1 25 62 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2960/57912/MForshawB1038479-190508-010001.jpg f7f156f3355258fa8fb42c2cd3bf70ab https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2960/57912/MForshawB1038479-190508-010002.jpg 7fa470711758b8dac9420a6e9ab13a61 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2960/57912/MForshawB1038479-190508-010003.jpg 6ce32ef4a5976be48b9f050cf7d67379 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2960/57912/MForshawB1038479-190508-010004.jpg 3fa7a8984654c6d104fe77564708ab00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Forshaw, Basil Description An account of the resource Nine items. The collection concerns Sergeant Basil Forshaw (b.1920, 1038479 Royal Air Force) and contains documents and photographs. He flew operations as a pilot with 460 Squadron and was killed 27/28 April 1944. <br /><br />The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Andrew Hayden and catalogued by Barry Hunter. <br /><br />Additional information on Basil Forshaw is available via the <a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/107886/">IBCC Losses Database.</a> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019-05-08 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Forshaw, B Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Operation to Friedrichshafen Description An account of the resource A detailed account of an operation at Friedrichshafen, 27/28 April 1944. After the war the author visited the graves of his crew. Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Germany Germany--Friedrichshafen France France--Alsace Germany--Stuttgart France--Dijon France--Vittel France--Épinal France--Remiremont Region France--Sélestat France--Neuf-Brisach Switzerland Switzerland--Lucerne Switzerland--Vevey Germany--Essen France--Paris Germany--Aachen France--Rouen Germany--Cologne Germany--Dusseldorf Germany--Karlsruhe Great Britain England--Reading England--Brighton France--Dieppe France--Le Havre France--Strasbourg France--Chartres Germany--Nuremberg Germany--Würzburg Germany--Frankfurt am Main Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Personal research Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Four typewritten sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MForshawB1038479-190508-010001, MForshawB1038479-190508-010002, MForshawB1038479-190508-010003, MForshawB1038479-190508-010004 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-04-27 1944-04-28 1 Group 100 Squadron 101 Squadron 166 Squadron 460 Squadron air gunner aircrew anti-aircraft fire bomb aimer bombing crash Distinguished Flying Cross Dulag Luft escaping evading flight engineer Ju 88 killed in action Lancaster Me 110 mine laying Mosquito navigator pilot prisoner of war RAF Binbrook RAF Kirmington RAF Woodbridge Schräge Musik shot down Stalag Luft 3 target indicator wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2929/56728/MWilliamsLW1095530-180628-04.jpg 7f46f3b6e1e9c2f681d28e4bef208f37 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Williams, Leonard Williams, L Description An account of the resource Three items. The collection concerns Leonard Williams (b. 1921, 1095530 Royal Air Force) and contains documents concerning the crash of his aircraft, and a photograph. He flew as a flight engineer on Lancaster of 35 Squadron. He was killed when his aircraft crashed on take off 24 December 1944. <br /><br />The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Jennifer Uttley and catalogued by Nigel Huckins.<br /><br />Additional information on Leonard Williams is available via the <a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/230567/">IBCC Losses Database.</a> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018-06-28 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Williams, L Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document 1. Duty F.C.O.: P/O W. H. [indecipherable word]. [indecipherable words], S.F.C.O. 2. Instructions to light up given by: 8 Group (PFF.) 3. Times of: a. INSTRUCTIONS RECEIVED 1500 b. FIRST LIGHTING 1509 (1-2-3) 1540 Longfunnel. c. SMOKE CLEARED AND APPARATUS FULLY FUNCTIONING Sections 1-2-3 all clear by 1520 throughout runway but reduced to 500/1800 yds. by 1630. d. FINALLY TURNED OFF 1650. 4. Instructions to Turn off given by: 8 Group (PFF). 5. Details of Aircraft Landed (types, times and all relevant information, including Pilot’s Reports, to be attached) 1. Following Mosquito aircraft of 105 Sqdn. Bourn. H at 1607, K at 1610, Q at 1628. Pilots stated that clearance was to South of airfield. They had considerable difficulty in landing owing to wet fog drifting across runway from N to S. 2. The following Lancasters of 35 Sqdn. Graveley, took off on operations by FIDO between 1527 & 1543 A-U-O-Q-R-S (S Crashed after take off). T-N-E-G. On return they were diverted to West Raynham. Just after stages 1-2 and 3 (Less funnels) had been lit for the take off, the three Mosquitoes were diverted to Graveley necessitating the lighting of both short and long funnels. Two Lancasters were diverted to us from Upwood but owing to [P.T.O.] deterioration these were re-diverted to Downham Market and a darky a/c unidentified was diverted to Woodbridge. A.06.097. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Details of operational use of FIDO at RAF Gravely Description An account of the resource Gives times of operation of FIDO. Gives details of aircraft landed - including three Mosquitos who had difficulty owing to fog. Gives details of six 35 Squadron Lancaster airborne from Graveley, notes S crashed after take off. Gives further details of diverted aircraft and more FIDO operations. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1944-12-24 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-12-24 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Huntingdonshire England--Cambridgeshire England--Norfolk England--Suffolk Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Service material Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One page typewritten document Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MWilliamsLW1095530-180628-04 Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Crash of PB366 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Andrew Yates 105 Squadron 35 Squadron 8 Group crash FIDO Lancaster Mosquito RAF Bourn RAF Downham Market RAF Graveley RAF West Raynham RAF Woodbridge https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2982/54996/MKnoxVD63842-240818-25.pdf bbc8ba6b3e6bd3a94638361b1054c06b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Knox, Victor Douglas Knox, V D Description An account of the resource 196 items. The collection concerns Squadron Leader Victor Douglas Knox (b 27 October 1920, 63842 Royal Air Force) and contains his log books, correspondence, documents, objects and photographs. Following his career in which he flew operations as a pilot with 462 Squadron in Europe, the Middle East and North Africa he was Accidents Officer at 4 Group. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Stephen Knox and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2024-08-18 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Knox, VD Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Douglas' notebook Description An account of the resource Douglas records aircraft incidents including accidents, causes and fatalities with particular reference to the emergency landing ground at RAF Carnaby.<br /><br />Additional information on Sgt Jesse Cotton is available on the <a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/205969/">IBCC Losses Database</a>. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Victor Douglas Knox Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1944 1945 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-06-05 1944-08-15 1944-08-25 1944-08-26 1944-09-14 1944-09-16 1944-09-25 1944-10-14 1944-10-23 1944-10-28 1944-10-29 1944-10-30 1944-10-31 1944-12-22 1944-12-26 1944-12-28 1944-12-29 1945-01-02 1945-01-23 1945-02-01 1945-02-02 1945-02-13 1945-02-14 1945-02-23 1945-02-24 1945-02-27 1945-03-02 1945-03-14 1945-03-15 1945-03-18 1945-03-20 1945-03-24 1945-04-11 1945-05-07 1945-05-10 1945-05-11 1945-05-16 1945-05-17 1945-05-23 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Belgium France Germany Great Britain Belgium--Brussels England--Buckinghamshire England--Durham (County) England--Gloucestershire England--Kent England--Lincolnshire England--Norfolk England--Northamptonshire England--Nottinghamshire England--Oxfordshire England--Suffolk England--Warwickshire England--West Sussex England--Yorkshire France--Boulogne-sur-Mer France--Calais France--Paris Germany--Hamburg Germany--Ludwigshafen am Rhein France--Pas-de-Calais Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Royal Canadian Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One notebook Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MKnoxVD63842-24818-25 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive 10 Squadron 102 Squadron 140 Squadron 158 Squadron 346 Squadron 347 Squadron 466 Squadron 51 Squadron 578 Squadron 640 Squadron 76 Squadron 77 Squadron 78 Squadron air gunner aircrew bale out bomb aimer bombing crash dispersal ditching flight engineer Halifax Halifax Mk 2 killed in action missing in action navigator Pathfinders pilot RAF Binbrook RAF Breighton RAF Carnaby RAF Catfoss RAF Chipping Warden RAF Coningsby RAF Croft RAF Dishforth RAF Downham Market RAF Driffield RAF East Kirkby RAF Elvington RAF Full Sutton RAF Gaydon RAF Great Massingham RAF Grimsby RAF Holme-on-Spalding Moor RAF Horsham St Faith RAF Kelstern RAF Leconfield RAF Lissett RAF Ludford Magna RAF Manston RAF Marston Moor RAF Melbourne RAF Middleton St George RAF Moreton in the Marsh RAF Newmarket RAF Oakley RAF Ossington RAF Pocklington RAF Riccall RAF Rufforth RAF Skipton on Swale RAF Snaith RAF Spilsby RAF Syerston RAF Upper Heyford RAF West Malling RAF Westcott RAF Woodbridge shot down training Wellington wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52659/PCornwellSmithJC25040014.1.jpg a102a5544e98b1ea3353b803bf1cb303 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52659/PCornwellSmithJC25040015.1.jpg 7580eddfe66557d1bf75f7987fda96d1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cornwell Smith, John Charles Cornwell-Smith, JC Description An account of the resource 41 items. The collection concerns John Charles Cornwell Smith and contains photographs of Operation Overlord, Operation Market Garden, and Operation Varsity. