generally. To-day any prisoner will don his boiler suit and mix a cake without thinking twice about it.
Symbolic of the revolution are the communal prison cook-houses. Eight, ten or even twelve men stand shoulder to shoulder stirring their porridge or stewing their prunes. Friendly advice is passed from one to the other; a haze of tobacco smoke hangs in the air. From time to time an empty tin is aimed with deadly accuracy at the bin. These are the men who are furthering the cause of culinary science. Already before the end of 1941 they had discovered six new ways of cooking potatoes: they are responsible for the introduction of crushed biscuits as a substitute for flour; by untiring research they have overcome the pink salmon problem, with no less than 22 different methods of disposing of this pest. Camp medical officers have been furnished with invaluable data on the treatment of boils.
No less successful have been our comrades on the home front. Business men have applied business efficiency methods to the kitchen. It has been found that by using the whole range of crockery, including the Sunday tea service, washing-up need only be done once every ten days, in place of the old method of washing up small units three or four times a day. The total saving of time and energy is of undoubted significance.
We prisoners are busy planning for the future. A committee of camp leaders has already adopted the Master Plan. Post-war reconstruction will leave us no time for the trivialities of the kitchen. Our Plan, the New London and the “Homes Fit for Farmworkers To Live In” schemes will engage our full attention. Our women will return to the kitchen.
Complacently we shall sit in the back seat – and tell them how to drive.
[Cartoon]
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6 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
The Brighter Side
So many letters have been received in which the chief topic was Christmas Festivities that this month’s “Brighter Side” is devoted to their cheerful accounts of how Christmas was spent in the camps.
[Two photographs of people in a play] Two scenes from the lavish production of Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream. Which was produced at Stalag IXC.
A TYPICAL account of the way in which prisoners spent Christmas Day is given by a flight lieutenant in Stalag Luft 3, who writes: “I started the day by taking Holy Communion, and the rest of the day was spent eating excellent food and plenty of it supplied by the good old Red Cross.” The menu was:
Turkey
Roast and Mashed Potatoes
Peas Carrots
Christmas Pudding and Cream
Chocolate Tarts
Apple Tart
Christmas Cake
Dates, Sweets and Nuts
Coffee
“We had a film called ‘Male Animal’ featuring Henry Fonda and Olivia de Havilland, and the Christmas show put on by the boys was excellent.”
True to Army Tradition
In Oflag VA the “other ranks” had their Christmas on Boxing Day, and, as one prisoner puts it, “true to the British Army tradition, we were waited on completely – tea brought to our barracks I the morning and all carry fatigues done by officers.” The officers cleaned out the barracks, waited at table, and provided a full day’s entertainment. The weather was ideal: “10 degrees below in the morning and arm enough to sunbathe at midday.”
Padre Kept Busy
A padre in Stalag Luft 3 states that he has beaten all his previous records for services – and for parties. He took eight services in two days and attended nine parties. ”The carol services were very good. The midnight service was crowded to the doors of the theatre. I had a large Communion service in the theatre at 8 a.m. Christmas Day. I was so pleased all were well attended and appreciated.” There follows a staggering list of the food that was consumed at all the parties, and the padre did justice with a bumper feast on Boxing Day, “the most delightful meal for 4 1/2 years.”
Christmas Fare
Writing on Christmas Eve from Stalag 357, where food parcels had been arriving infrequently and were shared one between four men during the festive season, a prisoner says: “I am afraid the stocking is nearly empty this year, but we are going to make the best of things.” That they did is borne out by another prisoner’s letter, which insists: “All our saving was definitely worth it, although I am afraid we rather over-did things. Our stomachs could not quite cope with the Christmas pudding, but after a rather bilious afternoon I was tucking away merrily at tea-time and right through the evening.” Eight waggons of Canadian parcels arrived from Sweden just before Christmas, and the special British Christmas parcels arrived soon afterwards.
Our Wonderful Duff!
In Stalag 383 food was not so plentiful either, and their Christmas menu was, according to one letter, “Breakfast: two slices of bread and perhaps fried egg flakes and tea. Dinner: stew and our wonderful duff. Tea: two slices of bread and jam and our cake. Supper: the issue soup.” The decorations in one room at this camp were carried out with holly, evergreen and coloured paper.
Stalag IVB decorated their menu with greetings in all languages a week before Christmas, and IVG’s huts were decorated with streamers, lanterns and fans. IVF received decorations from Geneva, and IVB made hangings from tins and labels.
“A Christmas tree as high as the roof, helped to give a traditional touch to Christmas at Stalag 398; while Oflag 79 produced a tree from pine sprays and rowan berries, trimmed with coloured shavings.
Better Than Expected
Christmas in Oflag VIIB turned out even better than expected, because they were ordered by the German War Office to eat all the Red Cross food stocks by the middle of January. The entertainments are reported to have been good and very crowded. They included a “Fun Fair” and a “Toy Fair,” from which most of the actual toys went to civilian internee camps, musical evenings and carol singing.
At Oflag IVC they also had a carol service. In a panto., “Hey Diddle Snow White,” was written for the occasion. Snow-White was a blasé young lady, and the Fairy Queen arrived on the stage once by parachute and once by tank.
Cakes – a Speciality
In nearly every camp over Christmas they made cakes and the account of the one made in Stalag XIA is pretty typical: “The little combine of three with whom I share grub decided I must make a cake! I did! – ground-up biscuits, currants, jam, egg powder, prunes, powdered milk, marmalade and salt all went into it – a solid lump, believe me! We then decorated it, and although it was slightly heavy it went
(Continued on page 12)
[Boxed] Most of the paragraphs on this page refer to activities in the big base camps and it should not be assumed that they are typical of conditions in all camps or in outlying working detachments where facilities for sport and amusement are much fewer. [/boxed]
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 7
Letters They Write Home
[Photograph of a group of men playing musical instruments] The dance band plays in the courtyard at Oflag IXA/H.
P.o.W. Craftsmen
Oflag VIIB. 30.11.44.
I DO wish you could see some of the absolutely staggering things which are being made in the camp. Some of the work is as fine as I shall ever see in my life. It is fantastic what is being done with the material available. For instance, in our mess we have a complete little kitchen range, made out of cocoa tins, and lovely brogue shoes are being made out of army boots. The wood-workers have got busy making looms which turn out scarves, ties, etc., in all kinds of patterns. The knitting too. I have never seen anything like it – sweaters, hats, rugs. Then there is the embroidery work which I would not have believed possible.
The theatrical world is doing great stuff. French Without Tears was excellent. But I do not know what we should do without our 50-piece orchestra who are responsible for prom. concerts. A change of programme every week – Saturday and Sunday. Just as well, for months now we have not been allowed out for an airing. I badly want a holiday.
Protection from Mud
Stalag 383. 12.11.44.
We have at last conquered that arch-fiend, mud! The place was inches deep in it after all the snow we had. It’s about an inch deep now.
Home-made mud-pattens laboriously carved out of wood raised about 2in. from the ground with 4in. shields of tin fore and aft have done the trick. You just buckle them on when you go out and your boots remain clean, polished, and above all dry. These things are a real craze here: you can hear them being made all over the place at all times of the day.
I’ve been feeling rather a fraud at meal times lately whenever I butter the bread for the five of us, as I dip into a whacking great 5lb. tin of the stuff, part of the fortnightly issue from the Argentine. Poor starving gefangeners! We are having a loaf baked up at the cook-house to-day, 2-3lb., and did it have a hammering! Should be good and certainly will be a nice change.
After Arnhem
Stalag IXC. 5.11.44.
I HAVE now got settled into work after our adventures in Holland. We were captured after a stiff battle at Arnhem. From there we went to another town in Holland and looked after our patients for about three weeks before being moved to Germany. We arrived after a long journey and had a wonderful reception, being met with cigarettes and a good meal. We rested for a day, and then I was sent with another M.O. to another hospital, where I was pleasantly surprised to find two friends.
I am in the best of health and am kept busy looking after quite a number of patients. We have a comfortable mess (there are nine of us) and good food from Red Cross parcels. I share a room with three other M.O.s, and we get along very happily together.
Putting on Weight
Stalag XVIIIA. Undated.
THINGS are about the same here – plenty of work in the woods, but still find time for our bit of sport. There was a grand game of football last Sunday-England v. Scotland-and, lo and behold, Scotland won 6-2.
Do you know when I joined the army my weight was 142lb? I’ve never gone below that, and now I’m 178lb. Yes, God bless the Red Cross.
A Poster Artist
Oflag 79. 29.9.44.
I AM busily engaged on internal publicity – mainly concerned with entertainments. I have also just finished eleven small and three large posters for a Red Cross Appeal Week scheme. I have also started a series of “interest” wall sheets – “Stop, Look, Listen” topic, and others, each dealing with one current and one post-war subject. I am so busy that the time is zipping by.
Keeping Shop
Stalag IVB. 25.11.44.
THINGS here are not too bad except that we are short of cigarettes and parcels. However, there are six of us in the office and four have received parcels, so we share cigarettes. Had a bulk issue this week, and I feel just like a shop-keeper behind the counter of a well-filled store dishing out groceries and cutting up cheese. I cut the cheese so well there are no makeweights!
Varied Activity
Oflag VIIB. 10.11.44.
WE have had snow for the past two days and are all preparing to hibernate for the winter! Coal is very short – much less than last year, which was less than the previous year.
We are still on half rations of Red Cross parcels, but a number of private parcels have come in recently.
The new conductor of the orchestra now holds weekly promenade concerts, and I very much enjoyed the first one last week-end, as I also did a show given by our orderlies and a choral and orchestral concert.
We have just had another number of our camp magazine Touchstone, in which there is an able article on land nationalisation.
No, I have not had any more parole walks or cinema visits. These were stopped by a higher authority in the autumn and for the main body of the camp have not been restarted.
The Feminine Touch
Stalag VIIIB. 17.12.44.
I THINK I will dare the Censor and give you an interesting letter. The subject – the village and the people in it amongst whom I have now lived for three and a half years. Commencing with the women … they age early; those engaged on the land begin to age at thirty! Whilst working they dress in old clothes no English Miss would be seen dead in; but on Sundays they are very neatly dressed and, indeed, do really know how to wear clothes. The older women wear rather long skirts, a cute little silk coatee that hangs loose behind, but is tucked into the skirt in front, and a shawl over head and shoulders.
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8 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
[Photograph of a lovely garden with a wooden arch] A view of the garden in the Merchant Navy Section at Marlag und Milag Nord. The seeds were sent out through the Red Cross by the Royal Horticultural Society.
Thawing of an Icicle
Oflag 79. 20.11.44.
LAST week, but for the central heating, I would have surely become an icicle. The weather was very cold, with quite a bit of snow, and everyone went about wrapped up in overcoats and blankets.
One or two officers managed to produce furs, and adorned themselves with foxes and minks draped around their necks. I borrowed a beautiful-looking skunk, which I wrapped round my face. Very fetching. I also wore a muff – an old sock with no foot to it.
Then in the midst of our shiverings came the news that the central heating was coming on, and I flew to the nearest radiator. Sure enough it was warm, and as it became hotter so I discarded my apparel. Off came my skunk, my overcoat, my leather jacket, my battle-dress jacket, and my cardigan, and I was left with my woollen vest and two shirts.
It was a pleasure to thaw, and now I never wander very far from the radiator, which has also become my kitchen, heating up meats and puddings nicely and warming me inwardly.
Keeping Warm
Oflag IVC. 17.11.44.
I AM now an “usherette” for our theatre as well as being “second in command” for cinema, a very humble job, but something to keep one out of mischief.
They seem to be bringing quite a lot of fresh prisoners here, and you would laugh if you could see us all on parade. We wear anything to keep warm, and look like ladies from Lapland.
Tough Guy
Stalag IVB. 16.9.44.
THREE of us attend the weight-lifting class. We were all measured this morning; I have put on 1 1/4in. on my chest and 1in. on both biceps, also there has been a vast improvement in my wrists, forearms and legs. The heaviest weight I can lift above my head is 155 lb., which is good going, considering we have only been training for one month.
The instructor here has written to the Health and Strength Club and we have all been made members, so that we can continue physical training when we reach Blighty. Am told this is the only weight-lifting class in the P.o.W. camps in Germany.
Shifting Dirt
Stalag XIIIB. 19.11.44.
I MOVED here with about 150 others three weeks ago to-day on the first British working Commandos in this area. Apparently it is a fairly safe area from the point of view of the R.A.F. The nearest bomb was reported as five kilometres away. I can hardly believe it was as close as that, or the building where we live would have fallen down! I understand now there the term “Jerry-built” comes from, although this place was Russian P.o.W. built.
The job we are on is general labour on the construction of what appears to be a canal running parallel with a river; but I cannot imagine what the canal is for, and I hope I am not here long enough to find out. Shifting dirt from one place to another does not appeal to me as a pastime.
I had hoped at one time to be there in person to wish you a “Merry Christmas,” but I’m afraid that this will have to do. Save me a pudding, though, and a jar of mincemeat – it won’t have time to go bad.
Keeping Fit
Stalag IVF. 29.10.44.
ALL in all, things are pretty good everywhere – even here on our half parcels. We had some parcels from Stalag yesterday, enough until the middle of December. We notice the difference, of course, but we are still doing pretty well.
Football every week-end keeps us pretty fit, and the news keeps us cheerful. The German civilians here can’t make out why prisoners of war are always laughing and singing. They think the English are mad. So they are, I think!
From a Man of Confidence
Stalag 383. 12.12.44.
… HERE we are settling down once more for the winter. Things are not so good as they were with us, but nevertheless we have small reason to complain. We are still on half rations of Red Cross food, but that amount is a godsend to us and very precious.
Enthusiasm for educational work and theatrical entertainment keeps as high as ever. A record number of exams are being taken by our men here, and we are in the midst of them at present. Many of the chaps have done extremely well, and in two years our honours list is very gratifying. It is strange to raise pride in an Alma Mater in a P.o.W. camp, but nevertheless we do get the “old school tie” feeling, even for our Stalag school.
[Photograph of four men playing cards] A cosy game of cards at Stalag XVIIIA.
A Lengthy Move
Stalag VIIA. 10.9.44.
THE reason why I have been so long in writing is that we took three and a half weeks to go to our camp and correspondence was impossible. On our way we passed Munich and saw some nice towns and surroundings. Finally, we arrived at Augsburg, where our camp is situated.
I have plenty of mates as our whole company was captured in Italy. We are in a working camp (treatment so far in good) and we go out every day to different jobs and we are not too hard worked.
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 9
In Full Dress
Oflag 79. 17.10.44.
WHAT a day! Have received my first parcel, dated June. Am now sitting in my new slippers, socks, shirt and a tie given me by a room friend who also got a parcel. It is the first time I have had a tie on for just over a year, and it feels wonderful! To-night I shall sleep in pyjamas instead of a vest and pants.
The parcel was absolutely marvellous, and could not have been packed better. I shared the chocolate with twenty of my friends who have given me some in the past. They all said how good it was.
All That Glitters …
Stalag IVB. 16.9.44.
I HAVE been reading quite a lot since I got here, having access to plenty of books.
This camp is situated well into the country so do not worry – I’m not getting into the R.A.F.’s way at all. We are able to follow the progress of the war although a little behind with the news.
The scene here resembles a tinsmith’s shop. The improvised tables are glittering with plates and mugs – you would be astounded at the extent of our improvisation. Anything and everything is made from tin – even clocks.
From a Theatre Enthusiast
Stalag 344. 12.11.44.
IT is a glorious mushroom season here in the forests, although the lovely red ones with white spots on that one imagines the pixies and gnomes to use at night are very poisonous.
We are going to have a very quiet Christmas here this time. Our loved ones at home will figure very largely in our thoughts and songs. We hope sincerely the doodles will not interfere with your own Christmas and that the New Year will bring the continued success of the companies, theatre and otherwise. (Referring to the Old Vic, and Sadler’s Wells.)
[Photograph of four men, one with boxing gloves] In a fighting mood at Stalag XXB.
[Two photographs of groups of men in uniform] Cheerful groups of men pose for a picture at Stalag XVIIA (right) and Stalag IVD (below).
All Kinds of Work
Stalag IVF. 24.12.44.
I AM miles away from any town of importance. There is only a small village three miles from us, and that is miles from any town. We never see any air raids, so never worry in that respect.
I am doing all kinds of work – roof repairing, joiner, blacksmith and painting on all quarry property at camp.
Music in Camp
Stalag XVIIA. 13.11.44.
We held a short Remembrance Service on Saturday, and at Sunday morning service the choir sang “Oh Valiant Hearts.”
We formerly had two C. of E. padres, viz., Rev. Price-Rees and Rev. J. Collins. The latter, a former Cambridge Blue, left about five days ago. He must have been well over six and a half feet tall, and he was very well liked here.
I received another of your most welcome letters. I think home letters are the “Bovril” in our camp life, which prevents “that sinking feeling.” Parcels have run out, so things are more or less unexciting at the moment.
Our last concert went well but I still have lots of ground to cover before I regain my former confidence in playing the piano before public gatherings. Still, after four years’ stagnation, I suppose this is not surprising. I have arranged the finale chorus of The Mikado for the next show, as the boys here seem to enjoy this opera most of all.
Food Production
Stalag 357. 20.11.44.
Sport is defunct at present. Reading and cards are the main items over and above the varied interests we all take up to try and keep the rust from the grooves. I have taken up maths., insurance and German grammar. Nothing much stays put though.
“Concoctions” is the over-powering topic now to spin out half-rations of food and tobacco. We are all fit and cheery.
[Boxed] SEND US YOUR PICTURES AND LETTERS
TEN SHILLINGS will be awarded each month to the senders of the first three letters from prisoners of war to be printed. Copies instead of the originals are requested, and whenever possible these should be set out on a separate sheet of paper, showing the DATES on which they were written. The Editor welcomes for other pages of the journal any recent NEWS relating to prisoners of war.
Ten shillings will also be awarded for photographs reproduced across two columns, and five shillings for those under two. Photographs should be distinct, and any information as to when they were taken is helpful.
Address: Editor, “The Prisoner of War,” St. James’s Palace, London, S.W.1. The cost of these prizes and fees is defrayed by a generous friend of the Red Cross and St. John War Organisation. [/boxed]
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10 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
Official Reports from
[Photograph of the archway over an entrance to a courtyard] The courtyard at Oflag IVC where there have been no changes in the general layout of the camp since it was last visited in July, 1944.
OFLAG IVC, COLDITZ
Total strength of camp at time of visit was 239 officers and 51 other ranks, the total number of British prisoners of war being 200. There were no changes with regard to the general layout and interior arrangements of the camp since the last visit in July, 1944. The privileges promised by the camp commandant for further recreational facilities had not materialised. It has now been said that the chapel may be reopened.
There is a decided increase in the number of sick personnel, the most common symptoms being nervousness, insomnia and dyspepsia. There is a lack of medical and surgical equipment. British stocks are almost exhausted and the German supplies are inadequate.
(Visited October, 1944.)
STALAG IIA, NEUBRANDENBURG
This is a new camp and was visited for the first time. There are 253 American prisoners who were recently captured on the Western Front and 200 British N.C.O.s captured at Arnhem. It is situated in the vicinity of Neubrandenburg, about 70 miles north of Berlin. There are three barracks, of which two are at present partially occupied, and one serves as a reserve for expected new arrivals. There are slit trenches for protection from air raids.
Each barrack contains two sections. The sections are divided into 10 partitions, each partition holding 24 to 30 double-tier bunks, with hessian mattresses filled with wood shavings and two blankets for each man. There are tables and benches, and in each section one oven and one stove; between the sections there is a wash-room and a boiler for heating purposes. Hot showers are available once a week. Electric lighting is inadequate.
The cooking is done by French cooks in the camp’s central kitchen. The German rations are considered inadequate both in quantity and quality. The commandant agreed to detail American cooks to the kitchen. Red Cross supplies were exhausted at the time of visit.
The camp hospital was excellently equipped; the surgical section is under the care of a Polish doctor.
No Red Cross clothing supplies have arrived so far and many prisoners are badly in need of articles such as socks, shoes, underwear and greatcoats, Prisoners do their own laundry, but it will later be done by the camp laundry when that has been repaired.
There is no American or British chaplain. Prisoners of the Roman Catholic faith may attend Mass in the camp chapel, where a French priest officiates.
Although there is adequate recreational space there is a complete lack of sports equipment and so far the only physical exercise available has been walks. No incoming mail had been received at the time of visit. The visiting delegate was satisfactorily impressed with this camp; the German authorities appeared reasonable.
(Visited November, 1944.)
STALAG VIIA, MOOSBURG
The total strength of the camp at the time of visit was 11,688 prisoners of war, of whom 91 were British officers, 908 British N.C.O.s and 5,720 British other ranks.
Officers’ Section. – Two new barracks have been opened since the last visit and constitute a substantial improvement in the living arrangements. Officer are not allowed to meet other ranks in sport or entertainment activities. The prisoners have double-tier wooden bunks with straw mattresses. There is one recreation room with tables and benches. Heating arrangements are inadequate, and although there are stoves for the cooking of Red Cross food, the fuel supply is not sufficient. Each officer has one hot shower a week.
General state of health is good. Medical attention is given by a British medical officer when necessary.
There is a general shortage of clothing such as greatcoats, battledress and underwear. Officers have to wash their own socks and handkerchiefs as these articles are not accepted by the laundry.
Mail is still erratic. Complaint was made of a shortage of messing equipment. Only one bowl and one spoon has been issued to each officer.
This camp, it must be realised, is merely a transit camp for officers, and the inhabitants are all recent captures who are awaiting admission to a permanent oflag.
Other Ranks. – There have been no material changes in this section of the camp since the last visit in April. 1944. More wells have been dug, thus improving the water supply. There were no complaints regarding shortage of water during the summer. British cooks are now employed in part of the cookhouse. There were no complaints about the food.
The new arrivals are all recent captures from the Italian and Western Fronts and are without winter clothing.
Religious and recreational facilities are well organised and there were no complaints. There is good liaison with the German welfare officers. Concerts and shows are frequent.
The general state of health in the camp is satisfactory.
(Visited October, 1944.)
LABOUR DETACHMENTS
Dependent on Stalag VIIA
After the heavy bombardment of Munich a work detachment of about 1,400 men was formed for demolition work. The men have to travel for about three or four hours each day. They receive two meals in Munich and their full regular ration at Stalag. In the event of air attacks shelters are provided.
The Delegate held a meeting with the Men of Confidence from the following detachments:-
3911 Ludwig Ferdinandstr. Strength 571 prisoners of war.
3732 Hindenburgstr. 264.
3785 Pasing. 604.
3881 Laim. 101
3841 Schleissheimstr. 85.
3657 Res Lazaret Bad Tolz. 46.
3712 Schleirsee. 20.
3914 Wolfratschausen. 16.
also Nos. 1, 2 and 4 and 6 Railway Companies.
Since the last visit, the city of Munich has suffered several air raids. Up to the time of the visit there had been no British casualties. There are adequate air-raid shelters. The general conditions in all these detachments was reported to be satisfactory though here and there overcrowding occurs owing to destruction of barracks by fire bombs. The chief complaint by the medical officers was that several barracks were infested with vermin, chiefly fleas, but no lice.
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 11
the Camps
[Photograph of a group of man in costume putting on a play] A play in progress at Oflag IVC, and (below) a corner of the gymnasium at Stalag VIIA, Moosburg.
[Photograph of men boxing training]
[Boxed] IN every case where the conditions call for remedy, the Protecting Power makes representations to the German authorities. Where there is any reason to doubt whether the Protecting Power has acted, it is at once requested to do so. When it is reported that food or clothing is required, the necessary action is taken through the International Red Cross Committee. [/boxed]
The state of health in all the detachments is reported as good. Further supplies of Red Cross clothing and shoes are badly needed. Draught beer is available in all detachments. The chaplain from the main stalag pays regular visits. Welfare work is well organised.
(Visited October, 1944.)
STALAG VIIA, GORLITZ
Strength of camp at date of visit was 1,225 British prisoners of war. 1,960 prisoners of war are scattered in 47 working detachments. There have been no changes in the material layout of the camp since the last visit in July and the interior arrangements are still satisfactory. There were no complaints about washing and bathing facilities.
This camp is now entirely out of stock of Red Cross parcels, but the men realise the difficulties of transport in the despatching of supplies and it was hoped that a new supply would arrive in the near future.
The Red Cross clothing position is reported to be good, the only shortage being small-size boots and jackets. There were 184 prisoners sick at the time of visit, but none of them seriously. The camp hospital is still run very satisfactorily by British medical officers and there was an adequate drug supply.
Recreational facilities are still very satisfactory. Rugby and football are played daily and there is physical training every morning and evening. The camp band was on tour to work detachments. English and American films are shown.
The discipline barrack mentioned in the last report was said to be more or less over-crowded and only a very few British prisoners of war awaiting court martial are being kept there.
Conditions at this camp remained very good and all possible support is received from the German authorities.
(Visited November, 1944.)
LABOUR DETACHMENTS
Dependent on STALAG VIIIA
No. 12403, Fellhammer. – 152 British prisoners of war work in a coal mine, of whom 102 work below ground. Accommodation has improved, in so far as a new recreation barrack has been built. The Man of Confidence complained that not enough disinfectant was being used and there are far too many fleas and lice. Clothing is short, especially trousers. Heating is inadequate, but the German authorities promised to issue a third blanket for each prisoner. Medical attention is given by a German civilian doctor, medical supplies were short.
No. 10003, Siegersdorf. – 34 British prisoners of war work in a tile factory for nine hours a day. every second Sunday is free. The only complaint was that the margarine ration had been cut. The German authorities promised to look into this matter, but it was feared that this cut is current all over Germany.
[Photograph of a group of four men] A group of prisoners of war at Stalag VIIIA Gorlitz, where conditions were reported good and recreational facilities satisfactory.
26 British prisoners of war at No. 11101, Weise, are employed in a stone quarry for nine hours daily, no work on Sundays. There were no complaints. At detachment No. 1102, Kerzdorf, 57 prisoners of war are employed in a cement works making blocks for houses. Saturday afternoons and Sundays are free. The prisoners had no complaints.
No. 14804, Konigshan.- 50 British prisoners of war are accommodated in a stone house in the small village of Konigshan. They are engaged in the repair and maintenance of railway lines. Working hours are 9 1/2 hours daily, with Saturday afternoons and Sundays free. Work is said to be hard, but can be managed by the prisoners.
There are double-tier beds and each prisoner of war has three German blankets. There is plenty of space in the house. Good light and air, the electric lighting is sufficient. The prisoners are
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12 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
able to have a hot bath daily. Food is adequate and is cooked by the prisoners themselves. The only complaint was that they have had only horse meat issued to them, but it appears that the whole population of this area is having no other kind of meat.
There is one recognised medical orderly at this detachment. He is able to treat all minor ailments. Seriously ill prisoners are taken to hospital at Trautenau, where they are very well looked after. There is an urgent need of boots and greatcoats. Laundry is done by two prisoners who have every Saturday and Monday free to do the washing for the whole camp. In winter difficulty is experienced in the drying of the washing. The Germans have promised to issue more coal for this purpose.
Football is played regularly in a nearby field. There are plenty of indoor games and musical equipment. The general impression given to the delegate was that this is an excellent detachment.
No. 14808, Ober-Altstadt. – Strength of this detachment is 85 prisoners of war. They are accommodated in a large wooden barrack situated near a small village in the valley of the Riesengebirge. The men work in three different flax factories for 9 1/2 hours daily. Saturday afternoons and Sundays are free with the exception of some men who have to work every third Sunday. Full compensation is given in the week.
Twelve men sleep in each room. Each man has a cupboard to himself and has been issued with two German blankets. There is a very good washroom in the barrack with running water. Each man has a hot shower each week and if desired one can be had almost daily.
There is a large well-equipped kitchen with two large boilers and a good-size stove. The cooking is done by two British prisoners. The only complaint about the German rations was the quality of the meat. There had been no issue of Red Cross parcels for two weeks.
Medical treatment is not satisfactory as the German doctor is always too busy to examine the prisoners properly and the men have to rely on the medical orderly. The clothing situation is quite satisfactory except for boots and greatcoats. There is plenty of opportunity for football and indoor sports. The large messroom has been transferred into a theatre, which is much in use and very satisfactory. Mail is slack at present.
This working detachment which used to be so good has deteriorated since the appointment of a new commandant. A further commandant is to be appointed and it is hoped that the detachment will again flourish.
(Visited November, 1944.)
[Photograph of six men in uniform] Some prisoners at Stalag 317 (XVIIIC) where the total number of our men is 982. The interior arrangements here have not improved since the last visit in March, 1944.
STALAG 317 XVIIIC, MARKT PONGAU
The total number of prisoners in the stalag area is 982, of whom 713 are in the base camp and 269 in six labour detachments. The interior arrangements have not improved since the last visit in March, 1944. Many of the newcomers to the camp are without palliasses and have to sleep on the bare planks of wooden double-tier bunks. Working men are now able to get a hot bath on two extra evenings.
At the time of the visit the stock of Red Cross parcels was expected to last about two months. Stocks of Red Cross clothing are now practically nil owing to the outfitting of new arrivals.
The hospital is satisfactory and the three British medical officers work amicably with the German doctor. Laundry is done by the men themselves. There is a regular issue of soap.
Prisoners in the work detachments are engaged on surface work, building, demolition, road mending, etc. Men in the Stalag who work on Sunday mornings have Saturday afternoons free. There is a fair-size recreation field for sports and exercises. Four American films have recently arrived. Three have been shown and the fourth will be shown in the near future.
Mail is again coming in quite regularly.
The camp did not give a good impression to the visiting delegate. The former fair-minded commandant had been replaced by an East Prussian, who fails to exact the necessary authority from his subordinated. The visiting delegate met the British Men of Confidence from the six detachments. There were no serious complaints from any of them.
(Visited October, 1944.)
HOSPITAL, MEININGEN
The total number of patients in the hospital at the time of visit was 252 American and 160 British. The hospital staff numbered 60, making a grand total of 472 British and American prisoners of war. Since the last visit the hospital is now slightly overcrowded owing to an influx of new patients from Arnhem. The increased number of patients has resulted in more beds having to be put up in the various wards, but two new barracks are to be erected, replacing two smaller ones, which should improve conditions in all wards and rectify the overcrowding. A weekly hot shower is still available, but the existing number of washrooms is insufficient. A new barrack with washrooms and toilet facilities is also to be built.
The supply of fresh vegetables had increased greatly during the last few weeks and there were no complaints regarding food. There was six to seven weeks’ supply of Red Cross parcels, including invalid diet parcels.
As pointed out in the last report on this hospital, all the patients have been transferred from Obermassfeld for orthopaedic exercises. Experienced sports officers are daily directing courses of physical training, and artificial limbs are being made in the special well-equipped workshop. There is an adequate supply of drugs and medicines.
There is still no stock of upper clothing. Greatcoats and blankets are greatly in demand.
1,000 razor blades were recently received from the Germans, but otherwise there was nothing on sale in the canteen. The cigarette position is now bad for all prisoners of war, the German monthly issue having been stopped. Mail, which was bad at the time of the invasion, is now coming in again for long term prisoners of war.
The general impression of this hospital is till good. When the new barracks have been completed the overcrowding should be considerably decreased and conditions will be very satisfactory.
(Visited November, 1944.)
BRIGHTER SIDE (contd. from page 8).
down O.K.” One pudding at this camp weighed 22 lb.
Story with a Moral
“Here we are again with good news and a story with a moral.” Thus begins a letter from Stalag 344, which continues: “For the last two or three weeks our faces were growing longer and longer as Christmas approached and Red Cross receded. As we did not expect - or get – anything, it was a blue outlook.” Then the parcels began at last to arrive – a small issue on the Saturday morning, and a larger one in the afternoon. So the writer was able to report: “Everyone has that cheerful feeling only to be succeeded by that day to come.”
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 13
More Come Home
[Photograph of a group of men in uniform] Some of the first repatriates to step ashore from the Arundel Castle which brought 764 of them home early in February.
WHEN the ship loomed slowly into sight out of the Merseyside mists her whiteness made the scene almost unreal. Gradually the large red cross and the lettering on her side became discernible. Then as the tugs brought her with painful slowness to the quayside, the rows of men on every vantage point aboard could be seen. When the silence had become almost unbearable, they broke suddenly into a full-throated cheer, the echo of which was taken up by the famous warbling call from the Australians. The military band played familiar tunes and the singing of those on the landing stage mingled with the voices from the ship.
Greetings from the shore were short and to the point. We were delighted to have the men back again. They would be conveyed to their destinations as speedily as possible. That was all they were really anxious to know. Every sentence of welcome spoke into the microphone was echoed back with an answering cheer from the ship – particularly loud when the magic word “home” was voiced.
Later, on board, the 764 repatriates ceased to be a cheering, excited mass and separated into their varying personalities, each with his own personal hopes and fears. These were the men lost to England on the fighting retreat to Dunkirk, at the Salerno landings, in the air over Germany and at Arnhem. Now they had returned, some after a captivity lasting five years.
They were eager for news, eager to tell of their experiences. Smiles were the order of the day. When you saw the expression on a man’s face, his injuries mattered no longer. Often the greater his incapacity, the broader seemed his grin. This was the moment for which they had been waiting for so long. Their patience while they waited their turn to go ashore was remarkable, as they listened for the cheerful and efficient announcements over the ship’s radio for “Such and Such” to report on “C” deck ready to disembark.
An R.A.F. Warrant Officer, who recounted proudly that he had been taking part in the famous raid on the Dortmund-Ems Canal when his aircraft was shot down, said that he had been an expert in feminine make-up for shows in Stalag Luft I, III, VI, VII. He expected people in Oldham would find him “different” after five years away, but was reassured to the contrary.
A young Pole with a particularly beaming smile who was bound for a hospital in Scotland to have an artificial limb fitted, said that the loss of a leg would in no way hamper him in his profession, which was law.
A lieutenant from Oflag 79 spoke enthusiastically of the small daughter who had been described to him in letters, but whom he had not yet seen. His home was in Surrey, and he asked keen questions about flying bomb damage.
Many repatriated naturally wanted news of flying bombs and rockets from the “receiving” end. These weapons had been so highly propagandised by the Germans that our humorous term “doodles” and buzz bombs, which were new to many, seemed almost flippant.
There was one big fact, however, which the Germans could not hide from our men, and that was the work of the R.A.F. Quite apart from any experience they may have had in camp of the raids, they were able to see for themselves through the carriage windows as they journeyed across Germany the mile upon mile of devastation.
Many had brought themselves up to date with news of this country in their chats with the six British Red Cross and St. John – and one Australian Red Cross – welfare officers, and the eight nurses of Queen Alexandra’s Imperial Military Nursing Service, who cared for those too ill to be up and about. These women with their Red Cross comforts and the canteen which had supplied 200,500 cups of tea during the voyage had been the first link with home, and this had obviously meant a very great deal. Enthusiastic signed tributes were received on behalf of the repatriates by these welfare officers and more than £100 was given in donations as expressions of gratitude. B.C.S.
[Boxed] How They Help
In addition to those mentioned below, we wish to thank the many kind readers whose help to the funds this month we cannot find room to record here individually. [/boxed]
THE annual dance and whist drive held by the wardens of “A” district, Northwood, was well supported, and a lively account of the proceedings related that “during a break from dancing the guests allowed a mysterious ‘Mr. S.’ to hold one of his unique ‘sales of work,’ when he disposed of an assortment of goods at amazing prices. This gentleman seems to work on a system that extracts money from willing bidders at £2 per minute, as in half an hour he ‘took’ £52 from a very generous audience, so bringing the total for the evening to £143.”
Wardens at Post 22, Turpens Lane, Chigwell, have helped, too, with another donation, and the Rattery Platoon (Devon) of the Home Guard arranged whist drives and a dance from which they made £55 11s., thereby achieving £112 in all to help our prisoners of war. Whist drives for which Mr. J.C. Gendenning, of Brampton, Cumberland, was responsible, have brought in the handsome amount of £219 14s., while the Swinton branch of the British Legion send £12 3s. 6d., a further gift.
£2 7s. 6d. has come from Mrs. Peck, of Sheffield, who sold a glass bowl and stand, and £3 as a Christmas present for her son who has been a prisoner for three years from Mrs. Bromham, of Addiscombe. Miss Davies, of Leeds, who has two nephews who are prisoners of war, has realised an average of £1 5s. each month for the last twelve months by means of eggs!
A cheque forwarded from some thirty members of the Rowley Regis Areas of the British Prisoners of War Relatives Association, with the amount previously subscribed since March, 1943, adds up to £700, and money to cover the cost of 418 food parcels was raised from a New Year’s concert arranged by Mr. A.G. Baxter at the Odeon Theatre, Llandudno, among the artists being Clive Richardson and Tony Lowry of the B.B.C.
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14 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
Football in the Camps
[Photographs of football teams from STALAG 344, STALAG XXB, STALAG 383, STALAG XVIIA, STALAG IXC, B.B.AB. 21 and OFLAG VIIB.]
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MARCH, 1945 The Prisoner of War 15
Personal Parcels Man
A P.o.W. at Stalag 357 Describes his Work
[Photograph of five men in greatcoats] These five prisoners of war at Stalag IVA act as postmen.
I BUSY myself with the affairs of the R.A.F. here, who number some 3,200 men. This means that their interests at all times must be cared for, whether it be a question of food parcels or private parcels. It signifies little on paper, but I can assure you that many problems rendered here would tax the tactfulness of Solomon himself.