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Nick Cornwell-Smith and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2025-02-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CornwellSmith, JC Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Loading a 6 pounder gun onto a Horsa Description An account of the resource With its side hinged nose open a gun is guided up a ramp into the fuselage of a Horsa glider by a group of seven airmen. Reverse printed 'A.M.Crown Copyright Reserved' and annotated 'R136C beg 5' and 'Loading up of Horsa Mk 2 at Woodbridge, 6 Pdr Gun'. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Great Britain. Air Ministry Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One b/w photograph Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PCornwellSmithJC25040014; PCornwellSmithJC250015; Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Suffolk Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive ground crew ground personnel Horsa RAF Woodbridge https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52503/PCornwellSmithJC25030020.1.jpg 21f775c6cf5bce8f9cd1a5b57b884836 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52503/PCornwellSmithJC25030021.1.jpg dfe106b4a638546da5ac5a36e84fc86d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cornwell Smith, John Charles Cornwell-Smith, JC Description An account of the resource 41 items. The collection concerns John Charles Cornwell Smith and contains photographs of Operation Overlord, Operation Market Garden, and Operation Varsity. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Nick Cornwell-Smith and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2025-02-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CornwellSmith, JC Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Walking to the aircraft Description An account of the resource Aircrew walking between a row of Hamilcar gliders on the left and Halifax aircraft on the right with tow lines trailing between. Many of the aircrew are wearing Mae West life jackets. Reverse is printed, 'A.M. Crown Copyright Reserved' and annotated, 'G149' and 'Woodbridge'. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Great Britain. Air Ministry Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Suffolk Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One b/w photograph Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Cornwell Smith, John Charles. Operation Varsity Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PCornwellSmithJC25030020: PCornwellSmithJC25030021; Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive aircrew Halifax Hamilcar RAF Woodbridge taxiway https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52498/PCornwellSmithJC25030014.2.jpg e14247c6a05b5aa0c58a9595326bb9c9 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52498/PCornwellSmithJC25030015.2.jpg c44b383e5d71b4a4123bcf8ea3ac9ed8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cornwell Smith, John Charles Cornwell-Smith, JC Description An account of the resource 41 items. The collection concerns John Charles Cornwell Smith and contains photographs of Operation Overlord, Operation Market Garden, and Operation Varsity. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Nick Cornwell-Smith and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2025-02-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CornwellSmith, JC Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lined up for take off Description An account of the resource Three airmen standing alongside the wing of a Hamilcar glider with tow line attached. Further gliders form a row behind and opposite is a row of Halifax aircraft. Reverse annotated, 'Lined up for take off at Woodbridge' and 'CH14886'. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1945-03-24 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Suffolk Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One b/w photograph Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Cornwell Smith, John Charles. Operation Varsity Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PCornwellSmithCJ25030014: PCornwellSmithJC25030015; Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1945-03-24 Halifax Hamilcar RAF Woodbridge taxiway https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52496/PCornwellSmithJC25030010.2.jpg 2ddfac77f14c0522101a51ab6a67ab9e https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52496/PCornwellSmithJC25030011.2.jpg 2c3b2237242d6d2985a4c1d1275b12ff Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cornwell Smith, John Charles Cornwell-Smith, JC Description An account of the resource 41 items. The collection concerns John Charles Cornwell Smith and contains photographs of Operation Overlord, Operation Market Garden, and Operation Varsity. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Nick Cornwell-Smith and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2025-02-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CornwellSmith, JC Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Halifax and Hamilcar combinations Description An account of the resource A staggered line of Hamilcar gliders flanked on either side by rows of Halifax aircraft. Titled, 'Halifax/Hamilcar combinations marshalled at Woodbridge'. On reverse is printed, 'Crown Copyright Reserved' and annotated 'CH14882'. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Great Britain. Air Ministry Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1945-03-24 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Suffolk Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One b/w photograph Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Cornwell Smith, John Charles. Operation Varsity Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PCornwellSmithJC25030010: PCornwellSmithJC25030011; Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1945-03-24 Halifax Hamilcar RAF Woodbridge runway taxiway https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52495/PCornwellSmithJC25030008.1.jpg f1656ea64c1254101c92becf40ce6f0e https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52495/PCornwellSmithJC25030009.1.jpg 2da4b3ca6a0dbacafcc8c95438bd795e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cornwell Smith, John Charles Cornwell-Smith, JC Description An account of the resource 41 items. The collection concerns John Charles Cornwell Smith and contains photographs of Operation Overlord, Operation Market Garden, and Operation Varsity. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Nick Cornwell-Smith and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2025-02-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CornwellSmith, JC Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Woodbridge Description An account of the resource A Hamilcar glider under tow by a Halifax above a grass field with woodland beyond. Reverse, printed 'A.M. Crown Copyright Reserved', 'G417' and 'Woodbridge'. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Great Britain. Air Ministry Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1945-03-24 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Suffolk Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command United States Army Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One b/w photograph Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Cornwell Smith, John Charles. Operation Varsity Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PCornwellSmithJC25030008; PCornwellSmithJC25030009; Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1945-03-24 Halifax Hamilcar RAF Woodbridge runway https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52492/PCornwellSmithJC25030004.jpg 212931af59cd7776fa49c016f63f907a https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2906/52492/PCornwellSmithJC25030005.jpg 47050fc0f4c6f4b6879e5f303244969d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cornwell Smith, John Charles Cornwell-Smith, JC Description An account of the resource 41 items. The collection concerns John Charles Cornwell Smith and contains photographs of Operation Overlord, Operation Market Garden, and Operation Varsity. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Nick Cornwell-Smith and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2025-02-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CornwellSmith, JC Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Operations board Description An account of the resource An operations board with details for Operation Varsity. Lists stations involved, timings and numbers of aborted and missing aircraft. Reverse, printed 'A.M. Crown Copyright Reserved' and stamped '33 Group photographic section G326 30 March 1945'. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Great Britain. Air Ministry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1945-03-30 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1945-03-24 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Germany Great Britain England--Essex England--Suffolk Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command United States Army Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One b/w photograph Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Cornwell Smith, John Charles. Operation Varsity Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PCornwellSmithJC25030004; PCornwellSmithJC25030005; Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive RAF Birch RAF Boreham RAF Chipping Ongar RAF Earls Colne RAF Gosfield RAF Great Dunmow RAF Matching RAF Rivenhall RAF Shepherds Grove RAF Wethersfield RAF Woodbridge https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2796/49710/SBondS-HillFv10005.MP3 b791164ea38b749f38d69356df005405 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hill, Fred Description An account of the resource Five items. Collection concerns Flight Lieutenant Fred Hill DFC who flew operation as a pilot on Hampden with 49 Squadron and after a training tour, Mosquito with 692 Squadron. Collection contains photographs and an oral history interview. The collection was licensed to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Dr Steve Bond and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. This collection was provided, in digital form, by a third-party organisation which used technical specifications and operational protocols that may differ from those used by the IBCC Digital Archive. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2022-01-18 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SBondS-HillFv1 Transcribed audio recording A resource consisting primarily of recorded human voice. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document SB: Right. Are you still there Fred? FH: Yes. Yeah. SB: Right. Well, many thanks. There are a few things I wanted to ask you about starting off really with the thousand bomber raid that you were on when you were on the OTU. FH: Yes. I finished a tour on Hampdens. I then did a PFI course [unclear]. Then down into the [unclear] command system at OTU. The same one that I trained on actually, 14. SB: Right. FH: And I’d been there about oh three or four weeks when they did the thousand bomber raids. SB: Right. FH: I was on leave when they did the first one but I was on the second one. SB: Right. How — FH: That was to Essen. SB: Right. I mean, how much did you realise at the time what the size of the raid was like? Were you aware of the previous one for example? FH: Sorry, I’m not sure I can — SB: Well, when you were being briefed for it because you know operations were relatively unusual on the OTU. Were you aware of the scale of it? FH: Oh yes. Let’s see. I’m a little bit deaf and I’m going, I’m going to get my ear syringed on Tuesday. SB: Ok. FH: I’m telling you because I’m just a little bit on the deaf side. SB: Oh ok. Well, is that better? FH: That’s better. Yeah. Yeah. SB: Right. Well the question really was how much — FH: Did I know the scale of it? SB: Yes. Yes. FH: I did so, yes. SB: Yes. I mean were you aware of that at the time you were being briefed? That it was going to be a really, you know a big operation. FH: Oh yes. SB: Yeah. Yeah. And when you were actually on it I mean did you have a sense of a lot of aircraft around you at the time? FH: Was I what? SB: Did you have a sense that there were a lot of aircraft around your, your same part of the sky at the same time? FH: No. No. At night you very rarely saw other aircraft. SB: Oh right. Right. Ok. FH: Yes. Even though there was a thousand. SB: Yes. FH: You could be two or three yards and not see the next one if it was a dark night. Right. Right. Does your logbook, do you have your logbook with you? FH: Yes. SB: Does it identify the aircraft that you used that night? FH: Yeah. It was a Hampden. Hold on. It was an OTU Hampden. In fact, I got up to fifteen thousand feet out of that which was quite high than I got on the squadron machines. SB: Oh right. FH: Certainly you couldn’t have gone solo on that. First of all that 1942. Operation Essen. Yes, it was a Hampden. I’ve only got the number 4117. I’ve only got the first three numbers. The letters. SB: Right. What was, sorry can you just say the numbers again? FH: 4117. SB: Oh right. Ok. Well, I’ll be able to track that down. While you’ve got your logbook there. FH: Yes. SB: Have you, can you turn and tell me if you flew on the 19th of April ’42. FH: That should be here. Turn back. ’42. SB: Yeah. FH: Hold on. March. April the what? SB: 19th. One nine. FH: One nine. SB: Yeah. FH: I was doing a course there at Upavon. SB: Right. FH: For the QFI thingummy. SB: Oh, ok. Well, the reason I asked you that — FH: That was on the 19th actually. SB: Ok. FH: It was on flying Oxfords anyway. SB: Oh right. Right. Ok. The reason I asked you that was a friend of mine who was at the same unit at the same time as you had a trip that day with a Flying Officer Hills so — FH: Had a what? SB: Had a trip that day with another pilot with the same name as you. FH: Oh, I see. SB: And I just wondered if it was you that was all. FH: Not guilty. A common name isn’t it. SB: Well, I suppose so. FH: Yeah. SB: Well, can we talk then about the Wimpy generally? I mean, what did you, what did you think of it to fly? What did you like? What did you not like if anything about it? FH: After flying the Hampden it was like flying a double decker bus. SB: Really? FH: The Hampden was far better to handle but militarily there was no comparison. The Wellington was a better machine. SB: Right. FH: Militarily speaking. SB: Right. FH: I mean there was room in it for upgrading and it had the same functions as a Hampden of course when we took them over. You see we flew the Hampden at OTUs for a month or two in 1942 and then they were withdrawn and they gave us Wellingtons. SB: Right. Right. Sure. FH: Quite a difference actually as instructors between the Hampden and the Wellington. You see the Hampden had a crew, four crew positions. SB: Yes. FH: And two of them had to be gunners when flying above the [unclear] and one flying below. SB: Yes. FH: At that time I could honestly have said on the [unclear] you were classed as a [unclear] you had to have two pilots. SB: Right. FH: So what do we get now? Two pilots and two gunners. SB: Right. FH: We were slow motion with bomb aiming. [unclear] lined us up and one of my pilots, the second pilot had to do the navigation and the bomb aiming and man the forward gun and pass the [unclear] and any odd jobs that were going. So [laughs] and you didn’t train as a crew. SB: Right. FH: Trained as an individual at OTU and then went to a squadron. SB: Yes. Yes. Right. FH: I went to Scampton with 49. SB: Yes. FH: And my first trip was to, was to Magdeburg. SB: Yes. FH: Which was almost as far as Berlin you know. It was straight into the deep end. SB: Yes. Yes. FH: I was second pilot, navigator, bomb aimer. In fact, you never touched the controls when you were the second pilot unless the first pilot was disabled. SB: Right. FH: Lower the seat, the back of his seat down, pull him out and go in feet first and take his place. SB: Yes. FH: I don’t think I ever saw it done very often. SB: No. Probably not. FH: So when they, when they switched to Wellingtons we now changed the system to setting up a crew, a full crew and training a crew on Wellingtons and they stayed together and then went on perhaps to a Wellington squadron. SB: Yes. FH: Anyway, I did a conversion course to a four-engine job. SB: Yeah. FH: Usually Lancasters. Halifaxes. SB: Yeah. FH: Stirling is another one I made contact with. SB: Right. Right. FH: Not often you do. SB: Right. FH: So there was quite a difference in that sense. SB: Sure. Sure. FH: That was a sensible thing of course to say but I don’t know why they insisted on two pilots in a Hampden. Mind you when you took over as first pilot halfway through the tour you wouldn’t do it any fuller by having a new navigator would you? SB: Well, no. I suppose not. No. Oh, so that’s the way it worked. You took over as first pilot halfway through the tour. FH: Halfway through your tour you became the first pilot. SB: Oh right. Oh ok. I didn’t know that. Oh, that’s interesting. FH: Yeah. Well, you should, actually you should have gone back to OTU. SB: Yes. FH: Because although as second pilot