We manage to get to work before the others go on roll-call as our parcel office is situated outside the compound, in what is called the Vorlager, which adjoins, but is separated from the compound. Here our office deals with all the personal parcels which arrive at the camp. The parcels are coming in very well, but we expect a hold-up shortly due to the parcel route closing in July and August. They are sorted into the various sections, listed, and the lists sent round the camp informing the lucky individuals when to collect them. The parcels are then pushed on a two-wheeled cart into he compound and opened and searched by the Germans in a central room.
When They Move
Our other department deals with parcels which belong to individuals who, for some reason or other, are no longer with us. As previously reported, the whole of Stalag Luft 6 did not come here with us, and, as most of the parcels addressed to Luft 6 arrive at this camp first, this department is kept very busy.
It is also our duty to report any parcels which have been damaged en route, and, believe me, there are quite a number. Sacks of parcels sent on by other Stalags have lists inside them telling us the number of parcels contained therein and it is our duty to ensure that everything is all right, sign the receipt and return to the Stalag concerned. If anything untoward has happened to the sack a report must be made to the P.O.
Book Censorship
Book parcels are dealt with in a different way. These are not allowed in the compound until such time as they have been censored. We therefore open the parcel, and prepare the book for censoring, and take them to the censor. This officer controls all matter (printed) which is destined for the compound. He is assisted in his work by three ladies and a few men, and everything that concerns parcels or books is reported to this office either by the German in charge of our department or by myself. My face is becoming known here as it was previously at the Luft camps.
How Parcels Arrive
The sacks of personal parcels arrive by two distinct means. Some come by rail to the station, and we collect them by motor. Recently, however, it has been very hard to obtain a motor so we have had to perform this task by hand-cart. The others come by post and we collect them from the local post-office on the hand-cart.
The personnel at both of these4 sources are beginning to know me now, and the job of collecting parcels, although quite hard, is most enjoyable. A better knowledge of customs and language is obtained, and the chance of my becoming a victim of barbed-wire fever is very remote. One of the fair sex even went to the extent of calling me a funny man, but it might even mean that I have developed a “Stalag-happy” complex. This is a current expression now in use.
December 3rd, 1944.
[Photograph of a knitted scarf]
Knit This Practical Scarf
IN MOSS STITCH
[Instructions for knitting a scarf]
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16 The Prisoner of War MARCH, 1945
Camp Transfers
Statement on February 13th
TWELVE camps, whose numbers are given below, have either been over-run by the Soviet Forces or are in their direct path. There were about 60,000 prisoners from the British Commonwealth in these camps.
Following are the camps:-
Stalag IIB, Stalag IID, Stalag IIIB, Stalag IIIC, Stalag 344, Stalag VIIIB, Stalag VIIIC, Stalag XXA, Stalag XXB, Stalag Luft III, Stalag IV, Stalag Luft VII.
Information given in the House of Commons on February 22nd
AS regards the movements of camps in Eastern Germany, the present position, according to the latest information available, is as follows:
Stalags XXA, XXB and IIB are moving through the Province of Mecklenburg. Some are being moved by rail.
From Stalag Luft III 2,000 British and American prisoners of war have been transferred to Stalag IIIA, at Luckenwalde; 2,000 to Marlag und Milag Nord (near Hamburg); 2,000 to Stalag XIIIC, east of Frankfurt-on-Main, and 4,000 to Stalag VIIIA in Bavaria.
Prisoners of war from Stalags VIIIA and VIIIC are moving through Saxony. A number of prisoners unfit to travel are being moved from Stalag VIIIA by rail.
Some prisoners from Stalag Luft IV are reported to be at Usedom, near Swinemunde on the Baltic.
Stalag Luft VII was reported to be near Spremburg, from where the prisoners are to be transferred to the neighbourhood of Nuremburg and Moosburg in Bavaria.
Stalag VIIIB is reported to be moving towards Aussig, south of Dresden.
The final destination of the prisoners transferred from the above camps is not yet known.
War Office Statement, February 26th
Four thousand British and American sick have left Lamsdorf (Stalag 344) for a destination in Germany as yet unknown. Fit prisoners from Stalag 344 are on the march between Boemisch Lippa and Carlsbad.
Prisoners from Stalag VIIIA are dividing: part are proceeding towards Cassel, part to Nuremburg, while prisoners from Stalag VIIIC are moving – some towards Hanover, others towards Cassel. Advance parties are already nearing their destination.
PARCELS
For P.o.W.s Formerly in Camps in Easter Germany and Poland
THE Postmaster-General announces that PARCELS should not now be sent to British prisoners of war formerly in the camps (including associated labour detachments and hospitals) in Poland and Eastern Germany mentioned below until new addresses are received either through official notification to the next of kin from letters from the men themselves.
LETTERS for these prisoners can continue to be posted addressed to the last-known camp address.
The camps in question are:-
Stalag IIB
Stalag IID
Stalag IIIA
Stalag IIIB
Stalag IIIC
Stalag IIID
Stalag VIIIA
Stalag VIIIB
Stalag VIIIC
Stalag XXA
Stalag XXB
Stalag XXID
Stalag 344
Stalag Luft III, Luft IV, Luft VIII
B.A.B. 20 B.A.B. 21
Oflag 64
The Post Office will despatch, as the opportunity offers, next of kin parcels for those camps which have already been repacked and reposted by the British Red Cross, and also parcels of cigarettes, tobacco, etc., posted by holders of censorship permits in expectation that they will be redirected by the German authorities.
In order, however, not to add to the difficulties of redirection, the British Red Cross will return to the senders any next of kin parcels for these camps which have not been reposted, and the public should not place further orders with holders of censorship permits as parcels sent by this means cannot be returned.
In the case of other camps, next of kin and “permit” parcels as well as letters can continue to be sent for the time being. Readers are advised to look out for further official announcements.
Labels and Coupons
In view of the G.P.O. announcement, no more labels and coupons will be issued for the time being to the next of kin of prisoners whose last address was that of one of the camps mentioned. This applies to first and later issues.
A postcard will be sent to the next of kin of men in these camps whose parcels were despatched shortly before February 16th, giving the date of despatch and explaining the position.
Next of kin already holding labels and coupons for men in these camps should keep them until a new address is known. They are advised to consult the P.o.W. Department before despatching any further parcels and to look out for further official announcements by the General Post Office.
[Boxed] NUMBER PLEASE.
Please be sure to mention your Red Cross reference number whenever you write to us. Otherwise delay and trouble are caused in finding previous correspondence. [/boxed]
Y.M.C.A. SPORTS MEDALS
The British Man of Confidence at Stalag IVA has written to inform the mother of a lance-corporal there that the Y.M.C.A. Sports Medal has been awarded to her son “who has organised football under difficult conditions and has striven week after week to keep the ‘lads’ at the game. He demonstrated his sportsmanship and love of the game in a recent ‘England v. Scotland’ match. He captained the losing team (England) and, as a token of goodwill, presented his Regimental Cap Badge to the captain of the winning side. A cap badge to a soldier in captivity is his most treasure possession. Such spirit as his puts Britain where she is in the world of sport…”
P.o.W. Exhibition Catalogues
Those who may still wish to obtain a copy of the catalogue as a souvenir of the Prisoners of War Exhibition which was held in London last year should send 7d. to cover cost and postage as soon as possible to-
Mr. Tomlins, Red Cross and St. John War Organisation, Publicity Department, 24, Carlton House Terrace, London, S.W.1.
Gift from Woolwich
The British Armaments Inspection Department at Woolwich is helping to provide weekly food parcels for prisoners of war. They have already sent Red Cross a cheque for £100, with their good wishes and their target is £500.
County Representatives
Please note the following change:-
DEVONSHIRE.- Mrs. Geoffrey Tomes, B.R.C.S. Office, Prudential Chambers, Exeter.
[Boxed] FREE TO NEXT OF KIN
This journal is sent free of charge to those registered with the Prisoners of War Dept. as next of kin. In view of the paper shortage no copies are for sale, and it is hoped that next of kin will share their copy with relatives and others interested. [/boxed]
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN for the publishers, THE RED CROSS AND ST. JOHN WAR ORGANISATION, 14, Grosvenor Crescent, London, S.W.. by THE CORNWALL PRESS LTD., Paris Garden, Stamford Street, London S.E.1.
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
The Prisoner of War March 1945
Description
An account of the resource
The official journal of the Prisoners of War Department of the Red Cross and St John War Organisation. This edition covers the Editors comments, the transport of food parcels, Emergency supplies for the camp, POW cooking, articles about Christmas in the camps, letter written by POWs for home, Official reports from the camps, More Come Home -repatriates returning, charitable donations, photographs of camp football teams, a POW postman who deals with parcels and a knitting pattern for a scarf.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945-04
Format
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16 printed sheets
Language
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eng
Type
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Text
Identifier
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MCurnockRM1815605-171114-022
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Royal Air Force
Royal Air Force. Bomber Command
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Cyprus--Famagusta
Switzerland--Geneva
Germany--Berlin
Netherlands--Arnhem
Germany--Colditz
Germany--Neubrandenburg
Germany--Munich
Germany--Görlitz (Görlitz)
Germany--Meiningen
Germany--Obermassfeld-Grimmenthal
Great Britain
England--Merseyside
England--Oldham
England--Surrey
Germany--Lübeck
Germany--Barth
Poland
Poland--Łambinowice
Poland--Tychowo
Poland--Żagań
Germany--Moosburg an der Isar
Ukraine--Odesa
Germany
Cyprus
Netherlands
Switzerland
Ukraine
England--Lancashire
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Great Britain. Red Cross and St John war organisation. Prisoners of war department
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Anne-Marie Watson
Temporal Coverage
Temporal characteristics of the resource.
1945-04
aircrew
arts and crafts
entertainment
faith
forced labour
prisoner of war
Red Cross
sanitation
sport
Stalag 3A
Stalag 8B
Stalag Luft 1
Stalag Luft 3
Stalag Luft 4
Stalag Luft 6
Stalag Luft 7
-
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Cahir, Francis Shamus
Francis Shamus Cahir
Jim Cahir
Francis S Cahir
Francis Cahir
F S Cahir
F Cahir
J Cahir
Description
An account of the resource
44 items. An oral history interview with Francis Shamus "Jim" Cahir (419441 Royal Australian Air Force), letters, documents, photographs and a sub collection.
He flew operations as a mid upper gunner with 466 Squadron. His aircraft was shot down and he became a prisoner of war.
The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Jim Cahir and catalogued by Barry Hunter.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2016-06-09
2016-06-08
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Cahir, FS
Transcribed document
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading.
Transcription
Text transcribed from audio recording or document
Australian Red Cross Society
Incorporated by Royal Charter, 1941
(UNOFFICIAL)
[underlined] FOR SAFETY. [/underlined]
IN YOUR LETTERS DO NOT REFER TO:-
The name of your ship or other ships in the convoy or its escort;
The date of sailing, ports of call, or probable destination;
The description of troops aboard, any other information which, if intercepted, would be of value to the enemy;
W/O FS. CAHIR
AUS. 419441
KODAK HOUSE
LONDON
MAY 20TH. 45.
[underlined] 1 [/underlined]
Dear Mum, Pat and Vincent,
Well here I am in England once again, you have no idea how wonderful it feels to be a free man, just to look out of the window and not see barbed wire with Machine Gun posts along it is a pleasure in itself. Once again I feel like an individual not just an animal ordered around by the fear of a gun – it’s a marvellous feeling to be free!
Well I don’t know where to begin the story, I think the best plan would be to go back to the night of Dec 20th 1943. We were attacked by German Aircraft just after bombing Frankfurt-on Main, the fighting set us on fire and the Kite went into a dive for 10,000 ft before Pat managed [inserted] to [/inserted] pull it out, he then [deleted] ordid [/deleted] ordered us to bail out and I think we were at a height of approx 8000 ft when I jumped.
I landed without injury and did the usual thing such as hiding my chute etc. I was eventually picked up twenty-four hours later by a German who handed me over to the Gestapo who in turn gave me over to the Luftwaffe and whence my life behind the wire began. Well Mum, looking back over that night I have no one else on this earth to thank for saving my life but my “Skipper” Pat Edwards; it was only by his bravery that I got out with the rest of the crew. After we had been hit, Pat remained very calm, fought the controls and eventually pulled the kite out of a death dive for just long enough to get his crew out, his last words to us still ring in my ears “Good Luck Boys and if those so and so’s catch you, don’t tell them anything”. When I was taken [inserted] to [/inserted] the Luftwaffe’s HQ’s I was told that the rest of my crew was dead, it appears that they tell everybody this to try and break their nerves which
[page break]
[underlined] 2 [/underlined]
don’t require much breaking at that stage of the game. I then spent six days in solitary confinement on Bread and watery soup whilst they tried to get information out of me. Christmas Day 1943 was the worst day of my life, I think I was just beginning to feel the shock of the crash, I was in solitary confinement, I didn’t know who of the crew was dead or alive and I kept thinking of you at home worrying over me. I am sure I nearly went crazy that day, I wanted to laugh, cry and shout all at once, when I think of it even now I shiver!
Boxing Day I was taken out of my cell and the following day I met George Brett and the rest of the Boys and we departed from Frankfurt by train to Muhlberry where I remained until I was liberated by the Russians. I was never at Luft 3, but our mail and parcels were supposed to come through that Camp.
Stalag IVB – was an Army Camp but there was about 1200 RAF chaps there, the rest of the Camp consisted of Americans French Dutch Italians Russians Danes in fact every nationality in Europe and outside of Europe; on the day of liberation, there was 27,000 prisoners in the Camp.
We lived in huts, 90 feet long, usually 220 men to a hut but on occasions we have had over 400 in huts built for 200. In these huts we lived, cooked, smoked, talked and slept, our beds consisted of three tier bunks reaching to the roof; in bad times, we had to sleep [deleted] to [/deleted] two to a bed or on a brick floor which use [sic] to freeze in Winter. Jan. 45 is a month I will never forget in my life, because of the shortage of food, fuel and Blankets, it’s a wonder more chaps didn’t die. The health of a lot of the chaps broke
[page break]
[underlined] 3 [/underlined]
down and in the winter of 43.44 Typhus broke out which caused the death of hundreds of nationals other than British, the chap in the bed beside me caught typhus but recovered from it. The Barrack Rooms were full of fleas and the Germans use [sic] do nothing about it.
The food question was very serious, I can honestly say that the Red Cross kept us alive, the food the Germans use [sic] to give us I would not give to any decently bred dog. Please don’t think me bitter towards Germans, I don’t think I am! all I am doing is looking back on things and giving you my own opinion.
Since being back in England I have thought a great deal over the last eighteen months and I have changed a lot in my outlook. When I landed in Germany I was pretty green & young in outlook even though I kidded myself I was a man of the world and perhaps I even acted as one; it was not until I got behind the barbed wire did I see what War did to men.
Men who had been living peaceful lives suddenly whipped away from their families, thrown into a dirty camp and forced to work on hardly enough food to live on. Men shot dead because they were hungry and stole potatoes peelings from a rubbish cart, another man shot dead because he was hungry and attempted to steal some strawberries for a German garden.
When I first went to IVB it use [sic] to make me sick to see Russians grovelling in the dirt looking for something to eat, scraping out tins that had been lying on the ground for weeks, fighting and kicking one another over a piece of spud peeling, but after a few weeks I became like the rest of the Camp, a silent spectator knowing that one day the tables would be turned.
[page break]
[underlined] 4 [/underlined]
Jerry’s prisoners was (sic) composed of men women and children. Do you remember Warsaw? Well in our camp there was 1000 women and 600 children between the ages of 6 and 10 years who were deported from Warsaw and were destined to work for Hitler and his allies; that is only one case of forced labour, there were thousands of young girls and Women in German [sic] like the one I met who had been taken from their homes in occupied territory, tatooed [sic] with a number on their arm & put to work. Well Mum, if I don’t stop this you [inserted] will [/inserted] think I have become [inserted] a [/inserted] cynic and developed a hatred of the Germans, I assure you nothing of the kind has happened, as far as I am concerned I neither like nor hate the Germans and [inserted] I think [/inserted] they deserve everything that’s coming [inserted] to [/inserted] them.
Now to get back to the Camp; we were liberated by the Russians on Apr 23rd the day that they linked up with the Americans, at a place called Torgau. It was quite an exciting week for us, as you no doubt know we were hemmed in on all sides and the S.S. put up quite some resistance. Air activity proceeding the liberation was great, the American Fighter Pilots used to put on shows for us over the camp, but the climax was obtained when fighters strafed an ammo train about 1/2 mile from the Camp, did that train go up with a bang!
The night before the Russians arrived the German guards packed up and went for their lives and it was not until the morning when we went out on parade to be counted that we discovered that we owned the Camp. The Russians left us in the Camp and continued their mopping up operations,
[page break]
[underlined] 5 [/underlined]
about a week later they told us we had to get out as they needed the Camp, so we went to a place called Riesa about 20 KM’s away and installed ourselves in a Germany Military Barracks; myself and nine other chaps thought we would like a little comfort for once, so we lived in a flat that had been occupied by a Nazi Official. We spent about a week here in Riesa until we got a bit tired of it, then we decided that the Russians were not doing much about getting us home, so we walked out on them, and hiked along the road until we reached the Mulda River at a place called Wutzen. There the Yanks picked us up and fed us like Kings.
We then travelled to Halle, spent a few days there and eventually was [symbol] flown out by Dakotas to Brussels where Lancs picked us up to fly us to England.
On reaching England I was admitted to Hospital suffering from malnutrition, I feel O.K. but the old tummy can’t get used to good meals consequently I am on a milk Diet; I expect to be in Hospital two to three weeks so don’t worry over me, as the Hospital I am in is very nice and they feed you very well.
I have losted [sic] a bit weight, but on a milk Diet it shouldn’t be long before I put it on again. When I think of all the Girls at home doing all kinds of things to get their weight down I smile, tell them to send a stamped and addressed envelope to me and I will post back the secret to them.
The rest of IVB is still at Riesa, the way the Russians are carrying on they could be there for months. The Russians are a funny crowd! I still can’t figure them out so I won’t
[page break]
[underlined] 6 [/underlined]
attempt to give you my opinion of them in a letter.
I had a visit from Auntie Agnes and Uncle Shamus yesterday, I think they expected me to be nothing but skin & bone, I began to feel sorry I had disappointed them. They bought [sic] with them a couple of your letters also a few from Mary; they also told me that Vincent had joined the Navy, nice going Vincent! I hope you enjoy the life. Don’t worry over him, Mum, this War will be over very shortly and we will all be back with you.
I am enclosing a list of letters I received from you, I received many other letters from other people and answered them all in some way or the other whilst I was in Germany, I will write to everybody again within the next couple of weeks, at the moment I am a bit out of practice writing letters and besides it’s not the easiest job whilst in bed. You might tell everybody that has written to me that I really appreciate their kindness and I will drop a line later on.
I don’t think there is anything else you can send me, I am expecting RAAF HQ’s down here within the next couple of Days, they ought to be able to enlighten me on certain things; yes there is one thing you can send me, that is a ‘Fruit Cake’ it’s a few months since I tasted a good one.
Well Mum, I must close. I know I have left a lot out but I will save it until I get home, this letter writing is not such an easy job I thought it to be or perhaps it’s just because I am out of practice. Kindest regards to everybody back home.
Love xxxx
Jim
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Letter to Mrs Cahir from Jim Cahir
Description
An account of the resource
Letter from Warrant Officer Cahir to his mother and brothers. He writes about his capture in Germany after his aircraft was shot down on December 20th 1943 and subsequent capture. He goes on to describe the conditions he was kept in at Stalag IVB until his liberation on April 23rd 1945 where, after leaving the Camp and travelling to Wutzen, he was picked up by American Forces and flown back to England where he was now in hospital recovering from malnutrition.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Jim Cahir
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945-05-20
Format
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Six handwritten sheets
Language
A language of the resource
eng
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Text
Text. Correspondence
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ECahirFSCahirM-P-V450520-0001, ECahirFSCahirM-P-V450520-0002, ECahirFSCahirM-P-V450520-0003, ECahirFSCahirM-P-V450520-0004, ECahirFSCahirM-P-V450520-0005, ECahirFSCahirM-P-V450520-0006
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Royal Australian Air Force
Royal Air Force
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Germany
Great Britain
England--London
Germany--Frankfurt am Main
Poland
Poland--Żagań
Germany--Riesa
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Temporal Coverage
Temporal characteristics of the resource.
1943-12-20
aircrew
bale out
bombing
C-47
forced labour
Lancaster
Operation Exodus (1945)
prisoner of war
Red Cross
shot down
Stalag Luft 3
-
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0fed7b7dff341486da97fdc5cf6b9c41
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Cahir, Francis Shamus
Francis Shamus Cahir
Jim Cahir
Francis S Cahir
Francis Cahir
F S Cahir
F Cahir
J Cahir
Description
An account of the resource
44 items. An oral history interview with Francis Shamus "Jim" Cahir (419441 Royal Australian Air Force), letters, documents, photographs and a sub collection.
He flew operations as a mid upper gunner with 466 Squadron. His aircraft was shot down and he became a prisoner of war.
The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Jim Cahir and catalogued by Barry Hunter.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
IBCC Digital Archive
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2016-06-09
2016-06-08
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
Cahir, FS
Transcribed document
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading.
Transcription
Text transcribed from audio recording or document
[inserted] This narrative was written at the request of the 57/60 Batt assoc and it was repeated in Mein Annual Book HARD. N. BOLD April 2001 & April 2002 (I was a member of this Batt from Dec 1941 – Aug 1942 before my call up to the RAAF)
My squadron was No. 466, a R.A.A.F. Squadron stationed at Driffield and Leconfield, Yorkshire during the War years 1943 to 1945.
I was shot down by a German night fighter near Frankfurt On Main, the night of December 20/21, 1943. On that particular night our flight outward bound had been perfect, no sign of any night fighters, some flack and a little turbulence from the other bombers, 647 in total, as we crossed their slip stream – all in all, no worries!
The target was reached on time, target markers sighted and bombs were dropped spot on. Our course was set for home then suddenly “all hell” broke loose, there was a loud thump and the whole of the starboard wing burst into flames and both engines looked like two raging bonfires. A huge hole appeared in the fuselage. All this happened within minutes at approximately 7.45 pm.
I was to find out later that a German night fighter, a J.U.88 fitted with their latest secret weapon, an upwards firing cannon code named by the Germans “Schrage Musik” (sweet music) had attacked us from our blind spot directly beneath our fuselage and had fired incendiary shells into our petrol tanks.
History has shown, it was many months before the R.A.F. authorities became aware of the new weapon and tactics that was having such devastating effect upon bomber command.
Our aircraft lost height immediately and went into a spiral drive. [sic] The skipper struggled to get the aircraft back on a level keel whilst ordering the crew to abandon the aircraft. This all occurred at approximately 7,000 ft whereas we had been flying at 21,000 ft a few minutes earlier.
After leaving the aircraft by parachute, I floated down to earth and landed in a ploughed field alongside what I thought to be an air raid shelter but after inspection in the dark I could not find an entrance (I was later to discover that it was a potato and turnip storage for the winter months).
How I wished that I had listened more intently to those intelligence lecture on “If you are shot down in Germany”. However, a couple of items did sink through: 1. clear out of the area you land in quickly 2. Bury or hide your parachute and any other unnecessary equipment 3. walk at night and hide during the day.
These instructions I adhered to and after orientating myself headed to the distant Rhine River, walking along country roads and throwing myself into ditches if I heard anybody approaching.
I walked until almost daylight when I decided to hide up in a large pine forest until dark. It was in this forest that I heard what I believed to be dogs barking, and I was cold with fear that I was being hunted by savage dogs. At one stage when the barking was
[page break]
2
getting closer, I climbed a tree to avoid being torn to pieces. How long I was up the tree, I have no idea! But as soon as the barking subsided and moved away from me I made my way out of the forest and hid in a road culvert until I was ready to walk again. (It was not until I had been a P.O.W. for 6 months or more that I discovered from a fellow P.O.W. that the barking dogs I had heard were wild deer in the forest, he had experienced the same fear!).
The next night I continued walking westward, skirting little villages and continually jumping into evil smelling drains, at the sound of any movement around me. As daylight appeared I had to hurriedly find a place to hide, to dry myself out and if possible to sleep a little. The temperature at this time of the year in Europe is very low and it felt that it could snow. I chose a large barn on the outskirts of a small village, which I thought would be most suitable until I had to move again.
I made myself as comfortable as possible behind a large stack of firewood and proceeded to again count my money from the escape kit that had been issued to me. Why I counted that money so often I don’t know, as I had not spent any of since leaving the aircraft in such a hurry (maybe that’s where I got my inspiration to become an accountant after the War!)
The daylight hours passed very slowly, I dozed fitfully, awaking at almost every sound even though I felt reasonably secure behind my pile of firewood. During those hours I observed school children passing down the road to school and housewives going about their duties in the village.
The light was beginning to fade and I was anxious to make a move as soon as the coast was clear and darkness set in, so I counted my money once again! I studied my silk map, put my flying boots back on and was preparing to do a few exercises before the next stage of my journey towards the River Rhine, when I saw through the cracks in the wall of the bar, cracks that I had enlarged during the day, a man and two dogs approaching the barn.
The dogs looked a mean and hungry lot and my fears of the previous night vividly returned to me. There was no way out of the barn except by the door now being approached by the German farmer and his two dogs – so I decided to lay “doggo” behind the wood pile, hardly daring to breathe, let alone move.
After a few moments the farmer opened the door of the barn, came in and commenced to collect wood from the stack that I was hiding behind. The dogs either saw me or sniffed me out and they took an instant dislike to me and showed me two perfect sets of teeth that I could see at a glance required no dental work. The farmer also saw me and after he had recovered from his initial shock, he grabbed a large length of timber and held it over my head whilst he yelled his head off to the farmhouse. His yelling brought forth a number of men and women from the farmhouse as well as exciting the dogs, the only one that remained calm and awaiting to be collected was myself.
[page break]
3
I was then invited to join the welcoming committee in a walk down to the main street of the village. I did not seem to have any alternative, particularly when I noticed that the two dogs were still showing me their dentures and making funny noises in their throats.
By this time the whole village seemed to be escorting me down the main street, and each one seemed to think that they had the liberty to push and thump me.
I was searched a couple of times in the street and my foreign money plus a few pounds in silver plus my Rosary Beads, that I always carried were taken by a young man who may have been a German solider, home on leave.
On reaching what was obviously the local lock up and with an excited audience behind me I was greeted by a uniformed official who proceeded to question me in German and as I did not know a word of German his interrogation fell flat, much to his annoyance. It was at this point that an old man dropped into my hand a broken set of Rosary Beads that he had obligingly picked up from where they had been thrown. Those beads I still have today.
I was placed in a cell in the lockup. This cell was partly below ground level with a broken window in front of the bars. The window attracted the local youth of the village and I spent the next hour or so moving around the cell to avoid a bombardment of an assortment of rubbish and probably a considerable amount of abuse, if I had understood German.
From the village lockup I was taken by a member of the Gestapo, who chained me to a motor bike side car for my transfer to yet another cell in another village. The Gestapo agents’ English was not as good as he thought it was, and I was able to deflect his questions and annoy him immensely by saying I did not understand his English and that I did not speak German. The impasse finished by me being locked up in yet another cell.
In the morning two armed guards from the Luftwaffe arrived to take me to my next destination which happened to be Oberusal, an interrogation centre for all allied, shot down airmen. Oberusal was situated just outside Frankfurt On Main. En route we were joined by a R.A.F. officer who I thought may have been a ‘stooge’ trying to obtain information from me. He apparently thought the same of me as neither of us said a word to one another during the 2 – 3 hours we were together.
On reaching the outskirts of Frankfurt we were transferred to a train for our final part of the journey. Whilst we were on the train a few of the passengers took advantage of us to vent their anger on both of us, by belting us until our Luftwaffe guards decided the passengers had had enough fun.
The interrogation centre at Oberusal was a specialized establishment to closely interrogate allied airmen who had been shot down. It was at this centre that I realized that I was a P.O.W. and that all my bluff in answering and parrying questions would not be accepted in this establishment.
[page break]
4
The first 24 hours was spent in a heated cell in solitary confinement. The light in the cell never went out and one lost all sense of time. Meals arrived via a trap door in the bottom of the door once a day and a bucket in the corner of the cell was emptied during the night hours. A wire stretcher type bed with a straw palliase occupied most of the remainder of the cell.
Sometime, on the second or third day I was visited by a bogus Red Cross Officer, who indicated that he was very concerned that my next of kin in Australia should know that I was safe and well!
The top of the bogus Red Cross form showed name, no, rank, which is the only information that a P.O.W. should give to the enemy. This part of the form I completed but I upset my guest investigating officer when I refused to complete the rest of the form which showed squadron no., location and many other questions.
Sometime later I was paraded before a Luftwaffe Officer who took a similar line that the bogus Red Cross Officer initially took with me. Name, service No. and rank was my standard answer to all questions put to me, irrespective of the questions!
As a result of my determination not to get involved in a question and answer session or a friendly chat with an interrogator, my reward was 7 days in solitary confinement! I was soon to find that solitary confinement had a devastating effect upon those sentenced, an effect that you have got to experience to understand the drain that takes place on your mind and body.
The sentence also meant that I spent Christmas Day, 1943 in complete solitary confinement and no doubt the events of the past 4 -5 days were beginning to take their toll, in particular the shooting down of the aircraft and not knowing whether you were the sole survivor of the plane or if others had escaped and where they were. I had a few bad days fighting a mental and physical state of mind and body. Christmas Day, 1943 will always live in my memory.
Solitary confinement is soul destroying. Just how long a man could stand it, I do not know, but I am sure time would eventually break even the strongest man. Man must be, by nature, a social animal and require the companionship of his fellow man. Solitary confinement was the one punishment all P.O.W.’s dreaded and one which the Germans knew could break all men. Some sooner that [sic] others.
I was released from solitary confinement without further interrogation. I think they may have needed the accommodation for other guests, as there were a number of R.A.F. and American Airforce raids in the last week of December, 1943 and from the yelling and shouting that went on in the cell block, it appeared a new batch of recently “shot down” airmen had arrived for interrogation.
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5
From Oberusal I was moved by train to a destination unknown to the prisoners, but as it turned out to a prison camp in East Germany. The journey took several days with frequent stops for troop trains having the right of way and a number of air raids that took place at night.
Our final resting place was Stalag IVB, at Mulhberg on the Elbe River, an army camp that was taking the overflow from Luftwaffe 3 at Sagan. I was part of 1,000 R.A.F. airmen in a camp of approximately 20,000 representing almost every Nation of the world. My liberation came by the arrival of the Russian Army in April, 1945 – but that is another story.!!
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[inserted] (6) [underlined] 30-11-01 [/underlined] [/inserted]
I thought I had fulfilled by obligation to Hardnbold when I wrote of my capture by the Germans, but I made one mistake by ending my story with the words – “But that is another story”. Now, a very persuasive [inserted] GRAND [/inserted] daughter of Bill Gilbert requests that other story.
On my return to England in May 1945, I wrote long letters to my mother and 2 brothers, Pat and Vin, who were, at that time, serving in the Army and Navy respectively.
It is from those letters that my mother had kept that I quote my thoughts on the events of 1943-1945. Consequently this narration may appear a little disjointed and I ask your indulgence for this fault.
As I related in Hardnbold last year – destiny found me in POW camp Stalag 1 VB Muhleberg – a small town approx midway between the large cities of Berlin – Leipzig – Dresden.
Stalag 1 VB was an Army camp under the control of Wehrmacht. It held approx 7,000 British Army personnel (including 40/50 A.I.F.), 1,000 R.A.F. Bomber Command crews which were the overflow from a Luftwaffe camp at Sagan. The rest of the prisoners, totalling another 15,000 or more, representing every nation in Europe and outside Europe.
The prison camp was in the form of a rectangle with a perimeter of approx 1 1/2 – 2 miles. Along each side of the 10 ft double barbed wire fence were the sentry boxes (on stilts). Each box was occupied by a sentry manning a machine gun. At night the perimeter was flood lit and from each sentry box there was a small searchlight on a swivel which used to sweep the camp.
The whole area was then divided into compounds by 10’, or more, high barbed wire fences. This meant, that if, trouble broke out within the camp, the Germans could control a disturbance by isolating a compound. It also meant that various nationalities could be separated.
In each compound were timber huts about 90 ft long able to house 220 men – but, on occasions, more than 400 men were forced to use these huts. In these huts we lived, cooked, talked and slept. Our beds consisted of 3 tier bunks reaching to the ceiling. In bad times we were obliged to sleep 2 to a bunk, or on a brick floor which used to freeze in winter.
The month of January 1945 I will never forget because of the shortage of food, fuel for cooking and heating and decent blankets. It was a wonder more prisoners did not die!
The food question was very serious. If it had not been for the Red Cross parcels – the food we received from the Germans would not have kept us alive in the latter part of the war.
Here I would like to quote verbatim from a letter I wrote to my mother in May 1945. “Since being back in England I have thought a great deal over the past 18 months as a prisoner. I saw men who had been living peaceful lives suddenly dragged from their families, thrown into a dirty camp and forced to be slave labourers on hardly enough food to live on. Men shot dead because they were hungry and stole potato peelings from rubbish cart.
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When I first arrived in 1 VB it used to make me sick to see Russians grovelling in the dirt looking for something to eat – scraping out tins that had been thrown into a stinking pit, fighting and kicking one another over a piece of spud pudding. But, after a few weeks I became like the rest of the British prisoners – a silent spectator, knowing that the tables would be turned”.
Life went on in the camp. “Home for Christmas” was always the thought in everybody’s mind. But, as Christmas approached and there was no sigh of a breakthrough by the Allies, the morale of the camp declined until Spring started to appear and plans for escape were once again the constant source of discussion.
It was not until “D” Day that the morale of the entire camp reached the top. News that day was received on a secret radio built by an R.A.F. wireless operator hidden inside a straw broom. The prisoners knew of that event before the German guards.
With the good weather of Spring and Summer we had regular visits of 1,000 bomber raids on Berlin and Leipzig and we believed, once again, that we would be home for Christmas. But – that was not to be!
Most people will remember the uprising of Warsaw in Aug/Sept 1944. After a valiant effort the Polish Underground Forces were beaten by the German Army of occupation and the remnants of the Polish Underground were transported to Germany as slave labour.
Suddenly, and without notice, one compound of the camp was cleared in great haste, and the inhabitants had to double up with prisoners in another compound.
We then witnessed the result of the tragic saga of the Warsaw uprising when approx 1,000 Polish women with 400/500 young children between 5-10 years of age were pushed into the empty compound.
The Polish members of the R.A.F, who were prisoners with us, were very upset and spent long hours comforting the women from a distance through the barbed wire.
The English speaking prisoners immediately set up their own Red Cross fund and contributed (as generously as they could) in food, second hand clothing and even toys some of them had made.
The women’s stay in Stalag 1 VB was not long – their destiny was slave labour in the factories of the industrial Ruhr which were the target areas for Bomber Command and the American heavy bombers.
The war dragged on and it was not until February 11th 1945, that the R.A.F. and American Airforces virtually wiped out Dresden and, as a result, destroyed a rail centre to the Russian front, that we were seeing the beginning of the end to the War on the Eastern front.
However, it was not until the morning of April 23rd 1945, that we saw that the German guards had disappeared from their posts and that we were the owners of the camp.
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Everybody seemed to be overwrought with emotion and were unable to express their thoughts except to shout, yell, slap one another on the back and hug one another.
Being an Army camp, it was not long before some sort of control was established – all food stocks were commandeered and the cook house geared to supply 1 meal a day. If it had been left to the Aircrews of the RAF and RAAF, I think we would still be there!!
It was just as well that this was organised, as Marshall Konev, the Russian Commander, informed us that after the meagre supply of food on hand ran out – we were on our own!!
This led to thousands of prisoners farming out over the country side like a plague of locusts into semi destroyed villages – looting food wherever they could find it. It was that or starve to death!!
Unfortunately, the Russian soldiers also had the same idea and there were numerous clashes which the Russians always won, as they had the gun!
The average Russian soldier – particularly those on horseback (cosacks) – was a mobile arsenal. He usually had a number of captured machine pistols or luger revolvers, as well as his own rifle. He carried his rations across his horse’s neck or on his back. They seemed to display a childlike desire for watches and jewellery and many a POW who still happened to own such valuables, handed them over as soon as the Ruski reached for one of his many pieces of armament. As a general rule this was as close as most POW’s got to Anglo-Russian fraternization.
As the food ran out in one area the prisoners were forced to forage further a field, [sic] thus running into Russian patrols or S.S. forces making a last ditch stand.
On one occasion a number of us entered a village looking for food and we found that most civilian men had been hanged on light posts and the women were huddled in the cellars of their homes in fear of their lives after having been repeatedly raped by the Russians. That was when we decided, rather than wait for the war to end, we would make a break through the front to the American lines. As it happened it had another 7 days to run.
Walking at night and hiding and sleeping during the day, we reached a town named Reisa in a couple of days. We commandeered a flat which had obviously belonged to a Nazi official as we found his personal belongings and many S.S. photos and momentoes. [sic]
We were in Reisa on V.E. Day (May 7th 1945) and were awakened by a large calibre gun being fired, numerous hand grenades exploding and what was obviously a tank rumbling down the street firing a machine gun.
Not a very pleasant place for 5 peace loving members of the RAF and RAAF to find themselves in so early in the morning. This was the way the Russians celebrated the end of the war in Reisa, East Germany and we were not anxious to join them.