you could fly the Hampden you had never flown one at night. SB: Oh. Well, I suppose not. No. FH: You landed them at night you see. SB: Right. FH: Went back to OTU and did some night landings and the odd night cross country. The trouble with flying around we were training second pilots actually. SB: Right. FH: Then you went back to the squadron and you were first pilot. But when my turn came they said, ‘Oh, we’re sorry. We can’t spare you for all that time at OTU. You’ll be on a couple of sessions of landings, circuits and bumps and then for your cross country you can say it’s [unclear] to base and that was it. That was when I was a first pilot. SB: Right. Right. Ok. And did you have any particularly hairy moments with doing your, doing your ops? Were there, you know did you have any encounters with fighters for example or anything like that? FH: Oh yes. When I was still a second pilot [pause] I can’t remember, I think the target was somewhere near Hamburg and we had to be there by a certain time. Most unusual actually and there was ten tenths cloud all the way over and then it broke. SB: Right. FH: We failed to get a fix up to the light blue searchlight. SB: Right. FH: [unclear] hunters. Now, at this time the searchlight system was they were beginning to use radar. SB: Yes. FH: Before that they’d used sound and the searchlights would be probing around the sky looking for you but with this, with this new system they would go straight on. Bang. And the moment [unclear] four or five obviously sound controlled systems because they were serious and we were coned. SB: Right. FH: And a minute or two later bang bang bang we’d got a fighter. I think Steve I was extremely lucky in my war. SB: Right. FH: Because either this night fighter was a rotten shot or the armourers hadn’t harmonised the sight with his guns. SB: Oh ok. FH: Three quarters of his fire was [intermittent] SB: Right. FH: Only a quarter was. SB: Right. FH: And of course the first pilot went into a steep dive and turned and we lost him. SB: Yes. FH: Threw off the fighter and we found our way back to [unclear] and on the way back we got a diversion order. A diversion to go to Horsham St Faiths I think it was. SB: Right. FH: Anyway, five minutes on the way the first pilot saw a flare path so, ‘Oh, there’s a flare path. We’re not going to go to Horsham St Faith and we went and landed on it and it was, I want to say an RAF college. SB: Cranwell. FH: Cranwell. It was Cranwell’s satellite. SB: Oh right. FH: Do a bit of night flying you see. SB: Yes. FH: And so we went there and the next morning we were walking about of course in cover in flying gear and I mean you don’t go in your, in your walking out best. SB: No. FH: And the station warrant officer nearly had a fit. SB: I bet he did. FH: We were so uncomfortable that we flew our Hampden back. Back to Scampton holes in it or not. And on another, another occasion was my second op as first pilot. SB: Yeah. FH: The trouble is after I took off on your first few trips as first pilot you were very careful of course what you were going to [unclear] any incidents and your instruments and what have you and oil pressure was a bit low and oil temperature was a bit high. SB: Right. FH: Not enough to divert but some minutes later I said, ‘Pressure is a bit lower and temperature is a bit higher.’ And we kept on going like that and so after I’d done up to about eight thousand feet through cloud it was obvious that the engine and was not going to last. SB: Right. FH: So I jettisoned the load over the North Sea. SB: Yeah. FH: Turned around to come back. Down through the cloud and then the starboard engine just seized. SB: Right. FH: And we soon ran out of oil completely. And of course on the Pegasus the props didn’t feather. SB: Oh. Ok. FH: Now, the third engine abruptly began to windmill. SB: Right. Oh gosh. FH: [unclear] That was the problem. [I got the lot] SB: Yes. FH: And somewhere in Lincolnshire. SB: Oh dear. FH: So I had an emergency landing at what’s the name of the place. Hang on. What was the place. [unclear] SB: Oh right. FH: [unclear] [pause] Grimsby, of course. SB: Oh ok. Yes. Yes. FH: [unclear] right to Scampton. SB: Yes, indeed. Yes. Yes. FH: That was, that was in the tour. SB: Right. FH: When I went back as an instructor back to Cottesmore — SB: Yeah. FH: We were still flying Hampdens and I took a crew for familiarisation as it was called. SB: Yes. FH: The second pilot was just stood behind the first pilot because of course there wasn’t room side by side. SB: Right. FH: And right enough the speed was for the turning [unclear] stall and was like [unclear] and so on. SB: Yes. FH: And two, two wop a.gs now when they came to you we agreed those [unclear] SB: Right. FH: Because they had very little airtime for training. You didn’t do it. A few hours in a box and shake it a bit and he wouldn’t know the difference would he? SB: Well, no. FH: Anyway, we came across a Wellington and a Spitfire doing the fighter affiliation. SB: Yes. FH: And the Spitfire turned at me head on and in such a situation as you will no doubt know you both should turn to starboard. SB: Yes. Yes. FH: Like two ships. SB: Yeah. FH: And I banked it into starboard and he turned to port. SB: Oh no. FH: And then at the last moment tried to go underneath. SB: Right. FH: [unclear] hit my nose and his starboard engine hit mine, his starboard wing rather hit my starboard wing on the engine, chopped his starboard wing off and made a hell of a mess of my starboard engine that side. SB: Oh gosh. FH: And he was, at the inquest it was said that he was thirty feet under when they dug him out. SB: Good grief. FH: And I was, well the question was what to do next and what I was worried about was had he damaged the main spar on the starboard wing. SB: Yes. FH: But if he has [unclear] that’s the end of us. SB: Right. FH: I put it down and [unclear] up to a ploughed field. SB: Goodness me. FH: I’d been let down by only a bump on the head. SB: Gosh. FH: So I told you I was lucky. SB: You certainly were. Do you have, do you have the date? FH: I had a lucky war. SB: Do you have the date for that incident at all? FH: Have I what? SB: The date when that happened. FH: The dump. SB: The date. What date was that? That encounter with the Spitfire do you have in your log what date it was? FH: I’m sorry would you spell that word? I can’t hear what you’re saying. SB: Date. Delta [laughs] delta able table echo. Date. What date was it? When? FH: Spell it slowly. I’ve got it in my logbook. SB: Delta alpha tango echo. Date. FH: Date? SB: Date. Yes. Never mind. Never mind. We’ll move on. FH: [unclear] is what you paint on a Wellington fuselage. SB: No. No. No. You know day, week, month, year. What date? No. Don’t worry. Don’t worry. We’ll move on. FH: I’m sorry. It’s my hearing. SB: I’m trying to get the date when that happened. FH: I’m sorry I can’t. SB: Well, in your log. FH: Yeah. In my log. SB: Was it January? February? March? What date? FH: Oh the date. SB: Yes. FH: Friday the 2nd 1942. SB: Right. Ok. Ok. FH: My aircraft 2067. SB: Oh right. FH: I got the tour and the pilot and the engineers either side of me [unclear] SB: Oh ok. Ok. FH: Familiarisation with a Spitfire. Flying into a potato field minus one engine. SB: And everybody was ok apart from a minor bump were they? FH: Yes. A minor bump. Yes. SB: Right. Just — FH: Soon after that we took over Wellingtons. Yes. SB: Right. Just sticking with the OTU at the moment — FH: Yes. SB: When the OTU aircraft were used on an op was the crew all OTU staff or did you have trainees in the crew as well? FH: Well, it only happened on those two occasions. SB: Right. FH: When I was at OTU. SB: Yes. FH: And I had a staff wireless op ag. SB: Yes. FH: And a trainee in final stages of training. Second pilot, navigator, bomb aimer and bottom gunner. SB: Oh right. FH: So it was two staff and two trainees. SB: Oh, ok. Ok. That’s interesting. FH: I think that was, that was general for the Hampden because there were certain areas of Hampdens on the first one thousand raids. They didn’t do any more one thousand raids. Certainly not on the Wellington. SB: Right. Ok. FH: We did a very interesting in [a Wimpy] was that we kept on doing searches. SB: Oh yes. FH: Didn’t find anything. I did a search. That was it. January the 20th 1943. SB: Yeah. FH: Did a search. Found three pieces of flotsam and one mine. That was an oval mine. A circular one with all the spikes sticking out of it. SB: Oh, yes. Yes. Oh, right [laughs] Can I just have a quick chat with you about the Mosquito? FH: Yes, surely. SB: You went on to 692. That’s right isn’t it? FH: Which is the first squadron to have the Mark 16 Mosquito which carried a four thousand pounder. SB: Yes. I was going to ask you about that. FH: Yes, stuck in the bomb bay and it looked slightly pregnant. SB: Right. Did that affect the handling at all? FH: No. [unclear] the best with the latest Rolls Royce engines in it and that. I’m just looking at the back of my logbook here. Aircraft. Mosquito. Mark 1 420 1916. SB: Right. FH: And I think it was the 76 77 series engine. SB: Right. FH: It had a two, a two stage super charger. SB: Yes. FH: The circumstance wouldn’t come in below seventeen thousand feet. SB: Oh Right. Ok. FH: And it had a switch so then you could turn tables. You didn’t want it to go in. So if you just let it go below the mandatory it came over with such a hell of a thump and a bang that you [unclear] you see. SB: Oh right. FH: So you turned it off and then it went to eighteen thousand feet. You said, ‘Johnny, I’m switching it all off.’ You see and then [unclear] and then it just carried on through [unclear] you know. SB: Right. Right. FH: Coming back one night I had a brand-new machine and I didn’t tell Johnny the navigator because it wasn’t fair. I turned it up. I got thirty thousand and was still climbing. SB: Goodness me. Gosh. FH: To actually to get on to Mosquitoes it was rather an elite group. First of all you had to had to have a thousand hours in your logbook. SB: Right. FH: And we had to be recommended by your CO. SB: Yes. FH: And then you had to do the decompression test. SB: Oh, right. Ok. FH: Decompression chamber and the lot of the crew [unclear] you know. SB: Oh yes. FH: I took it around to various stations. I’d put you in there. I put the pressure around to thirty seven thousand feet and if you got the bends you weren’t accepted. SB: Oh really? I didn’t know that. Goodness. FH: You couldn’t have any, any fillings in your teeth. SB: Really? FH: Because [unclear] you see and the threshold was about a seventh of normal. SB: Yes. FH: And you had severe pain in your fillings. SB: Goodness gracious. FH: You could have dentures but no, no fillings. SB: Oh right. Right. FH: But it was a nice machine to fly. SB: Well yes I’ve spoken to quite a few chaps who have flown them. They all say that. FH: Oh, of course. SB: Did, I did — FH: Much [unclear] everywhere. SB: Right. FH: Johnno, my [unclear] he said the [unclear] by then you didn’t have your own target as you did in the Hampden days and the early Wellington days. SB: Right. FH: You’d find the target with sound on the [unclear] SB: Yes. FH: And you’d put down markers on it. SB: Yes. FH: So a two hundred and fifty pound Roman candle sort of thing. SB: Yes, I know. Yeah. FH: And on the, in the Mosquito we had VHF radio rather than the TR9 on the Hampden. SB: Right. FH: And the Wellington. You know the TR9. SB: Yes, I do. Yes. FH: Yeah. I think it was TR1152. SB: Yes. FH: If I remember on the Mosquitoes. SB: Yes. FH: [unclear] anything up to a hundred and fifty of us. Anything from , somebody was in charge one particular mission in mind and the [unclear] SB: Yes. Sure. FH: With the TR1152 we could only charge from thirty or forty miles away. SB: Right. FH: I could get [unclear] to the Dutch coast you see. SB: Oh right. Right. FH: So, then on the way, [unclear] the navigation had tremendously improved because we had far better help while we were still up in the Mosquito. That was the old Scampton days. SB: Yes. FH: And the navigator had to find the wind because everything depended on the wind. SB: Right. Sure. FH: We had to check the wind every quarter of an hour on Gee because we’d got Gee by then. SB: Yes. FH: Mind you we used to get [unclear] SB: Yes. Oh I know. Yes. FH: The Americans were still, what was that called? Oh dear. The Americans had Gee. Do you know what Gee was? SB: I do, yes. Yes. FH: And the Americans had a similar system but a different frequency. SB: Yes. FH: And it was receivable much farther out. SB: Right. FH: Than Gee. SB: Yes. Yes. FH: So anyway the navigators had to find a wind every quarter of an hour. SB: Yes. FH: As a group we more or less stayed you know within shouting distance of each other. SB: Right. And then did — FH: If the wind wasn’t as expected I mean we’d either arrive five minutes early and then the boss would say HR minus five. SB: Right. FH: In other words bring the bombing time forward five minutes. SB: Right. FH: I’ll follow [unclear] you see. SB: Right. FH: And then as you got to about eight minus three Johnny would get down in the, in the nose to set up the bomb sight. SB: Yes. FH: And when they’d done that I could only see the legs. SB: Right. FH: I couldn’t see [unclear] or anything. SB: Right. FH: And getting [unclear] I would probably see the TIs going down and I’d say, ‘TIs down. Bomb doors open.’ SB: Yes. FH: And open the bomb doors and he would repeat, ‘Bomb doors open.’ SB: Right. FH: And they’d start giving, ‘I can see the TIs.’ I’d start the new directions to take me [unclear] . SB: Right. Right. FH: But when I said, ‘Bomb doors open,’ I got no response. ‘Johnny, what’s up? Johnny.’ No response. So I looked to see if he’d pulled his, his whats it out. Oh dear, what’s the name of the thing? Intercom. SB: Right. Yes. FH: Because that went into a socket. SB: Right. FH: If he’d pulled that out of course he wouldn’t hear me. SB: No. FH: No. that wasn’t pulled out. Was it oxygen. No, that was alright. And when I happened to look at his oxygen gauge. He was reading zero. What had happened was obviously he’d brushed against the reel that turned the oxygen up and down. He’d obviously brushed away with his arm and turned the oxygen off. SB: Oh dear. FH: And there he was lying there unconscious. So I turned the oxygen on to full. SB: Yeah. FH: Of course by then it was too late to do that so I had to turn around, do a big orbit and by then he was ok. SB: Oh goodness. FH: But that was about the only thing. Oh sorry. Now, on another occasion to reach Berlin we needed some overload tanks. SB: Yes. FH: There were drop tanks under the wings. SB: Yes. FH: Something like eighty thousand each. SB: Right. FH: And you didn’t have a gauge. We pumped from the drop tank into the main tank. SB: Yes. FH: So the main tank was full and so the drop tank was empty. SB: Right. Sure. FH: So you know the tanks were full from the first half hour or so. SB: Yeah. FH: But my friend [unclear] a quarter of an hour because as occasionally happened the drop tanks weren’t siphoning properly. SB: Oh right. FH: Then we’d got to make a decision. Well at first [unclear] as usual. Berlin was our main target actually. SB: Yes. FH: On our way back, on our way back to base and landed at a place on the, oh the east coast. What was it called? SB: Woodbridge? FH: The station set up, an RAF station, an airfield set up on the east coast to deal with people who were damaged. SB: Yes. You’re talking about Woodbridge. FH: Woodbridge. That’s the one. I couldn’t remember its name. SB: Yes. FH: So I landed at Woodbridge. Sure enough we were asked to go back. SB: Right. FH: You see things happened on that note. SB: Oh right. Right. FH: In the Mosquito. SB: Well you — FH: [unclear] monitor. Oh sorry, another one. You know this second stage in the super charger? SB: Yes. FH: Well, that was governed obviously by a little capsule. SB: Yes. FH: And as the capsule burst. SB: Yeah. FH: Then the engine [unclear] the second stage supercharger. SB: Right. FH: Instead of having sudden boost without thrust or anything until the engine blew up. SB: Right. Yes. FH: You had to be sort of aware that that could happen and it did happen on one take-off. SB: Oh right. Yeah. FH: I was taking off with one throttle fully open and the other half open. SB: Oh gosh. FH: That was alright if you knew it was coming. SB: Yes. FH: You could almost be ready for it. SB: Excellent. Yeah. Right. I’ve got, I’m going to have to go Fred unfortunately. FH: Ok then. SB: Well, you’ve given me a lot to think about. FH: Give me a buzz if you want to know more. SB: I certainly shall. Thank you very much indeed for your time. I’ll, I’ll give you a call in a few days probably when I’ve had a chance to absorb it and think of what else I need to talk to you about but I I very much appreciate it. FH: Ok then, Steve. SB: Thanks a lot. FH: All the best. SB: Bye bye for now. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Interview with Fred Hill Description An account of the resource Fred starts with some comments on a 1000 bomber operation which he flew in a Hampden while at OTU after his first tour. There is some comparison made between Hampden and Wellington aircraft, which he flew on his second tour on OTU. He mentions his posting on his first operational tour to 49 Squadron. Fred describes some hairy moments while on operations with enemy fighter near Hamburg; another when they had a seized engine; and a further involving a mid air collision with a Spitfire. He comments on the use of OTU crews on operations. He talks about his tour on Mosquito with 692 Squadron and provides some detail about aircraft, marking operations techniques and navigation equipment. Concludes with operation to Berlin needing overload tanks. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S Bond F Hill Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-03-01 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1942 1942-07-02 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain Germany France Germany--Essen Germany--Magdeburg Germany--Hamburg England--Norfolk England--Lincolnshire England--Rutland England--Suffolk Germany--Berlin Germany--Ruhr (Region) Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Sound Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 00:31:01 audio recording Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending revision of OH transcription Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Interview with Fred Hill Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SBondS-HillFv10005 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke Julie Williams 14 OTU 49 Squadron 692 Squadron aircrew bombing Gneisenau Hampden mid-air collision Mosquito Operational Training Unit Oxford pilot RAF Coningsby RAF Cottesmore RAF Cranwell RAF Horsham St Faith RAF Scampton RAF Upavon RAF Woodbridge Scharnhorst Spitfire target indicator training Wellington wireless operator / air gunner https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2796/49709/SBondS-HillFv10006.1.pdf b126a774c8cfa99938fce448d9e63b96 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hill, Fred Description An account of the resource Five items. Collection concerns Flight Lieutenant Fred Hill DFC who flew operation as a pilot on Hampden with 49 Squadron and after a training tour, Mosquito with 692 Squadron. Collection contains photographs and an oral history interview. The collection was licensed to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Dr Steve Bond and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. This collection was provided, in digital form, by a third-party organisation which used technical specifications and operational protocols that may differ from those used by the IBCC Digital Archive. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2022-01-18 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SBondS-HillFv1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Interview with Fred Hill - transcript Description An account of the resource Transcript of interview with Fred Hill. Covers most of interview accurately but with a few comments missed. Starts with some comments on 1000 bomber operation which he flew in a Hampden while at OTU after his first tour. Goes on with some comparison between Hampden and Wellington which he flew on his second tour on OTU. Describes how Hampden flew with two pilots, the second to do navigation and bomb aiming and graduating to first pilot half way through operational tour. Mentions his posting on first operational tour to 49 Squadron. Describes some hairy moments while on operations with enemy fighter near Hamburg, another when they had a seized engine and further involving a mid air collision with a Spitfire. makes some comments on use of OTU crews on operations. Continues with chat about his tour on Mosquito with 692 Squadron. Covers some detail about aircraft, marking operations techniques and navigation equipment. Concludes with operation to Berlin needing overload tanks. Transcript has extra information about photograph and details about his first tour crew members. In addition mention his first sortie to Magdeburg and subsequent to Bilancourt. After tour on Hampden did QFI course the instructor tour on OTU. Concludes with comment on three engine problems he had with pegasus and merlin. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S Bond F Hill Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-03-01 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain Germany Germany--Hamburg England--Norfolk England--Lincolnshire England--Rutland Germany--Berlin Germany--Magdeburg France France--Paris England--Suffolk England--Wiltshire Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Six page printed document Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SBondS-HillFv10006 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1942 1942-07-02 Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Interview with Fred Hill Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. 14 OTU 49 Squadron 692 Squadron aircrew bombing Distinguished Flying Cross Gneisenau Hampden mid-air collision Mosquito Operational Training Unit Oxford pilot RAF Coningsby RAF Cottesmore RAF Cranwell RAF Horsham St Faith RAF Scampton RAF Upavon RAF Woodbridge Scharnhorst Spitfire target indicator training Wellington wireless operator / air gunner https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2779/49229/SBondS-ElliottJv10020.MP3 f20768914fbf734d85df610e3fb53211 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2779/49229/SBondS-ElliottJv10035.pdf 855b22d0c11f668f5b07209883ace0a5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Elliot, J Description An account of the resource 36 items. Collection concerns Flying Officer John (Jock) Elliot who flew as a wireless operator in Lancaster on 550 Squadron. Collection contains his flying log book, a memoir, an oral history interview, transcript of a discussion with John Elliot and his pilot Flight Lieutenant Jim Lord DFC, documents and photographs. The collection was licensed to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Dr Steve Bond and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. This collection was provided, in digital form, by a third-party organisation which used technical specifications and operational protocols that may differ from those used by the IBCC Digital Archive. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2022-01-18 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SBondS-ElliottJv1 Transcribed audio recording A resource consisting primarily of recorded human voice. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document JE: Yes. I think a lot of things as I’ve said before are fresh in my memory, very fresh and some things are blurred, you know. You can’t remember a lot of names of people particularly on the courses I was on, you know. That’s the thing. I mean we did so many courses. I mean as you know the wireless ops training was one of the longest of the lot of the aircrew and consequently you did a lot of courses and met a lot of people. But I can’t remember many of the names of any of the people who were on it you know. SB: No. JE: So that’s one thing about it. But as far as the squadron operations are concerned again some are clear but it’s a question of the memory. SB: Yes. Well, let’s, let’s start with the 12th of July ’44, Revigny when you bailed out. JE: Right. Yes. SB: So can you just talk me through that op as far as you remember it? I mean when did you first realise that there was going to be a problem getting back? JE: Well, only that it started off as any normal op starts of course. The briefing was fairly straightforward. It was going to be a fairly longish one into the east border of France really. It was a railway marshalling yard I think. it was an area where all the German troops were congregated and it was essential to make an effort to break that up if we could. And so it didn’t seem to be a particularly difficult one except that we had to get out. We met some flak across the way. A light flak across the way and it became obvious that we were running into cloud and it was going to be, might be a little bit difficult to find the target. SB: Right. JE: And in fact, what happened was we spotted a gap in the cloud as we came up to the target area. The bomb aimer, Guss he spotted a gap in the cloud, made for it, selected his aiming point and we actually bombed through that point at the time. And just after that we got a radio call from base to abort the mission because — SB: Right. JE: The target was obscured. SB: Oh right. JE: By that time we’d turned on our way back and we ran into quite a bit of light aircraft flak and we had some damage to one engine which caused a slight fuel leak actually and we had to feather that engine. So we came back on, on three engines. Not too much of a problem except that we came across the Channel and that would be around about early hours of the morning I suppose and it was reasonably clear. Now, the thing was that as we approached the English coast we could see that it was thick fog. SB: Right. JE: We made for Killingholme, got round the circuit and we were informed to be diverted but on the radio. Again, I picked up the messages to say that we were diverted to, first of all I think it was an airfield called Hethel. SB: Yes. JE: We got there, still couldn’t see a thing. Absolute blanket of cloud, thick fog and then Jim said, ‘Well, look, you know this is getting a bit ridiculous. We are obviously getting a bit short of fuel by now.’ Could have been. We had been losing fuel and Ken had been organising the fuel supply to the aircraft. The flight engineer. So we decided to make for Woodbridge because we knew that that was a long runway and we might stand a chance. More of a chance of getting down there. SB: Right. JE: So, we set course for that. Again, we couldn’t see a thing. Absolutely thick cloud. We were down to about five hundred feet at one stage. Approaching the runway we couldn’t see the runway at all. By this time Ken said to Jack, ‘Look, this is getting a bit, a bit thin now.’ And Jack said, well Jim said, ‘Well, we’d better bale out I think.’ There was nothing, not much more we could do about it actually. So, we sort of got up to about three thousand feet and James said, ‘Ok chaps. Bale out.’ So [laughs] I can remember this, taking our helmet off to make sure that you didn’t get your cables knotted on top of your throat because that often happened. When the parachute opens, the pack goes up over your head and sometimes the base of the pack can catch your chin and if you’ve got wireless cords on, you know, cables on, the intercom cable and whatever it could catch your neck. That absolutely did happen on a few occasions. So, the thing to do was to make sure you took your helmet off. That was the first thing. This was a fairly organised bail out. I mean we had time to think about it. SB: Yes. JE: Which is probably [laughs] not all that good an idea really when you realise that you have been comfortable inside a piece of equipment which had been taking you around the sky for a while. Then you’ve suddenly got to leave it. And the other thing I recalled afterwards was Bob Sebaski the Canadian navigator. He was a very very precise chap indeed. Everything was done exactly accordingly to the book. With his navigation if Jim veered a degree off course Jim, Jack err Bob would pull him back and say, ‘You’re off course, Jack. You’re off course.’ So Bob being very precise we’d been told that it was advisable if you had time to empty your bladder before leaving, before bailing out because the harness goes up in the crutch and you get a sudden jerk. It can be a bit [pause] Now, Bob takes advantage of that. He’d got a can [laughs] He uses the can and he stands the can very carefully on the navigator’s table before he went out the front to make sure it didn’t get spilled. I mean this is something that all of us recall to this day. SB: Yeah. JE: And Bob himself remembered it of course all the years. He’s gone now. Anyway, we went out in an orderly fashion and the bomb aimer went. They were all ready. He went out first. Ken the flight engineer went out. Then Bob Sebaski went out. I followed Bob and then behind me would be the mid-upper gunner and the rear gunner. Sometimes with baling out operations I understand that rear gunners occasionally rotated their turret ninety degrees. SB: Yeah. JE: And went out through the back door. SB: Yes. JE: But in this case I think Bob err Jack Schomberg came up through the fuselage. SB: Right. JE: Anyway, I clipped my parachute on the two dog clips and went through the front, down into the nose, saw that hatch was about an eighteen inch gap and the thing was that sit on the edge you see, put your knees out and as the slipstream caught your shins you did a forward roll out of the, out of the hatch. SB: Right. JE: Which I did. To this day I don’t understand how I did it because I’m not particularly short. Looking at it now, looking at the size of that hatch I still don’t know how I did it. But anyway the thing I remember most of all was the sudden silence after what must have been about nine, eight or nine hours of flying with four Merlins or three Merlins on the way back bashing away at your ears all the time. I recall seeing the aircraft with my peripheral vision. I remember seeing the aircraft move off to the, to the starboard and disappear. After that it was a complete blank because it was thick fog, there was no sensation whatever of falling when I came out of the aircraft because I couldn’t see the ground. SB: Right. JE: And I did the usual. Pulled the ripcord. They say count to ten but you see question of count one ten and pull the rip cord and the first feeling I had was that it hadn’t work. Obviously it takes a few seconds for the pilot’s chute to open which then opens the main chute and then the base of the pack goes above your head and you are hung by the harness after that. Anyway, it did open. I looked up and I saw this lovely piece of white silk up there. SB: Yeah. JE: And then just floated down and very pleased of course that it had opened but still no sensation of falling. I still couldn’t see the ground. SB: Was it still dark at this point? JE: This would be about, about 6.15 in the morning. SB: Oh, ok. JE: Dawn. SB: Yeah. JE: Dawn, you see. SB: Yeah. JE: And coming down and I thought fine and then I suddenly began to realise I couldn’t see the ground. Where the hell was I going to land? We could have been anywhere. We knew we were over land because the aircraft was, Jim had actually afterwards he’d pointed the aircraft out to sea and put the automatic pilot on. He went out himself, and as soon as he went out the aircraft ran out of fuel and that landed in a field just outside Needham Market and went straight in. SB: Yeah. JE: Jim was knocked out. When the parachute opened it caught his shin and knocked him out. He doesn’t remember anything about the bale out at all until he hit. Until he came to on the ground. I came down and I just saw the ground at the last minute. I seemed to be right in the middle, in the middle of a wheat field. I tell you you’re supposed to sort of break the fall by bending your knees and doing a roll but I didn’t see the ground until I hit it and I sort of jarred my, jarred my back a bit. Twisted my knee a little bit but nothing to worry about and suddenly realised I was on the ground and in the middle of this wheat field. It was a bit bleak. I gathered the bits of the ‘chute together in my arms and I looked around and saw a farmhouse in the corner. So I walked across to the farmhouse. The first thing I remembered to do was to make sure my Mae West was open so when the farmer opened the door he could see I was RAF and not Luftwaffe. Anyway, I knocked on the door and the farmer opened the door. I explained what had happened and I said where was the nearest, did he know where the nearest Air Force Station was and he said it was RAF Wattisham. So he said, ‘I have the number for you so if you can phone through to the guardroom there they’ll arrange to pick you up. So, I was on the phone and he came up with a tumbler. A half-filled tumbler of whisky. SB: Welcome back to England. JE: It went down very well. Anyway, the thing was then that in about what, a matter of twenty minutes or so, a jeep came to pick us up, pick me up and it had already picked up Bob Sebaski on the way. I suppose the seven of us must have all landed within a fairly close area because we were all picked up fairly quickly and then taken to this RAF base, Wattisham. Which was in fact an American Air Force. P-38s were operating there. SB: Yeah. JE: And I can remember going to the control tower and reporting there and the Major with his feet stuck up on the desk and a cigar in his mouth [laughs] ‘Hi Bud,’ he says, and we explained what had happened. He said, ‘How long were you airborne?’ I said, ‘It must have been about eight or nine hours.’ He said, ‘Jesus.’ Anyway, the upshot of it was that we were all picked up and we were taken across to the sick bay there and given a thorough check over, a medical check and looked after royally. They really did look after us really well. We were there as I can remember overnight. Might have even been two days because the fog didn’t lift. SB: Right. JE: So they couldn’t send anything down to pick us up. In the end we had to leave by train from Ipswich to Kings Cross. Then we had to go across from Kings Cross to Euston to get the train to go back up to Lincoln. SB: Yeah. Yeah. JE: And I can remember walking across from King’s Cross to Euston seven of us, full flying kit, carrying our parachutes. Very gruff and you know scruffy looking being stopped by an MP, SP for being improperly dressed. SB: Oh really? JE: Jim and I, we didn’t often pull rank but we did pull rank on this guy and told him where to get off. Anyway, they had, they had reserved a compartment for us on the train first class because we had all of our gear and it so happened that Euston was very close to where I used to live. I used to live in Middlesex. In Kenton, Middlesex, and the train wasn’t due to go out until late in the afternoon or early evening so I took the opportunity to hop on a tube train and go home and have a hot bath. My mother was absolutely staggered when she saw me walking up the path with flying boots and my Mae West and all the rest of it [laughs] SB: Excellent. JE: And then I, I then came back and we got on the train and got back to base and I can remember one thing. The WAAFs that looked after Jim and I in our billet they hadn’t been told that we were safe and when we arrived back at the billet they were overcome really and very pleased to see us over there. Well, of course the first thing that we did was to head over to the parachute section and offer our thanks to the people who had packed our parachutes. SB: Yes. Yeah. JE: That was it really. SB: Yeah. So apart from Jim knocking himself out. JE: Yeah. SB: No other injuries? JE: No. None at all. I think, as far as I can remember from what Jim tells me he was taken to the site of the aircraft where it crashed to make sure that nothing had been, incriminating had been left lying around. In fact, there was nothing left of it actually and I think the police people took him there and brought him back and it wasn’t until nineteen what? [pause] ‘78/79 or in the early 80’s when the archaeology, Aviation Archaeology people were investigating an aircraft in a field in Needham Market and they identified the tail plane of our aircraft which was stuck up and the Monica aerial was removed from it and it was identified as our aircraft and that’s the one that was in the museum at [unclear] SB: Right. Right. Now, I saw you looking at the ORB. The squadron lost three aircraft that night. Now, I don’t, I don’t know if you know was that all from the same thing? Not being able to land or are you not sure? JE: I think there might have been some losses over, over the, over the target area. It was, it