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We decided to abandon Reisa and make our way to Wurzen – a small town on the Mulda River, which we knew we had to cross. To get to the Americans. On our arrival at Wurzen we found all bridges had been destroyed. This was a great blow to us – to have come so far and risk everything to escape the Russians. At this time we believed the Russians were still holding the Allied prisoners in Stalag 1 VB and that was one place we did not want to go back to!
Whilst we were discussing our position and what we would do next, we spotted an American convoy approaching the bridge. We all decided, at once, to climb on the rail bridge and show ourselves to the Americans and hope for the best. About 100 metres behind – a squad of Russians followed us onto the bridge.
In a moment it seemed that the 3rd World War was about to break out, with us 5 airmen being the meat in the sandwich! Lucky for us the Americans who were very much a fighting unit from their appearance and all the equipment they carried, had a Russian interpreter with them and after a lengthy and loud argument between the “Allies”, we were allowed over the prefabricated bridge.
The American Army took us to their base in Leipzig where we were, unfortunately, given a large meal, and we paid the consequence of eating too much after our meagre meals during the last few months.
Leipzig was a city in ruins – nothing more than a pile of rubble. I remember clearly sitting on the top of lamp posts that protruded through the rubble from buildings on each side of the main street that had collapsed. I now know what effect the raids of Bomber Command and the American Airforce had upon the cities of Germany. It was quite different from the view I imagined it to be from 5 miles up in the sky in the middle of the night.
Our stay in Leipzig was short. The Americans transported us to Halle – another city that lay in complete ruin as a result of Bomber Command. We passed a “Focke Wulf” factory on the way into Halle. It lay in ruins with hundreds of bomb craters surrounding it.
The American Airforce flew us from Halle to Brussels. It was the first time any of us had flown over Germany in daylight – but, more to the point, we flew without the fear of night fighters or enemy flak.
We disembarked at Brussels and lay in the long grass in the sunshine beside the runway until Bomber Command Lancasters and Halifaxes landed and lifted us back to England.
It was an amazing feeling to climb back into those wonderful aircraft that each of us had parachuted out of under desperate circumstances in the dark sky somewhere over Germany many, many months ago.
Finally, the friendly coast of England that each of us longed to see after each operation suddenly appeared to us. It was very hard to speak or look at one another without having a lump in the throat or a rear in the eye.
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It was not so much that we had ultimately survived, but, I think each of us was thinking of those members of our crews we were leaving in Germany or somewhere on the continent in some cases in unmarked graves and more distressfully those thousands that had no known grave.
I was to learn many years later, when I returned to England for the dedication of a monument to the deceased of the RAAF Squadron 466 that 484 of my comrades had paid the supreme sacrifice over Europe.
Those prisoners that left it too late to make the break from the Russians and had trusted our “glorious allies” found themselves, once again, prisoners but this time under a different armed guard. It would appear that the Russians wanted to make some sort of deal with the Americans, the result being the repatriation of prisoners in Stalag 1 VB did not take place until some weeks after I had returned to England.
R.A.A.F. H.Q. in London were beginning to get a little worried over missing members that had not turned up in England and I had a visit from RAAF H.Q. whilst I was in hospital enquiring the whereabouts of missing RAAF members known to have been in Stalag 1 VB. As far as I know all RAAF personnel eventually returned to England safe, if not sound.
My thanks to Bill Gilbert for asking me to complete my story. It has been a privilege and honour for me to oblige the 57/60th Batt. Association.
I trust I have been worthy of the honour.
Jim Cahir.
466 Squadron
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Memoirs of Jim Cahir
Description
An account of the resource
Memoirs of Jim Cahir who served with 466 Squadron RAAF. He writes about being shot down near Frankfurt on Main on the night of 20/21 December 1943 and subsequently being captured and imprisoned in Stalag IVB in Muhleberg. He stayed there until the end of the war when he was repatriated to England.
Creator
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Jim Cahir
Format
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Ten typewritten sheets
Language
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eng
Type
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Text
Text. Memoir
Identifier
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BCahirFSCahirFSv1
Coverage
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Royal Australian Air Force
Royal Air Force
Royal Air Force. Bomber Command
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Germany--Leipzig
Belgium--Brussels
Germany--Halle an der Saale
Germany--Frankfurt am Main
Germany--Mühlberg (Bad Liebenwerda)
Poland--Żagań
Germany
Poland
Belgium
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
Rights
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Temporal Coverage
Temporal characteristics of the resource.
1943-12-20
1943-12-21
466 Squadron
aircrew
animal
bale out
Dulag Luft
faith
fear
forced labour
Halifax
heirloom
Ju 88
Lancaster
memorial
prisoner of war
RAF Driffield
RAF Leconfield
Red Cross
shot down
Stalag Luft 3
-
https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/1178/11749/AVanRielJF150825.2.mp3
cffc6c8e3da6c0812386bffac7a93acf
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Van Riel, Coby
J F Van Riel
Description
An account of the resource
Three items. An oral history interview with Coby Van Riel (b. 1932), a memoir and her brothers war diary. She was a recipient of the Operation Manna food drops.
The collection was catalogued by Nigel Huckins.
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
Date
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2015-08-25
Rights
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Identifier
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VanRiel, JF
Transcribed audio recording
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Transcription
Text transcribed from audio recording or document
MC: This interview is being conducted on the behalf of the International Bomber Command Centre. The interviewer is Mike Connock. The interviewee is Mrs Coby Van Riel. The interview is taking place at her home at Bracebridge Heath on the 25th of August 2015. So, Coby if you can just perhaps tell me a bit about where, when and where you were born.
CVR: Yes. I was born in the Hague in Holland on the 6th of August 1932. And my brother was born two and a half years before. And my parents were not that young because my father had been married before and he lost his wife from tuberculosis and his little baby as well, died as well. And after that, he knew my mother because she was the sister of my father’s, sorry the sister, yeah of my father’s brother. I say difficult. Two families. Two brothers and two sisters. Yeah. So my mother knew him already and then they got to know each other better and they married at a later age. So, when I was born my mother was already forty-one.
MC: Oh goodness.
CVR: Yeah. So, I went to a school. It was the, for little toddlers first in a place called Scheveningen, near the Hague. A fishing harbour. And after that I went to the primary school. Also in that area. And then I, so we, we still lived close to Scheveningen. You know, on the edge of the Hague in the Brederodestraat and my mum, my mother had a chemist shop. Although in Holland they call it drogist. And that means it is a shop. There they can sell everything like in a chemist’s shop except drugs. No prescriptions from doctors and all that. And then I went to the Grammar School. Also, still in the area and I have to think about the —
MC: Did you enjoy the schooling? Can you remember much about your schooldays?
CVR: Yeah. I can remember more in detail but I don’t know if you want to know all about that. But anyway, so I have to think.
MC: What did your father do?
CVR: My father was, worked for a baker’s delivery shop. The co-op. Actually, the co-op it was called in Holland. And not Co-op but Volharding which I think was the same company and he used to deliver bread. And he did lots to earn a little bit more money to keep us going because when my mother had the chemist shop and towards the wartime in 1939 there was a critical time, you know. In ’39. And can you call it malaise or [pause] very difficult to keep going, you know. People used to go to other shops if they got something for a half a cent cheaper than in my mother’s shop.
MC: Yeah. Yeah.
CVR: So it was very hard for them.
MC: Was it unusual for both parents to work in those days? Because, I mean, your father worked at a bakers but your mother ran the chemist shop.
CVR: Yeah. My father had a hard job and because he always helped his brother, my uncle, in the middle of the Hague — he had a café restaurant and he used to work there in the evening to help out, you know. And he wouldn’t come home before 1 o’clock sometimes. And sometimes he used to earn a little bit more money. He used to work in the night in the bakery shop and where the bread was baked and had to get it out of the ovens and all that. And he did a newspaper round. He had a very very hard life doing wallpaper for people, you know. And just to keep my brother and I going because the time was so expensive then. And then the war broke out.
MC: So the time before the war it was, it wasn’t easy.
CVR: No. It was a very hard time and at one point it was so bad and I can remember that that we couldn’t, we didn’t have any heating. We didn’t have enough money. Or my parents didn’t have enough money for the heating and my brother and I would sit at a table with our coats on in the wintertime and our hat on to keep warm and then sent to bed early. And then the baker around the corner took pity on us and I can remember he came with buckets full of pieces of coal to keep the stove going, you know. Yeah. That was really great. But yeah then the war broke out.
MC: So how old were you when the war broke out? So, you would be seven? Seven or eight.
CVR: Yes.
MC: Seven.
CVR: Yes. My birthday was in August and I would have been eight in August but the war broke out in May of course. You know. The 10th of May. And I remember that very vividly and that’s where my story starts you know.
MC: Ah yeah. But yeah, but go back.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Because obviously it was September ’39. It was in ’39 that Britain was at war.
CVR: Yes.
MC: But Holland.
CVR: Was on the 10th of May.
MC: 10th of May.
CVR: Yeah. In 1940.
MC: Can you remember, what, did things change? What was it like at the time? Can you remember?
CVR: In 1940. Yes. The start of it which I have written about was. That in the morning there was an enormous commotion and we heard the aeroplanes coming over of the Germans. And you know everybody ran outside to the harbour because the parachutists, the German parachutists came down and there was a lot of bombing going on as well. So I, as a little girl, you know, I thought I want to see that as well. My parents were too busy. And I quickly, I put something on and my apron and I forgot to put a skirt on. I just ran to [laughs] And I had, as a child I had no idea what that was. Staring at these aeroplanes and people dropping from the aeroplanes on parachutes. But the bombing was going on and I ran back home. And then that was really terrible because people who were injured they ran to the first chemist, drogist shop. Which was my mother’s. There was nothing else. And my mother started to help the injured. But in the end then badly injured people came in. She couldn’t do it any more. She didn’t know how to do it. So I don’t know what she did. Referred people to other places and I think she closed the door. She had to. But I can remember that. It was awful. Really awful.
MC: So when did you first come across any occupying troops?
CVR: Actually, that same day, you know. We were astonished to see the Germans in uniform coming. And they occupied the whole area there. Just us on the border. There was one street to the border of the Hague and Scheveningen and they occupied the whole area. Germans coming in and buying stuff in the shop. And we were just gobsmacked. But that lasted till the beginning 1943 I think. I wrote about it. When they wanted all the people living there, all of them, out. We just were told you have to leave within so many hours. So my mum had to get rid of all the stuff in the shop. I don’t know how she did it. She had some stuff there. I was still going to school from ’40 to ’43 in that area. I got an ausweis, you know. A permit to go to the school but in the meantime my aunt and uncle who had a café restaurant offered us a place because we were chased out. And they said, ‘Well, the only thing we can offer you is go into our cellars below the restaurant café.’ You know. So, my mum and my dad did that and I remember the last time I went to school in the occupied area there was a huge commotion and bombing going on and at some points. And I nearly was too, not far from the school and I was on my little scooter — you know when you move it, one foot on the step. And that was quite a distance from where we were living then, you know with my uncle and aunt. But then I got close and I got so frightened all of a sudden because there was all people were fleeing and going away. So I turned around and just went back. Luckily. I don’t know what would have been going on then after that.
MC: Do you know why they moved you out?
CVR: Because they, the Germans were afraid that from then on the English would come over with their armies and planes and whatever to occupy. Chase the Germans out of Holland and they had put already those things on the beach. I don’t know what you call them.
MC: Ah yes.
CVR: Yeah. And they were laying mines in the sea there. We were not allowed on the beach at all beforehand already. So we were just chased out. All of us who were living there. And we lived in the cellar. And my aunt and uncle said well don’t worry because it’s only maybe for a couple of months and the war will be over [laughs] In ’43? We lived there ‘til after the liberation.
MC: You lived there all that time.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. What did, I mean were you, were there any evidence of any rebellion, you know?
CVR: No. Not in that area. I know there was the, what do you call that?
MC: The Resistance.
CVR: The Resistance was there.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: You know. I wrote about that as well. And I didn’t know that at some point there were certain newspapers going around and also —
MC: Illegal newspapers.
CVR: Yeah. Trouw and Parool I think it was called. And there were people around us who had to take messages, important messages to certain people. And there was one day, it was such a strange day I think that there was nobody who dared to go out with messages and they thought, ‘Hold on. The children. They won’t suspect children.’ And I was asked to take a very important message to a few streets further on. And they said, ‘We’ll put it in your shoe, under your sole, you don’t say anything. You go there. You do as if you go to see a friend. You have to go to that and that address and you deliver that message and don’t speak to anybody. Don’t. Do ignore the German soldiers if you meet them.’ And I did that, you know. So God knows what kind of message that was. Yeah. But we, we noticed quite a few things. Around the corner was a shop and there was, the owner was a Jew. A very nice gentleman. Really nice. And one day there were razzias. You know razzias? A razzia is when suddenly, unexpectedly Germans came along the houses and picked up people. At one point it was boys and men from the age of sixteen I think till whatever. Over forty. They were picked up and sent off.
MC: Forced labour.
CVR: Forced labour. So, one day we thought what’s happening around the corner? This lovely Jewish gentleman was got out of his house. I remember that. Seeing him. He was taken away by the Germans and gone. Never heard of him before.
MC: Because your brother at that time wasn’t old enough for forced labour was he?
CVR: My brother was two and a half years older. Then in ’43 —
MC: So, you would have been ten. No, he wouldn’t.
CVR: Then I must have been —
MC: He would have been about fourteen.
CVR: About ten to twelve. About twelve. Thirteen yeah. So. Yeah.
MC: So, he wasn’t able, he didn’t, he got away with forced labour because —
CVR: No. No.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: But at one point there was another razzia, you know and we were having a party in the café restaurant. We always had parties with the family and so all the old blinds were down of course. You had to have blinds and things. So, we were having this party and then suddenly, that was in the evening, there was a knock on the door of the restaurant and my uncle said, ‘Quick, shhh all down in the cellar. All of you.’ And so we were part of some members and I remember that, lying on the staircase listening what was going on. And later I heard from my uncle when it was safe to come out. He, he hid the son of my neighbour, a cousin of mine. Yeah, the two. Because my brother was not old enough. They got in the top of a big cupboard. On the shelf. There was space but just. They were sitting there. But my uncle had to give up because the dog was there, Sunny. Sunny the dog and he started to bark like anything in front of the cupboard. So we had, the boys had to come out and they were hidden somewhere else. I don’t know. In our cellar or whatever. So the door was closed and we heard my uncle talk to the German soldiers and later he said when it was okay to come out for us and they left. He said, ‘You can come out.’ We continued the party but silent. Silently. And we did but I heard that he had given the German soldiers loads of drinks he still had. Alcoholic drinks. Beer and God knows what so they were really cheerful and in the end they thought, ‘Oh, there is nothing going on here. We’ll leave.’ That was our luck.[laughs]
MC: That sounds very good, that does. Yeah.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Yeah. Yeah. So, what about your parents still managed to do their jobs and their business? Run their business.
CVR: My, my mum was just housewife then.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: She had lost her shop so she looked after us, after us and helped in, as long as the café restaurant was going but in the end there was no food anymore but she helped there and polished the floors. And my father still delivered bread in that area, and it was with a little cart which they did you know at that time. But then in the Hunger Winter it became so bad. And before there was hardly any bread. We had coupons. I can show you later. You know, I still have coupons and, but there was nothing hardly left and then people started to plunder?, is that right, my father’s cart and it was really dangerous. He couldn’t prevent them and there was a lot of things going on. Fights and all that. So he stopped delivering bread and it was not worth anymore because we had only a small loaf for the whole week. I think for a person or whatever.
MC: So how did you survive? Money and things like that.
CVR: Well, money wise I don’t know how that worked. I think my father still earned something, you know.
MC: Oh.
CVR: And my uncle as well in the café. And they offered money for, oh a guilder for one potato. Nobody had that. But what was your question again about that? Oh yeah. The food. The food of course. So they had assistance from the IKB. I K B. That was an interkerkelijk — interchurch organization, a bureau who, and asked the children of us and that was December ’44. After ’45 then. Beginning ’45 to let the children come over to certain areas and then we were examined by doctors and divided into three groups — A, B and C. And I think A was the worse, B medium and C was the children who were still alright. And my brother and I were examined and we were put in the worst group — A. And then they said, ‘You can come,’ I think it was twice a week here, ‘And you will get, you have to get your little saucepan, not a big, a little saucepan and you will have some stew or porridge.’ And we were allowed to take it home but what, what’s happened at home because we were living with then, I think thirteen people together in my uncle’s house.
MC: So, you were still in the cellar at that point.
CVR: In the daytime we were in the cellar. In the daytime there was another uncle who died from starvation. And then neighbours came down and we were in the daytime with thirteen people, you know. But they do, when I and my brother came back with a little saucepan we all ate of it and these church people got to know that. They said, ‘Ah. No way they go home with their food. They have to eat in the place itself.’ Yeah. So, you know I’ve still a photo of it in a little booklet I got from Holland, “The Hunger Winter,” and there are photos in there. And also, my brother and I would go to the centres. There you could go and queue up and they would be coming, there were long queues and food would come from another place by boat from Delft to the Hague. And then brought to the, to these streets where you had to queue up. And you had your coupons and you would get from the big, we call them gamellen big metal [pause] yeah, containers where the food was in there. And they would ladle out, one it was either stew or soup but nothing much in it, in your saucepan and you would go home. But some days when there were raids and bombing going on the food wouldn’t turn up. You had to go home. The next day you could come and the food in the summer would go off but you still ate it, you know. So anyway, those things helped a little bit. And a kind butcher asked my mother if my brother and I could come over on a Saturday. He would try to do as much as possible to cook something from where he got it from, from bones. Cook a little bit of soup and veg and with other children we sat there but our stomachs were not used to it anymore. Because meanwhile we ate tulip bulbs, nettles, grass, fodder from the kettle. What was the [pause] sugar beet. That was all we tried to eat. So when we sat in the butcher’s shop around a table, all as small children and it’s not a very nice story but some children they couldn’t [pause] they couldn’t keep it in.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: Later they started eating the same again, you know. It was horrible. Absolutely horrible. But we had fights at some points when the trailers came in with all these containers. The gamellen the metal containers. And you could go there as well, you know, to get something. But my brother and I and other people, young, all gangs. We called ourselves gangs climbed on the trailers because all the food had been given out. We climbed on it and we would lick, lick from these gamellen and I have a photo in that booklet as well. I haven’t got my own photos because we didn’t have cameras. So how they got hold of it in the booklet. And then we started to fight. You know. We suddenly divided into gangs and they started throwing stones from both sides. The children. And then I remember, I remember that so much and I felt horrible. I thought stones. Them throwing stones at us and we all try to lick the things. I thought forget it and I never went back anymore.
MC: No.
CVR: I hated it. I never did it anymore.
MC: Yeah, it was —
CVR: So that’s how it got around and in the end you know then in April when the RAF came over with the food and the Germans had not allowed them to do it. They asked permission. They said no way because they wanted to starve the whole west out. No. Nothing was allowed to come to us. Not even in Holland from the east where it was a bit better. They said, ‘No. You’ve got on strike with a Resistance group,’ you know. ‘You blocked our trains for ammunition and stuff for the war to come out.’ He said, ‘Right,’ they said, ‘Right. That’s your punishment. The whole west where the strike started you won’t have any food any more. You sort yourself out.’ And then in Holland the Resistance group or the head of the Resistance group got in contact with London. With Queen Wilhelmina and Churchill and they said, ‘You have to stop to try to liberate now. You have to feed us because already twenty thousand people in the west died from starvation and if you don’t do that there will be hundreds maybe two or three hundred thousand people dying very soon.’ And that helped. Wilhelmina and Churchill said, ‘Right. Liberation has to stop. First the people.’ That was our luck. You know. And then the RAF came over and I’ll never forget it. And they didn’t yet know because the Germans had forbidden them to come over with food. But it was towards the end of the war. So, they had to lose their face then you know. And the RAF still didn’t know whether they would be shot at.
MC: The early ones, yeah.
CVR: Nothing happened.
MC: Yeah. Eventually they, they had a truce.
CVR: Yeah. And then I stood outside. I ran outside and everybody ran outside and we looked up and we saw those aeroplanes coming. I just get goose pimples. In the distance we saw the aeroplanes coming over and drop food parcels in certain areas. And from there on we got food. And from the Swedish Red Cross. I’ll never forget that. We got Swedish bread. I first thought, as a child the bread came rolling down now. They had dropped huge bags of flour. They were brought to the bakeries and they baked the bread. And that was the first time I got a piece of bread from, again from Sweden. And the parcels, we had to get them from the RAF. It was divided, you know. Some burst on the, on the ground as well, bitterly but what was there that was divided. Everybody could come in. I don’t know how they did it. With coupons or something. And you got your parcel with a strong warning not to eat straight away all of it. Just little portions because our stomachs were not used to it. But it was high time. You know, I nearly lost my mother and father and that was told on the 21st of April to all the people in the marquee. The Dutch attaché introduced me. He had asked me a little bit. I’d never met him. He had it all in his computer and he introduced me to all the people in the marquee and he talked about it. And I suddenly felt, felt two tears down my face. I thought, oh no. I don’t want to do that.
MC: This was in April of this year.
CVR: Yeah. Yeah.
MC: Yeah. The Operation Manna commemorations.
CVR: I still have it on the television. You know. I kept it but it’s a pity I don’t have more solid things.
MC: Yeah. So, when the food was dropped were the Germans still around? Was the —
CVR: Yes. They were.
MC: Were they, did they get any of the food?
CVR: No. No. And that, that helped us over because it was in April and on the 5th of May for us that was the end of the war.
MC: Yeah. Yeah.
CVR: And then, but it took a long time for people and there were still loads of people who died still, you know because they were too far down.
MC: To survive. Yeah.
CVR: So one, one uncle died. And I heard, in the cellar we were sleeping with all the beds you know. One after the other. In between my bed there was string for my father and mother. But I don’t know whether they knew I was there. I was sitting behind my bed. And they had called the doctor and then I got worried and I was listening what the doctor said. And the attaché told the people in the marquee as well. I heard the doctor say to my parents, ‘I am so sorry but you have to prepare for the end because you need food. There’s nothing I can do about it. I’m so sorry.’ I heard that. It was just, they just made it, my parents. Just. Yeah.
MC: It was very traumatic. Yeah.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: So, but this, this —
MC: But they managed to survive with the drop. The food drop.
CVR: This whole event and I’m so grateful for it started in January. I’m with the U3A. You know the U3A?
MC: Yeah.
CVR: And I’m in different clubs but once a month we have a meeting and in January there was a speaker. We always had a speaker and that was Paul Robinson. The vice air marshall. He would come then to talk about, did he say [pause] no not, that he would talk. Give a talk. I don’t know what the subject was but something about his career and all that. So I was sitting there and then he started and somebody helped him to show his video and all the pictures on the screen. And then he came suddenly to the Manna operation. He was started talking about Holland and I was sitting there, you know having thought never to be reminded of it any more. And there was this huge picture of the people standing in Holland. They’re looking at the Lancasters drop the food. And he was talking about that and I started to shake so much that somebody next to me put his hand on my arm, you know. To calm down. And we could always ask questions. And I put my hand up and there were more people but I kept on. I think I have to talk to him. I have to talk to him. And when it was my turn I said, ‘I only want to say I was there. I experienced the Manna operation and I have never had the opportunity to thank you,’ I said, although he was not in it but I meant the RAF at that time. I said, ‘I never had the opportunity to thank you for all you did. Dropped the food. Because if you wouldn’t have done that I might not have been here. I might not have had a family of course. Nothing.’ And then I started, blurted out some of my story. I thought later how could I do that? And people, it was so the silent in the hall. There were about eighty people of us. And Paul was standing there and I was so much in my story, and the person next to me, I think he was an RAF man as well he tried to calm down I was shaking so much. And then in my story I looked up to Paul and he had his hanky. He was crying. And then later the whole room, they came to us and loads of people were crying then. I thought, oh no. What have I done? What have I started? But to have been talking still about it all the time from that speech of Paul in January and from there on it, it happened. He said, ‘I want you in it on the 21st of April.’ And I told him I had my story, you know so we were in contact and also you know I went to Hemswell Court. I was invited on the 21st and the 25th is postponed now. The talk. But I don’t know if I can do that again even if they ask me. It’s all in the past now to talk about Manna operation.
MC: Going back slightly. Did you continue your schooling throughout that period and then after the war?
CVR: Yes. In the wartime I had to ausweis, you know.
MC: Yes. You said.
CVR: And then as soon as the liberation was there and the English people took over from the Germans and then I got a permit. An official permit to go to school because in that area nobody lived there yet. But my brother and I were permitted, the school was opened in the area, to go there. So that was quite, going every day to and from. And my brother and I were very inquisitive and after school time we went through all the area and there was no wood left. Not near the tram rails. Not in the houses because we did as well. We stole all the wood to burn in our little stoves we had, you know. We had a special stove in the wartime called Mayo and we burned stuff in there. But my brother and I went through all the streets and we went into the houses. There was nobody there. It was very spooky. And we discovered that the floors had been broken up and we said, ‘God, look at there.’ I can still remember the German soldiers slept under the floors. They had their beds still there and material lying around. We didn’t dare to touch anything but we noticed that in several places —
MC: Which area was that in?
CVR: That was Scheveningen in the Hague again. The Hague and close to it the fisher, the harbour.
MC: Oh, yeah. Where you’d moved out of.
CVR: Yeah. So, we were allowed, my brother and I via the permit to go to school.
MC: To school.
CVR: Yeah. Till people slowly went back, you know, to their own houses or other houses. But my parents were not allowed to go there yet. You know, it was all a very slow process. Because I was there I said, and I knew my mother wanted to go back but not to open a shop anymore. My brother and I didn’t want them to do that because of all the previous long opening times, you know. And I thought hold on. I go the first streets when I cross that border where we have the permit and there was a canal as well. So the first street I went in it is called Zwolestraat where we lived later. And I just knocked on the doors where people were already living. A couple here. A couple there. And when I knocked on the door can you imagine a young girl like that doing that? People opened the door and thought what’s that? They were still frightened. And I said, ‘Can you tell me the name of your landlord?’ [laughs] And they would just smack the door closed and I thought I won’t give up. And I tried again and I got used to putting my foot in between the door and the side so they couldn’t slam the door on me. And at last one couple, they — and then I explained all of that and they said, ‘Right. We will give you the name of the landlord.’ And I don’t know how I got hold of the keys. I got hold of keys of, in that road to look at houses. And my mother was allowed then to have to look at the houses. Our house, which we started to rent there was the floor open and stuff from the Germans underneath, you know. But we started to live there. And I did that.
MC: So there was still the houses were still owned by these people.
CVR: Landlords I suppose, you know but —
MC: Yeah.
CVR: And then slowly.
MC: I just wondered whether people might have just taken over the houses.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Yeah. But there was —
CVR: It must have been chaos. You know.
MC: Yes.
CVR: I don’t know all the ins and outs but slowly people came to live there till everything was ready again and the wood was in the houses. And that place around a corner where the V-1 was launched, you say.
MC: Launched. Yes.
CVR: Launched. Yeah.
MC: Yes.
CVR: That was really very damaged. I’d seen that and my brother wrote about it. About that launching there. Yeah.
MC: Did you see any of the launches?
CVR: No.
MC: Could you see them from where you were?
CVR: The damage. I’ve heard. When we lived in my uncle’s place ‘til the end of the war and we saw the V-1 from the distance.
MC: Yeah. Yeah.
CVR: Shot off. And then on New Year’s Eve. One New Year’s Eve. That was the last New Year’s Eve I think, in ’44. We were all together all our family and we still managed to do a little bit together although there was no food. But we still had our own parties with whatever we had. And then suddenly we thought, oh no. Gosh. Another V-1 we saw going up to go to England I suppose. And then suddenly we all went, oh my God. It’s not going. It stops. It will turn. And it turned straight in front of our faces. And the whole family, they were standing there nailed to the floor because we didn’t know where it would land. And I was screaming my head off all the time. Nobody said to shut up because everybody was just, you know. I don’t know the word for it. They were stunned or whatever. And it went down a few streets behind us and a friend of mine, I still have contact with him, he lived there but luckily his house was not in [pause]
MC: Damaged.
CVR: In the damage but loads of other houses and all in the area the windows were, and the glass was everywhere but luckily we were then safe. Not other people unluckily. But quite a few people were killed in that V-1 that came down. So, I can remember that. Looking up. Screaming my head off and I was allowed to do that.
MC: So, when you, obviously the house that you moved into obviously needed rebuilding and —
CVR: Yeah.
MC: New floors.
CVR: Yeah, the wood.
MC: Did you get any assistance with that?
CVR: I think the landlord put all the wood, the wood back. Yeah. And inside my, my parents did everything.
MC: Wood must have been difficult to get hold of anyway.
CVR: Yeah. Yes, but I think it was not too bad and we lived there. And I lived there ‘til I got married. Yeah. Yeah.
[recording paused]
MC: Going back to some of your times during the war. I mean you mentioned things like you were forbidden to listen to radios.
CVR: Oh yes.
MC: And the Germans used to check you. Yeah.
CVR: Yeah. They were all hidden.
MC: Oh yeah.
CVR: All hidden. And as —
MC: You were told to hand them in but you hid them.
CVR: No. No. Hidden. And as soon as the programme with Churchill came on in the evening, 8 o’clock or so all the radios came out, you know and we were listening to it and the start of it, that special sound voom voom voom you know, news from Churchill. So, and then they were hidden again. But we had also to give all our jewellery, bicycles, you name it, we had to give that as well. But about the jewellery I have still have one little brooch left and money as well. Silver money. And that was with Queen Wilhelmina on it of course. And what people did they made jewellery out of the money. The silver money. And I still have one. I still have it.
MC: You talk, you talked about the German bunker. Passing the German bunker.
CVR: Oh God yeah. That was horrific that day. My mother, my brother and I walking home from church and that was just there where the Germans had their bunkers you call them?
MC: Yeah.
CVR: Yeah. And also, that canal which was contaminated by the Germans. We picked up scabies from that, really bad. Anyway, when we came home from church and we walked past and of course my brother and I looked and then this German bloke got so angry with us and he lifted up his grenade and my mother said, ‘Walk. Walk. Look forward, in front of you. Look. Walk. Walk. Go home. Go home.’ And then my brother still looked around and he went straight into a lamppost and he broke his teeth [laughs] Yeah. But we were terrified because we thought really that bloke would throw the grenade. Luckily he didn’t.
MC: Very frightening.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Yeah. I mean you mentioned about a Jewish family down the road. Obviously there was a lot of Jews around and of course they wore the —
CVR: My little friend you are talking about. When we still lived in, in the occupied place before we had to leave. I don’t know if you mean that one. My best friend around the corner Greetje Stellamon.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: Never forget her name. I can cry now because I don’t know what happened to her and then at that time my mum on the corner with her shop and Greetje just living a few houses further and the whole family had to wear the stars. And my mother was so terrified because if it was spotted that I had a Jewish friend God knows what would have happened to me and my family. So my mother, bless her she had to forbid to get on with Greetje Stellamon and I suppose she had a talk with the family. And I never never went along with her any more. We just ignored the whole Jewish family because my mother, and my father I suppose were terrified that something would happen to them. And now yet and I have contact with Thea Coleman, this Jewish woman who survived the war as well and I haven’t talked about it with her. Sometimes I phone her and she phones me. She was there on the 21st of April but her story is also fantastic. She wrote it in a different way because she had to hide and she was twelve years old as well. And she had to go from one place to the other. She had, oh she had not a very nice childhood. In a certain way worse than I but she survived and now the strange thing is, Mike when we have been talking to each other we lived always close together in the occupied area. Never to know each other. We know all the roads and after the wartime she moved into a road straight behind the road where I lived, Zwolsestraat. She lived in Harstenhoekstraat — one street further. She was always close to me in whatever area we lived. We never knew each other. And every time —
MC: You lived that close.
CVR: Every time we come to different solutions. I think her cousin went to the same school as I went. Thea, just in the last three years of the wartime he went to the same school as I went also. And it’s just amazing. Just amazing.
MC: When you lived with your, in the cellar with your family. How many of you were there in the cellar then? Because —
CVR: My mother and my father. Next to them I slept, is three. Then my brother, four. And my cousin, five. And then the maître d who served in the restaurant.
MC: That’s the domestic help you referred to.
CVR: Six. And sometimes if my family could still come over before it got too worse then there was another one. So, about the most was seven or eight but normally five to six. Yeah.
MC: So, did you, you didn’t have any windows in the cellar then?
CVR: Horrible. Because it was low on the ground. We had two windows. If I look up. In my memory there was one there, small window. And there was one there, small window. And then you could just see through the grid. There was a grid in the garden of course from my uncle and aunt’s garden. Just look through the grid up there. And then there was this open place, you know. Just a bricked, bricked hole there. But then the Germans flooded the west of the country. Also as a punishment. The water came in those areas as well. In those holes. And that flooded into the cellar where we lived and every morning we were up to our ankles in the water. And then we got this flea epidemic. I was an expert in catching fleas there. It was absolutely a horrible situation. Yeah.
MC: But you ate, you used to eat upstairs in the restaurant there.
CVR: Well not in the restaurant but in the dining-sitting room of.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: You know we were with, with whom we lived there day in day out. We were sitting around a table with this uncle who died who was sitting next to me, you know. Yeah. It was really, really bad. But there was hardly anything you know. And if my aunt still could get hold of something. Especially from my uncle. He was the one who got extra food if he had. I don’t know but being a child if I noticed that there was something in the kitchen, just move that plant away, if there was something in the kitchen from my uncle. She managed one day I remember to make sort of pea soup and if I knew there was nobody around I quickly went to the kitchen and I just stole a few spoons of the soup. Or in the cellar, on the top she had some store or something from oats. Raw oats. And I would put my hand in it and ate a handful of oats. You know.
MC: Yeah. Amazing.
CVR: I stole from the Germans as well.
MC: Did you?
CVR: It’s in there. Because they had potato plants in, in the parks you know and there was, there were always soldiers on guard with their guns and at one point my friends and I decided to steal potatoes, you know. Not telling our parents we went there and one of our group would stand guard for us to warn us if the German guard would come along. So we just pulled out potatoes, you know and we had a plastic or not plastic bag. I don’t know if plastic bags were there then. But in a bag and then one, at one point our guard shouted, ‘Run. Run. Run.’ You know. They never said anything [unclear] we knew we had to run. So we just ran home and I gave my parents these few potatoes. And I was told off by my father. He said, ‘Where did you get them from?’ And I would say, ‘I stole them from the park.’ And he said, ‘You must never steal.’ I remember him saying that honestly or honestly, profoundly. You must never steal. He said, ‘Give the potatoes and I’ll bring them back.’ I thought oh great. But I never saw the potatoes any more and I think we had eaten them that night [laughs] Yeah.
MC: Tell me about your story you told about David and Goliath. The two stoves.
CVR: Oh the two stoves. Yeah. David and Goliath because I told you that David we called the Mayo, Thea in our story knows this as well and she mentioned it at Hemswell Court when the BBC took film there. But that was very dangerous because they had to get that stove going. The David. The Mayo and put in all the stolen pieces of wood all the time to keep warm. And they warmed at the same time and the pan with water because we needed some times hot water and then it happened that my, the poor aunt she pulled the pan with the hot water over her leg. That was absolutely horrendous you know but that’s how we lived every day, you know.
MC: Because that’s where the wood came from. From the houses.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: To fuel the stoves.
CVR: Yeah. Oh people stole everything. Wood. Everywhere around. And then the Goliath. That was in the restaurant still. A huge stove. But that was not used anymore in the end. There was nothing. The restaurant was closed. There was nothing any more.
MC: You talked about the bicycle. Riding to the farms.
CVR: Oh yeah.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: Yeah. And then often then they came back from the farmers and we had to give our linen, you know. In exchange for food.
MC: Swap it. Exchange it for food.
CVR: And then sometimes people went back on their bicycles. Sometimes without tyres, you know. Just the wheels.
MC: Why did they not have tyres?
CVR: Because if the tyres were finished you couldn’t get any new ones and then, then they came suddenly to a post where the German guards were they had to give everything. The bicycle, all the food stuffs, the lot. They had gone to the farmers for nothing that day.
MC: So the Germans could take the bikes off them.
CVR: Yeah. And the food.
MC: And the food.
CVR: So one day I went with my brother but we were not successful that day, you know. And then my parents were so near to starving as well I thought you know, I go. I knew somebody around the corner and I think he had a chicken farm. Yeah. So I went there and I knocked on these big doors and the doors opened and I put my foot in between there as well so I had learned that already from that time and I told him if, ‘My parents are very ill. They need some food otherwise they’ll die. Can I have a chicken that they can cook it and make some soup of it?’ And he said, ‘No. No.’ That was one of the people who didn’t cooperate. And I said, ‘Oh my father, he always delivers bread here. He has loads of bread,’ it was not true anymore, and I said, ‘I will get you a nice loaf of bread.’ But no. I had to get my foot out of the way. I didn’t get it.
MC: What about clothes? How did you cope with clothes?
CVR: Clothes. You couldn’t get clothes at all any more. And my mum, somehow she got hold of a vest and pants for me. Horrible. Horrible colour. Horrible green. Funny colour. And all straight. No shape in it at all. And God knows how much she paid for it but they were absolutely horrible. So, oh yeah, and what we did as well, people, if the men’s trousers were worn then the women would turn the material. All unravelled and turn the material and from the good pieces they made skirts for themselves or for the children. Yeah. They did that as well. No. There was nothing. I’ll show you the coupons as well, I have.
MC: You’ve got some coupons.
CVR: Yeah. Yeah. See then I go into it. I can talk for hours and my children would say, ‘Mum. Stop your non-stop talking.’ [laughs]
MC: You keep talking.
CVR: Yeah. But I still think again twelve years old. How, how could I remember all that? Now I have to, difficulty remembering other things, you know. The short term memory. It’s still okay but this is better in my memory than anything else. It must have been, made a huge impact.
MC: When you talked about you going to the farm and getting some chicken and that you said that you talked about getting a big, going to the Germans with a big bang.
CVR: Oh. Oh my gosh. If I remember that day. I thought I have to get some food, you know all that time that my parents were ill and my uncle. And there was, on the, on the main street I used to go on there to school if I still could go there in the city and then I thought I’ll go there. I never told my parents anything what I was up to. And I got the largest pan out of the cupboard and I went to this place which used to be called [unclear] And that was a place where they had [pause] it was a milk factory. Yeah. They got the milk from the farmers, you know, from the cows and there they processed the milk. But the Germans had occupied that factory and chucked out all the Dutch people. They, that was for them. Nobody could get anything. And I knew that they were cooking food as well there and I thought I would go there. So there was this German on guard there, you know, with his gun and I said in Dutch then, you know, ‘Could I have some food for my family because they are really very bad at the moment?’ And he got so cross with me and I didn’t go away. I said, ‘Please. Please. Just a little bit.’ And he got so cross with me. Couldn’t get rid of me. And he said something in German which funnily enough I’d picked up a little bit of German and he started shouting at me. I had to go away. And it was the fault of Queen Wilhelmina, ‘That schweinhund,’ he went. You know, you know what schweinhund means. ‘That schweinhund leaving you all to yourselves and just fleeing abroad.’ He said it was her fault and he wouldn’t give me any food and if I would not go away quickly he would just shoot me. And he went like this with his gun. And I’m frightened. I ran with my little legs as quickly as I could. I ran away and I came home. And then I got told off. My parents were mortified that I had done that. It was [unclear] never never ever to do that again.
MC: You got into a bit of trouble with your parents occasionally didn’t you?
CVR: Yeah. And with my brother as long as we could go to school along this big long road we passed a little shop which used to be an ice cream parlour before the war I think. And he tried to do something still for everybody you know. We had to pay a little bit of money. I think a kwartje they called it. Twenty five cents and then I got that, you know from my parents. And maybe later they did it without being paid. They were very good people and they gave us sort of what they called [unclear] and that was a very fluffy, a fluffy bit of, not ice cream but very fluffy stuff. Like foamy stuff and it was either white or pink and we ate that and that filled up our stomachs like anything, you know. And we never knew what it was. And later from my friend in Holland and in the booklet I got to know now that was made of sugar beets. Of the, the moisture, the sap that came from it they used to make that sort of foam in a certain way how they made ice cream in the machines.
MC: A bit like candy floss?
CVR: Yeah. Very light stuff.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: And that filled our stomachs up for an hour or so.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: Yeah. That was what we did. Oh gosh and I’m sure, the rumours then but I’m sure we ate some cat and dog as well in the end. Yeah. What do you do?
MC: Yeah.
CVR: You eat rabbits.
MC: That’s right. Yeah.
CVR: And in that situation why not cat and dogs?
MC: You talked about getting bags of grain. When you’d got to sort out the mouse droppings.
CVR: Oh my gosh yeah. You had to sort all these grains out. It was [pause] we sat in the restaurant then. No people came any more. I remember sitting at a table and sort out all this grain and get all the droppings out, you know. And I used to make myself and my cousin Stijnie, a girl, she was a bit older than I, about four years older and we tried to make a sort of cake out of the sugar beet if we could get hold of it. Just put sort of soya sort of milk to get it smaller, or whatever we did. A sort of mincemeat machine, yeah, and tried to make a nice cake of it and make some thick, some [pectin?] in it. And once my uncle came out from the café restaurant to us because he still had, when there was still something to drink, my cousin and I always had to do all the washing up and before also when the food was still there and we got plates and plates for trays and trays full of stuff to wash up, you know. And as soon as that was finished he came with another tray. And then once he came at the back and he settled to how sort of, ‘What the hell are you going to do there?’ And we told him we were trying to make a cake of sugar beets. And oh he was livid. Livid. ‘Who would eat this rubbish you feed to the cattle,’ you know. ‘Stop it.’ But we didn’t stop. We wanted to eat something. Yeah. Oh dear. Crikey. I have so much information now. It’s amazing that I got straight into it. This one I have to have translated because it’s so interesting. I tried to find it because it tells me so much of, about the gamellans. If you have time.
[Pause. Shuffling paper]
CVR: Here we are, coming down. The parachutes. It’s a huge thing, you see.
MC: Yeah. After the war, yeah —
CVR: Yeah.
MC: And you talked about bread from Sweden arriving.
CVR: Yeah. Yeah. The flour came, you know first, in the centres.
MC: And you did your own baking.
CVR: Hmmn?
MC: You did used to —
CVR: No. it was baked for us in the bakeries.
MC: Right.
CVR: Yeah. But he had such a, every day he wrote what happened. How many —
MC: That was your brother.
CVR: What is luchtalarm again. When the alarm goes off again. That there is a bombing.
MC: A siren.
CVR: Siren. Yeah. Six sirens. Nine V-1s came over. Every day he said the same. Three V-1s. The next day twelve sirens. What we ate these days. Soup. Soup again. Or something else you know. It’s amazing what he wrote down for every day that happened. Half a litre of soup. Eight V-1s.[pause] Amazing. Amazing. His story is so different from mine but so interesting.
MC: So after, at the time of the liberation, obviously the liberating army came through.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: You saw the tanks.
CVR: Yeah. Yes. That was the day I was so astonished, you know. We all went to look when the tanks came in with the soldiers. And loads of then older teenagers, I didn’t do it, I was too young but all the older girls, you know they were mad about all these soldiers. Climbing up and kissing them and throwing flowers everywhere and, you know. And then after that all the girls who had been girlfriends of the Germans soldiers they had come along you know, run the gauntlet and before that all their hair was shorn off. They had to do that. I can remember that. I thought, yeah. You know, it was a sort of revenge. What, what use is it? But —
MC: But that was their only punishment.
CVR: Yeah. You can imagine how people reacted after that. But they left them alone. Nobody was attacked. Nothing.
MC: You talked about the canal.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: Being a tank wall.
CVR: Oh yeah.
MC: It was contaminated.
CVR: That was contaminated. And so all we children we jumped in it. We wanted to swim and, you know we felt free to do what we wanted to do. So all these children they got a skin [pause]
MC: Scabies.
CVR: Scabies yeah. Skin trouble. Scabies. So from the, the yeah sort of NHS [unclear] you know a service to look after people if they become ill and all that. And send doctors out to check and examine. And so all the children, including my brother and I were diagnosed with scabies. And my parents were given a sort of soap. Maybe I wrote about it. I can’t come up with it now. And in the evening they had to wash us totally and then put all this certain soap, I think there was sulphur in it. Yeah. A sort of sulphur soap. They had to cover us from top to bottom in this sulphur soap and then sleep in it the whole night. And then the next morning my parents were advised to make a bath ready. We didn’t have a bath. We had a sink top you know, with hot water. You had to sit in it. And then scrub us with a hard brush but my mum couldn’t do that, you know. So she washed us properly and maybe rubbed us very hard. And then I think that would do the trick and I think it did the trick but so many children had that and they were told all the stuff we had slept in that night we had to bring to a certain centre and it would be burned in an incinerator. I don’t know what my mother did but maybe she washed herself. I don’t know what she did.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: So that was at the end. After the war. At the end of the war was it?
CVR: Yeah.
MC: That was the end of the war.
CVR: Yeah.
MC: So did things get back to normal fairly quickly or —?
CVR: No. Not quickly. It took quite some time. A few months to get everything back to a sort of normality because there was still not food enough. That had to come in slowly, you know. It took a long time. Like you hear now in all the other countries where things happen. It takes time as well
MC: It does take time. Yeah.
CVR: People complain sometimes. Why not do things directly. It can’t be done. It has to be organized.
MC: So the [pause] your parents, your father carried on working but your mother didn’t. Where did you finish your schooling then?
CVR: Let me think. In 1948, I still know the name of the Grammar School where I went to then [Paulussbaustraat?] My brother and I went. And I finished my schooling in 1948. And, yeah. What did I want to do then? I was then sixteen. Nearly seventeen. And I wanted to go into nursing but nobody accepted me. I had to be eighteen. So I thought what shall I do then? And I thought hold on they take on younger people in centres where there is tuberculosis. In sanatoria. So I went there without telling. You know, I just went there. My parents. And went there and could I become a nurse there. I don’t know what the outcome was there then but then I came home. I told that I had did that. I had done that and my father went livid. I’d forgotten all about his first marriage and losing his wife and child from tuberculosis. And I can still remember him sitting opposite me and my mum was always very sweet and calm and all that. She didn’t know what to do. To say. And my father went, he was a good man but if he would get angry, and the words he said then sometimes, oh. But he said, ‘If you go ahead with that,’ I can still remember him sitting there, ‘If you go ahead with that I’ll break both your legs.’ He said that to me. And, and then I thought oh my gosh, you know. So the next day I thought I want to keep my legs so never went ahead with it.[laughs] And then, you know I thought, yeah what do I do then and then I decided to go to a domestic science school. And that was a course for two years but because there were only four students who wanted to do this special domestic science course that would last two years and they said we can take you on only for one year because we can’t keep you on for the second year. Only four. So you have to do this course, that was said to the four of us, in one year. It will be hard work but you will have to do it. Otherwise forget it. So we did it. You know. We did it in one year and then my father offered to me, he said, ‘Why don’t you stay on or apply for a course to be a teacher in cookery.’ Cooking. And I said, ‘No. I don’t want to do that.’ I thought I had to stay on in that school for a start. And the director Der Theresa, the woman, I didn’t like her at all. She was always caked in makeup and she was never very friendly. The teachers were fine and I thought no I don’t want to be in her school any more so I said no. And then later I thought how would he have paid for it? My father. I had no idea how he would have done that. Anyway, I said, ‘No. I don’t want to do that.’ And then I started applying for jobs. Loads of jobs. I wanted to be a midwife. I wanted to be a stewardess. I wanted to be a social carer. I wanted to be going on in dancing. I loved dancing and still, until two years ago I still did, tried to do the can-can. On my eightieth birthday I did a can-can. And I invited loads of people from church and U3A and they still talk about it. I do the swimming. I did a can-can. Anyway, I wanted to do that in performances. You know, theatre stuff. Nothing worked. I applied for a job for checking washing machines. Go in to that what was the best washing machine and things. The most silly things I did. Never got going. And then in the end I thought hold on I can apply with a steel company in the Hague. [Roopervandervoort?] a very famous steel company. And I have to earn money. My parents said, ‘You have to start somewhere. You have to earn money.’ Meanwhile I had finished my grammar school you know and I had got my diplomas and all that and my diploma from the Domestic Science School and then so I started to work for the steel company. And that was okay. I got my salary you know and worked from nine to five. And I didn’t like working from nine to five and I thought what shall I do now and the director of the steel company suddenly said, ‘Would you like to come with me for a week to Rotterdam,’ to the same company to set up a sort of system I did already in the Hague. And I said, ‘Okay fine.’ So he picked me up and he had a beautiful Oldsmobile. Went to Rotterdam and did that but in that time I had a boyfriend. He dumped me and I was crying every morning and this director said, ‘What’s wrong with you?’ I told him. I was okay in the daytime but oh that affected me so much. Anyway, I thought I’m fed up with this nine to five job. I want to do something else. You know what I did then? I applied to work for the police headquarters in the Hague. And I was accepted.
MC: Yeah.
CVR: As a telephonist telexist but that involved working different shifts which I loved. Night or day. Or Sundays. Easter. Christmas. I didn’t care. That was what I liked. On call sometimes. So I worked there till I met my husband. And I still worked on and we married and I still worked on but then I was expecting a baby and I had a miscarriage and then you know then I had to give up.
MC: So when were you married?
CVR: In 1954 I was married. In November. 20th of November ‘54. Yeah. And then after this miscarriage I was expecting soon again and I got with twins.
MC: Bless you.
CVR: Amazing. Yeah. So but I never went back to work then anymore. It was impossible. Impossible. Yeah.
MC: So when did you come to the UK then?
CVR: In 1966 when my husband worked for Esso. First for [unclear] and then for Esso. And then he was asked by an American boss of, in America then of Esso or that was not ExxonMobil yet I think. Anyway, he came over and he had talks with my husband and my husband [pause] yeah yeah he said would, would he be interested in a job in England? In London. To set up an office there for Esso. Although there was already Esso in I think it was Mund Street, someplace. Anyway, so we thought it over and we had my four small children and I was worried stiff about my children to move to England. And my husband said as well you know if he come to do it it will be very challenging and an adventure. He said, ‘If I say no I will be ever stuck after my bureau in the Hague. I will be never asked again for something.’ And anyway this, this person, the American, he was called Tom Kennedy and he came over again. And I had had talks with my English teacher. That year before we decided to move I went to conversation lessons in English. I loved it. And I said to her, I said, ‘We are offered this job but I’m scared stiff about my children.’ She said, ‘What? Don’t worry about your children. They will be fine. They will pick it up very soon.’ And she said, ‘And in your case don’t worry.’ Because at the Grammar School I had to learn, apart from Dutch, French, German and English. So I had three basic languages. She said, ‘Don’t. Don’t worry,’ you know. ‘Go to a little school there and you will be fine. Don’t worry.’ So then in the end when Tom came over and he invited us to go to Rotterdam on this sort of tower that went around like in London as well. We had a dinner and talks and he took us out on a canal tour with the children as well. And then in the end without children he invited us again and he said, ‘Have you come to a decision?’ And he said, ‘You know what? I think you are nearly there. I’ll leave you on your own here. Just have a coffee after your dinner. I’ll go away. I’ll come back and see what you have decided in the end because I have to know now.’ And he came back and my husband and I talked about it for five minutes and we said, ‘We’ll do it. We’ll do it.’ So we told him and he said fine. And from then on you know we moved to England in ‘66 with our four small children. And we decided on a house in Caterham in Surrey. But the people still lived there so they had to move out. They wanted to sell the house. And for the time being we were in Selsdon Park Hotel. Do you know Selsdon Park Hotel?
MC: No.
CVR: No. In Surrey. Anyway, a lovely hotel and we, we lived there a couple of weeks with the children until we knew we could settle in a house. And so it went. And we came without a penny because you know we didn’t have a lot of money when we lived in Holland. And then four children. And, and so we had to have a loan. A sort of mortgage. A bridging loan it was called. Yeah. And so we came without a penny and then we decided to get rid of this bridging loan and the mortgage as soon as he could and of course because he got this job in England he was paid well so we paid lots and lots off every month. What we could. And in eleven years we had done it. Yeah. We did it.
MC: Very good.
CVR: Really great. Yeah.
MC: So you’ve been in England ever since.
CVR: Yeah. On the day we, we moved that was on the Cup Final day. The last day of July ’66 was it?
MC: I think it was. Yes.
CVR: In July. And my taxi driver who picked us up from the airport and took us to the Selsdon Park Hotel he had a face like that. And he said, ‘You know what. Because I have to take you to the Selsdon Park Hotel I’ve missed the whole Cup Final now,’ [laughs] I’ve never forgotten that. Yeah.
MC: Well that’s a lovely story that Coby. It’s a lovely story.
CVR: Yeah. Yeah.
MC: And I thank you very much.
CVR: Yeah. And again I hope I didn’t keep you up too long.
MC: No. no. no. as long as you can talk we can record.
CVR: Yeah.
Dublin Core
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Title
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Interview with Coby Van Riel
Creator
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Mike Connock
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2015-08-25
Rights
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Sound
Identifier
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AVanRielJF150825
Format
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01:20:26 audio recording
Language
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eng
Coverage
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Civilian
Contributor
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Julie Williams
Carolyn Emery
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Great Britain
Netherlands
Sweden
Netherlands--Hague
Temporal Coverage
Temporal characteristics of the resource.
1939
1940
1943
1944
1945
1948
Description
An account of the resource
Coby Van Riel was a child of about six when the Germans invaded Holland. She lived in a fishing port area of The Hague where her father had a number of jobs to make ends meet in the difficult days before the war and her mother ran a chemist shop. She witnessed the German parachutists landing and the bombing of the area and saw the injuries to the civilian population some of whom went to her mother’s shop for help. When the Germans took over the area the family were forced to move out of their house and give up the shop and they went to live in the cellar of her uncle’s café. She recalls the round-up of civilians sent to forced labour and of the local Jewish population sent to Concentration Camps. She talks about what it was like for civilians to live in the occupation and recalls the time she was asked to carry a secret message in the sole of her shoe. She talks of the Hunger Winter when people began to starve. She lost her uncle to starvation and her parents were very close to death when help finally arrived. She witnessed Operation Manna and expresses her gratitude for the efforts of the RAF. She also recalls seeing V-1 rockets and seeing the damage caused by them.
anti-Semitism
bombing
childhood in wartime
forced labour
Holocaust
Lancaster
Operation Manna (29 Apr – 8 May 1945)
Resistance
round-up
V-1
V-weapon
-
https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/20/83/Memoro 6714.1.mp3
7785ec323bb861422333b07946bd50ba
Transcribed audio recording
A resource consisting primarily of recorded human voice.
Transcription
Text transcribed from audio recording or document
GM: Ci han mandato alla stazione ferroviaria, loro avevano tanti, tanti locomotori diesel, e facevano conto di ripararli e di mettere noi per la riparazione di questa roba. Ma nella notte c’è venuto un bombardamento, hanno centrato in pieno la stazione della ferrovia, il magazzino, è andato giù tutto, e il lavoro lì è finito, non c’è rimasto più niente. Allora ho cercato un’altra sistemazione, lì insomma mi son dato da fare perché loro erano molto attivi, molto in gamba da quella parte lì. M’han mandato al garage della Opel in città, e lì ho lavorato, riparavamo camion, e li ho lavorato quindici giorni, venti giorni, e due o tre volte al giorno c’era l’allarme, bisognava scappare, bisognava cercare un rifugio, cercare modo di salvare la pelle. Solo che quella volta lì era un pomeriggio, il tedesco che ci comandava faceva la barba, faceva la barba, si era già insaponato tutto, suona l’allarme, noi scappiamo e lui ‘Eh ma scappate sempre, non è micca niente continuate a lavorare, ma cosa state lì a fare’. Troviamo un rifugio ci mettiamo dentro, solo all’ingresso perché dentro proprio noi non ci lasciavano entrare, ci mettevano fuori. Per un momento vedo il tedesco che arriva di gran corsa con metà la barba insaponata e metà no [laughs]. ‘Cos’hai fatto? Cos’hai fatto?’ ‘C’è caduta una bomba sul garage!’ perché avevamo un garage molto grande con il piano sopra così, non il tetto, un cos’. E allora quando è finito l’allarme siamo andati indietro a vedere, siam tornati là: non c’era più niente, era caduto giù tutto. E allora ci han lasciati lì un po’ di giorni, abitavamo in una cantina perché di fabbricati non ce n’eran più. Allora si scendeva una scala e si andava in cantina, avevamo messo delle assi sopra dei mattoni perché c’era anche un palmo d’acqua e si dormiva lì sopra. Però c’era un problema, non c’arrivano più i viveri, perché era tutto ormai a pezzi. E di lì han cercato di spostarci in un campo civile di italiani civili. Eravamo diciassette, diciotto amici [pause] di Alba, di Dronero, di, insomma, tutti di qua. E siamo andati a vedere, veniva buio: ‘Quel posto lì, mah questa baracca potrebbe andare bene’. Io l’ho guardata un momentino e ho detto: ‘No, io in questa baracca, stanotte non vengo a dormire perché non mi fido, ormai i disastri sono troppi, non si può, non si può stare qua, io vado via vuol dire che ci vediamo domani mattina’. E sono andato alla porta della fabbrica, forte di quella tessera lì, vado alla porta della fabbrica, presento la tessera, ma loro non mi lasciano entrare. Han detto ‘No, non si può entrare a quest’ora, perché non lavorate mica! Cosa va dentro a fare? ‘È un problema, problema...’. Mi sono seduto lì, ho aspettato fino alle 10, alle 11, pioviginava, e poi ho detto: ‘Prendo lungo il muro di cinta, da qualche parte il bombardamento ha buttato giù il muro e io entro dentro’. E sono entrato dentro, poi sono andato dove lavoravo, e sono andato nella cantina, e sempre lì con due palmi d’acqua, ho messo un po’ di mattoni, ho preso due tavole, le ho messe sopra, ho detto ‘Cosi’ dormo qua sono più sicuro’. Alla notte ci arriva il solito bombardamento che arrivava tutte le notti e siamo scappati c’era un posto di rifugio dove andavano i russi, perché i russi erano in Germania, deportati civili, famiglie intere, uomini donne bambini: c’era di tutto. E le donne le facevano lavorare per la ferrovia, le facevano lavorare per le strade, come gli uomini, preciso. E son andato lì e lì avevano questo rifugio, arriva l’allarme, scappo, sempre in questo rifugio, lì in piedi. C’era già un torinese lì, che non ricordo il nome, anche lui appoggiato lì, comincia il bombardamento: badabim, badabom, badabom. Si sentono dei colpi tremendi [emphasis]. Per trovare una scusa ‘È la contraerea che spara su, non è le bombe che scendono giù, mica possibile!’. A un certo punto, si vede che una bomba ci ha centrato, e il rifugio fa tutto così. Lì c’era un filtro per il gas, se per caso avessero buttato il gas, c’era una cosa che funzionava a mano, un ventilatore che funzionava a mano, che filtrava l’aria per il gas. Lì sopra c’era delle russe con dei bambini e c’avevano la bottiglia del latte. Come la bomba ha picchiato lì, io ho visto le bottiglie del latte che si sono spaccate e il latte è andato giù, senza prendere un colpo senza niente, si vede, non so, lo spostamento d’aria, cos’era. Ho detto: ‘Qua è finita, qua, non ci salviamo più, sarà la fine’. C’era delle panche, ho visto che i russi erano a pancia a terra sotto alle panche, ho detto: ‘È inutile, se la bomba cade proprio qua siamo partiti, andiamo tutti in paradiso, e non se ne parli più’. E poi invece ci siamo salvati, la cosa è andata ancora discretamente bene, ma noi eravamo disoccupati praticamente, perché i bombardamenti erano un disastro. Appunto una notte, scappando da questa cantina, per andare in un rifugio sulla piazza centrale, lì si fermava tutto, c’era il tram fermo per la strada, era buio e io correvo, e quando si sentiva la bomba che cadeva, vrrrr, uno si buttava per terra, contro un muro, contro qualcosa, e poi mi alzavo, partivo di nuovo di corsa, non ho visto il tram, ho picchiato dentro il tram [laughs] [unclear] con la testa rotta, ma sono riuscito ad arrivare al rifugio e salvarmi. Dopo un po’ di giorni c’è arrivato l'ingegnere e ci ha di nuovo trasferiti, ci hanno trasferiti a Berzabe’ [?] un paesino dieci chilometri fuori Ludwigshafen. Lì facevamo, riparavamo camion che portavano viveri e munizioni al fronte, perché il fronte era lì, oramai eravamo contro il fronte. Era un posto abbastanza tranquillo perché si vedevano i bombardamenti su Ludwigshafen, su Ludwigshafen e Mannheim, perché c’era il Reno che divideva Ludwigshafen e Mannheim, ma erano due città si può dire unite dai ponti e, si vedevano i bombardamenti, però noi lì non abbiamo più avuto bombardamenti, e siamo stati lì fin che c’è arrivati gli Americani.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Interview with Giovanni Monchiero
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War (1939-1945)
Bombing, Aerial
Description
An account of the resource
Giovanni Monchiero (b. 1923) gives a detailed account of his experience in labour camps in Germany: he started working at a train station but it was bombed, then he moved to the Opel garage but it was also bombed. He also describes an occasion when, during a bombing, he shared the shelter with Russian prisoners - men, women and children. Giovanni talks about the shock of seeing a bottle of milk shatter in front of him because of a change in pressure. He also recollects that he was finally moved to a civilian camp near Ludwigshafen and Mannheim.
Format
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00:09:35 audio recording
Identifier
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Memoro#6714
Spatial Coverage
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Germany--Mannheim
Italy
Germany
Germany--Ludwigshafen am Rhein
Language
A language of the resource
ita
Rights
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Contributor
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Francesca Campani
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
Memoro. La banca della memoria
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Sound
License
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Royalty-free permission to publish
bombing
civil defence
forced labour
home front
-
https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/1339/22109/SValentineJRM1251404v10122.1.jpg
72b8e6627aa64e6185f7708a966bf055
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Valentine, John. Ursula Valentine's newspaper cutting scrapbook
Description
An account of the resource
131 items contained in a scrapbook. Mainly newspaper cuttings of events from May 1942 to 1945.
Transcribed document
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading.
Transcription
Text transcribed from audio recording or document
TUESDAY, APRIL 17, 1945
A girl ran through the streets, shouting. And from a prison camp a great cry went up:
‘THEY’RE HERE’
From RICHARD McMILLAN: British 2nd Army, Tuesday
British tanks and infantry are now driving into the Stalag belt. We are in what is known as “Prison Camp Germany.” All our commanders are carrying lists of dozens of Stalags in the area. Many thousands of British and American troops are known to be in them.
Liberated prisoners tell us that there is a great wave of excitement and joy spreading like wildfire through the prison camps.
As convoys move up to help our own released war prisoners, other great convoys – some of them 20 miles long – are rolling back carrying thousands of German prisoners to the Allied captive cages.
And here are four stories of the Great Liberation.
STORY NO. 1: Girl told the news
From LESLIE RANDALL
FALLINGBOSTEL, Tuesday. You have to go back to the story of the Altmark and that famous greeting: “The Navy’s here,” for the equal of the scenes that have taken place in this German front line town.
Tanks of the Desert Rats, fighting their way from the Aller to the Elbe, crashed down the main street. A Polish girl saw them and ran as fast as she could to the great prisoner of war camp on the town’s outskirts.
“English Panzers. English Panzers,” she shouted.
The German guards hurriedly put down their rifles and pulled out white handkerchiefs. The prisoners – there were nearly 7000 in the camp – came swarming to the barbed wire fences.
“They’re here”
Then our tanks appeared. A great cry went up: “They’re here.” It was the moment for which many of these men have been waiting for five years or more.
“You ought to have heard the yells,” and English bomber pilot, whose airplane was brought down on one of our first raids on Berlin, said to me.
All these prisoners – more than 2000 of them are British and American – have a terrible tale to tell.
I went into one of their huts. It seemed impossible that any human being could survive in such an atmosphere. More than 300 men have been living here – sleeping two in a bunk or on the floor.
The Germans recently shot dead a glider pilot captured at Arnhem because he went to the barbed wire, the prisoners said.
“Ten days ago we heard the sound of distant gunfire,” said one prisoner. “Day by day the sound of the guns became louder and louder. Then Typhoons began to circle over the camp and we knew that it was a signal that rescue was at hand.
“At last came the great moment. Our tanks appeared, and everybody shouted as one man: “They’re here.” Then we tore down the barbed wire fencing and we all went mad.”
[Missing words] were 90 men stricken with disease or wasted by malnutrition.
All the liberated prisoners had one anxiety – to let their folks at home know they are safe and free
Send a word
They crowded round me – Londoners, Scotsmen, Welshmen; soldiers and airmen from Leeds, Birmingham, Liverpool and a score of other places – begging me to send a word to their families. I wish I could give just a few of their messages, but it is not allowed. Their families must wait for the official notification.
A London man whose home is in Tottenham and who was taken prisoner at Dunkirk, said: “My wife and children must think I’m dead. I have not been able to write home for a long time.
“No letter-cards have been issued to us for weeks.
“I was in the march from East Prussia and., like everyone else, by the time I got here last month I was more dead than alive, but we began to pluck up hope again when we heard of the advance of our armies and the crossing of the Rhine.”
Wild with joy
Among the prisoners were soldiers left behind at Dunkirk; Commandos captured on daring coast raids, Canadians, Australians and New Zealand pilots, men of the Eighth Army taken prisoner in North Africa and Italy, and glider pilots and paratroopers cut off at Arnhem.
This is the first British prisoner of war camp liberated by the advance of our armies deep into Germany, and the celebrations are still going on.
The fires of battle are still blazing fiercely in Fallingbostel, but crowds of liberated prisoners are parading the streets shouting and singing, and wild with joy.
There was an extraordinary scene last night when thousands of these lean, hungry men sacked the German town. Nearly every man came away carrying on his shoulder a great packing-case of preserved meat or canned vegetables.
The Germans had plenty of food here. They had deliberately staved these men.
STORY NO. 2: The most pitiful men
From GODFREY BLUNDEN
U.S. NINTH ARMY. – The slave-workers and prisoners are here in their thousands – from Poland, the Ukraine, France, Yugoslavia, Holland and a dozen other countries. They have been liberated and they are on the march.
Some American prisoners whom I met this morning seemed to me to be the most pitiful.
Since their capture they have been marched almost continuously from one place to another.
STORY NO. 3: Their torturers
Evening Standard War Reporter
WITH U.S. 9TH ARMY, HANOVER, Tuesday. – You need not disbelieve anything you have heard about Nazi barbarity to the Jews.
In Hanover, Red Cross and Military Government officials found a concentration camp inhabited by 190 bony, parched, and dying wrecks of humanity.
Eight months ago 1000 Polish and Hungarian Jews, already enslaved in their countries, were driven like cattle across Germany to this pen. Eight hundred are dead.
Many of the survivors will die now, because they are beyond hope.
German citizens of Hanover claim they knew nothing of this awful place, but at least 30 large houses of the comfort-loving, God-fearing German burghers overlook the site, and they could not have failed to see slaves crawling around the yards.
If the Nazis had really wanted work from these people they would have fed them. It is all too nauseatingly clear that they brought them here to indulge in their pathological passion for cruelty.
STORY NO. 4: Pole warned tanks
From C. S. McNULTY
EAST OF HANOVER, Tuesday. – An excited civilian rushed out of the woods on to a road east of Hanover, gesticulating to a tank column rumbling forward at speed.
Sergeant Bryant Shrader, a tank commander, of B Company, 771st Tank Battalion, waved to the man to get out of the way, but the civilian began panting and scrambling alongside the vehicles.
The sergeant finally decided to stop when he discovered the man was a Pole. By an odd chance a member of the crew of the leading tank knew Polish, and to him the civilian explained he wished to warn them of a German strongpost ahead on the road, where the enemy were waiting.
The Pole, who had been released from slave-labour, went back into the woods to get on with his self-appointed task of killing Germans. He stalked his victims, armed only with an axe.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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They're here
Description
An account of the resource
Account of British tanks driving into Stalag belt and liberating prisoners. Story of Polish girl in Fallingbostel announcing to prisoners that British tanks were here. Accounts of liberated prisoners.
Date
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1945-04-17
Format
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One newspaper cutting
Language
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eng
Type
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Text
Identifier
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SValentineJRM1251404v10122
Coverage
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British Army
Spatial Coverage
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Germany
Germany--Bad Fallingbostel
Temporal Coverage
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1945-04
Publisher
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IBCC Digital Archive
Rights
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This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Anne-Marie Watson
anti-Semitism
forced labour
Holocaust
prisoner of war
-
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https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/files/original/1339/22167/SValentineJRM1251404v10126.1.jpg
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Valentine, John. Ursula Valentine's newspaper cutting scrapbook
Description
An account of the resource
131 items contained in a scrapbook. Mainly newspaper cuttings of events from May 1942 to 1945.
Transcribed document
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Transcription
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[Crest]
THE OBSERVER
1791
22, Tudor Street, E.C.4 Central 9481
LONDON, SUNDAY, APRIL 22, 1945
THE GUILT
TERRIBLE reports and photographs have come from the concentration camps and slave labour camps over-run by the Allied armies in Nazi Germany. Many of the facts were known: what the reports do is to drive home the full depravity of the horror. Who shall be held responsible for this abyss of perverted cruelty, scarcely believable, scarcely paralleled in the whole history of human inhumanity? First, the Nazi leaders and the Gestapo and S.S. men who ordered and inflicted the tortures; it will not be long now, we may hope, before most of them are caught and dealt with as war criminals. Whatever punishment international law imposes on these monsters will be trivial compared with the enormity of their misdeeds. A harder question is how far the indictment should extend to the German people at large. They cannot escape responsibility; history will see to that. But what exactly is the general, as opposed to the particular, guilt?
The primal sin of the German people in this matter lay in allowing Nazism to be born, to breed, and to fatten in its own filth. Once the infamy was admitted to power, by the will (or sufferance) of millions of individuals, those individuals could only repent at the cost of their own destruction. Fascism and Nazism must be strangled at birth or they themselves will strangle civilisation. That is the point of which every nation must take note.
* * *
We in Britain too easily forget what it means to live under a ruthlessly efficient terrorism. Modern weapons vastly increase the power of a few who control these arms to suppress the resistance of the many. Once such a system is firmly established, the critic and the rebel have little chance. To call for opposition is to call for martyrs indeed. Who can confidently say that he would protest publicly against the government if he knew at any time his rooms would be invaded and he himself hurried into darkness, where death would only be a release from torture? And not only he, but, worse still, his dear ones and dependents would be utterly in the grip of the Terror. That was the normal expectation of a liberal-minded man in Germany after Hitler came to power.
But why did the Germans tolerate Hitler’s rise? “Mein Kampf” had given them ample warning of what to expect. Nazism was brutal from the first; its leaders gloried in their contempt for all humane canons of behaviour. And yet millions of Germans supported, cheered, voted for these gangsters in uniform, long before the argument of terror was in general use. The huge German Socialist and Trade Union Movement, which might have stopped the odious tyranny in its own interest as well as for the sake of world peace, collapsed with astonishing speed and completeness. The appalling extent of unemployment and poverty in the early thirties had broken the workers’ will to resist anyone who reopened the factories. They did not ask to what sinister ends the wheels were now turning. Bread (even with bondage) was sweet in the mouth.
[Page break]
* * *
When all allowance has been made for the political and economic causes of Nazism, we have to admit the national characteristics, too. It is dangerous to generalise about national traits: history so easily reverses judgements. The Austrians were regarded by our forefathers as the typical tyrants, cold and brutal. Later they were deemed, rightly or wrongly, to be a gentle and genial tribe of experts in the manufacture of cakes, coffee, and waltzes. But there does appear to be a persistent strain in the German character of fierce brutality above and fatal docility below. There is a worship of power, both by those who rule and those who serve. And this is deadly to all decency. “The strongest poison ever known came from Caesar’s laurel-crown.”
In drafting the Versailles settlement the Allies were blind to this strain. They approved the setting up of the Weimar Republic on ostensibly democratic lines. They failed to see that it might only be a façade. Many Germans had no will to make the Republic work: their instinctive allegiance remained with the army leaders who were bent on restoring the nation’s military might and found in Nazism an ideal instrument. And so, during the years when the Nazi movement could have been resisted, the German people allowed it to wax and condoned its excesses. Passively, they let the Nazis enlist their children and train them to be bullies and torturers. That was when they earned the judgement which is now falling upon the Reich.
But in forgiving the early excesses of Nazism the German people were not alone. Hitler had plenty of foreign admirers in those days. His eminent visitors returned extolling the marvellous discipline which the Nazi régime had imposed on the working-class. They applauded him, even when it was perfectly well known what was going on in the Concentration Camps. Some closed eyes and ears to this: others took the easy way of declaring that what occurred behind the scenes in Nazi Germany was no concern of ours. Never shall this happen again.
* * *
No punishment of Nazi Germany, however grimly earned and justly executed will suffice without a full and general admission that Nazism and Fascism are evil beyond endurance wherever they appear. Where such a system is allowed to root, the spread of the venom is certain. The Nazis have carried on, with their appalling German thoroughness, the work begun by Mussolini and his Fascist thugs. It was they who taught Hitler his technique of murdering the opposition to save the trouble of answering to it. Their island-prisons set an early model, later far surpassed, of political persecution, as practiced by Fascism (in its various guises) in Spain, Greece, and later on in France. Must we always forget the Italians’ guilt because they smile at us? We do not suggest that a dictatorship of the Left offers a bed of roses to its critics, but the long-drawn sadism of the Fascist and Nazi concentration camps has no parallel among the admitted severities of other regimes. Where life is hard, as in Poland and Russia, imprisonment is likely to be even harder But that does not make a Belsen.
The German torture-camps are a witness against the German people who, having seen the growth of Fascism, permitted their own even viler brand of that pest to arise and flourish. They are witness also against those in other countries who stopped their ears to the cries of democrats, liberals, Jews, and all the myriads on the rack. And how many of us can claim to be wholly innocent upon this heavy count of having played the Gallio in these fatal nineteen-thirties?
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Guilt
Description
An account of the resource
Article. Report on concentration camps recently overrun by allies. Asks who will be held responsible and then lists culprits and questions whether people hold any responsibility. Some discussion of totalitarian states and Nazism. Mentions Versailles treaty and set up of Wiemar republic contribution to rise of Nazis.
Publisher
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The Observer
Date
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1945-04-22
Format
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Two newspaper cuttings
Language
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eng
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Text
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
SValentineJRM1251404v10125, SValentineJRM1251404v10126
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Civilian
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Great Britain
England--London
Temporal Coverage
Temporal characteristics of the resource.
1945-04
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal.
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Anne-Marie Watson
anti-Semitism
forced labour
Hitler, Adolf (1889-1945)
Holocaust
Waffen-SS