had been a pretty difficult operation. I think it wasn’t a successful one from the point of view of very few aircraft managed to find the target. I know we did but as I say I’m not, I don’t know who was lost on that from our squadron. SB: Right. Can we talk about the time you said when you were looking up through the astrodome? JE: Oh yes. SB: Was it a Halifax I think you said was above you? JE: Yes. SB: Can you just talk through that? JE: That was, that was one of the first daylight raids we did. If you recall just after D-Day, although the RAF had been concerned mainly with bombing at night and it was a night bombing force when after D-Day they suddenly had a big spate of [pause] well flying bombs and things and also we did a lot of support work for the Army when they were advancing towards you know up, coming up from Normandy. SB: Yes. JE: And it had been bombing the area before. But this particular trip we’d do it was a trip to just outside Paris. I am not too sure what [pause] I’m not sure about what the target was but it was outside Paris. SB: Right. JE: And we were at our normal bombing height of about twenty thousand feet. Normally there was a staggered height for waves of aircraft as they went in. Some went in at eighteen, some went at twenty, some twenty two and it was a clear sunny day and I was standing up in the astrodome. I’d just been listening out for the base recordings on the receiver and I went up into the astrodome to have a look and see what I could see and I happened to look up. We were on our bombing run because actually what Guss was giving Jim, his directions towards the target. The usual business of “Left. Left. Steady. Right.” And so on, and I looked up and I saw a Halifax. It was a Halifax. It could have been no more than about five hundred feet above us I should think and he was, his pilot was obviously receiving the same directions from his bomb aimer because the bomb doors were open. I suddenly saw a string of bombs cascading down. They seemed to be very very close to us and I realised. God. You know, this must be happening all the time at night and we never saw it. SB: Yeah. JE: And of course there were a lot of casualties from aircraft and bombs being hit from above. But that was one of the experiences which I suppose I can remember a feeling of, you know almost terror seeing that lot come down. SB: Sure. Were there other times that stick in your mind where you thought, ‘This is, this is pretty dodgy.’ Or — JE: Well, there was one occasion. I think the mid-upper gunner gave Jim some very quick instructions, ‘For Christ’s sake, Jim. Move!” Because another, at night this was, and another aircraft must have been passing over us at the time very close to us and we had to do a sudden dive to port to get out of the way. SB: Right. JE: I didn’t see that because most of the time at night I was in my cabin and I didn’t bother to look out. I was listening out on the radio and at the same time watching my radar screen, the Monica screen. That was what I was doing most of the time anyway. SB: Right. Right. Let’s go off ops for a minute and talk about the Phantom trip. JE: Oh yes. SB: The fighter affiliation. How did that come about? JE: Well, occasionally when there were no ops on or when there was for some reason the Squadron was stood down we used to do what they called fighter affiliation with either Spitfires, Spitfires or Hurricanes to get them used to the idea of attacking aircraft and liaising with Fighter Command. And it so happened at the time that a JU88 had landed fully equipped. The Luftwaffe pilot was either lost or didn’t realise where he was but he landed and this was one of the latest models of the JU88 with the full radar equipment on it. They decided at the time that it would be useful to use this for fighter affiliation work because it would give them some idea of what the JU88 was capable of and also what we could do with sort of any anti-fighter tactics we could use. So I had my Monica radar switched on and that was to detect aircraft approaching from the rear. It gave your gunners, I was able to give the gunners an idea of any approaching aircraft which were either hostile or if it, if it was in a bomber stream you would see a blip on the screen which was staying in the same place or a cluster of blips which meant they were moving at the same place. SB: Yeah. JE: And speed as we were. SB: Yeah. JE: If a smaller blip came in, coming in you could see that would be a night fighter attacking so you could give your gunners an indication of where the attack was coming from. Well, the outcome of that was that we realised, or the Eastern Radar people realised, that as soon as I switched my Monica on, that JU88 was able to home onto the signal. After that, Monica was scrapped. They didn’t use it anymore. They used what, what was used was Fishpond was the one that was after that. SB: Yes. Yeah. JE: That was towards the end of our tour. Right at the end. SB: Yes. Yes. Yes. That’s a question I’ll ask you about. We might have to dive into the logbook because 31st August ’44. JE: Yeah. SB: According to the ORB you did a daylight to [Angoville] I think in your book you say that was the same day you did the fighter affiliation. The 31st of August. JE: Well I can see. Let’s have a look and see [pause] We must have been stood down for that, I think. SB: Yes. JE: You’ve seen these photographs haven’t you? SB: Yes, I have. Yes. JE: I’ve got a question about one of those coming up later. SB: Right. Let’s have a quick look. JE: It’s inconceivable. SB: This where I’ve got to use this bloody thing. JE: Oh yes. Yes. [pause] JE: That’s the beginning. Interesting when you read a logbook. At the end of each month the flight commander used to have to sign it. The adjutant. You had to put your logbook in for checking and [pause] what date are we talking about? SB: The 31st August. JE: Yeah. According to me the 31st of August [pause] now why have I done that? That’s strange because I’ve got the 31st of August here. 1300 take-off. SB: Yeah. JE: BQ G-George. SB: Yeah. JE: Flying officer lord. Flying officer lord. Ops [Angoville] SB: Yeah. JE: Bad weather conditions. SB: Right. JE: And then the 30th of August which was the day before. SB: Ah. JE: So I must have put them in the wrong way round. SB: Ah ok. JE: So it was the day before that. SB: Right. JE: It was on the 30th of August. It was what was called a mock-up. Testing radar equipment with captured JU88 and that was with the Phantom. SB: Yes. How long was that sortie for, John? JE: Three hours and five minutes. SB: Oh right. Ok. JE: Isn’t it amazing? SB: Yes. Right. While you’ve got your logbook. JE: Yes. SB: There are quite a few I don’t know what the target was. JE: Right. SB: So the 2nd of July is the first one. JE: We’ll have to go back a bit haven’t we. 2nd of July. SB: Yes. JE: That would be [pause] Domleger. Duty carried out. That was our eighth trip. SB: Yes. JE: That’s it. Domleger. D O M L E G E R. What that was I don’t know. SB: Right. Was that, was that daylight or night? JE: Daylight. SB: Right. Then the 6th of July. JE: 6th of July. SB: Yeah. JE: That was [Neufchatel.] Again a daylight. SB: Right, and the next one is on the 8th of August. JE: 8th of August. Return to base. SB: Ah. JE: That would be aborted. SB: Ok. JE: That would be an abort, horrible. SB: Right. The 10th? JE: That was the one. Now, let’s that one there afterwards. Paris the 10th that was. SB: Yes. JE: The 10th of August. SB: Yes. JE: That would be the one when the Halifax was — SB: Right. JE: Dugny. D U G N Y. SB: Oh yes. JE: Paris. Moderate but accurate flak. Five hours ten minutes. That was a daylight. SB: Right. Ok. Then the next day. The 11th. JE: The 11th would be. You see, we didn’t half do them quickly. SB: You did. I know. JE: In fact, those daylights we did I’m not sure but we did two in one day. Anyway, the 11th of August. SB: Yes. JE: That was Douai. DOUAI. Very bad bombing results. SB: Right. JE: Very good bombing results. SB: Right. JE: Very good. And that was four hours thirty minutes. SB: Daylight again was it? JE: Daylight again. Yes. SB: Yeah. Yeah. And the 15th. JE: The 15th. That was again a daylight. Le Culot, Brussels. SB: Ah. JE: Airfield well pranged [laughs] and that was three hours twenty four minutes. SB: Right. JE: Then of course that was a succession of daylights. Then the day after that on the 16th. SB: Yeah. JE: We went to Stettin. SB: Yeah. JE: And that was a long one. That was eight hours twenty minutes. That was a night trip. SB: Right. Ok. Sorry, just going back to July. JE: Yes. SB: On the 7th. JE: Yes. SB: To Caen I think. Is that right? JE: 7th. SB: Yes. JE: Well it’s [Frontenay] actually. SB: Oh ok. JE: Diverted to Oakley. That was a night. SB: Ah. JE: Wait a minute. Now why is that? Yes. SB: Now, in the ORB it says you were damaged by flak on that op. JE: Yeah and returned. That’s right because the following day we returned to base. We were diverted to Oakley to land. SB: Right. JE: Because obviously we were having problems. SB: Right. JE: And we landed. That was landed at night actually. SB: Right. Ok. JE: Yes. It would be because we took off at [pause] that’s very strange. Why did I do that? 09.25 we took off. SB: Ah. JE: And yet it’s classified here as at night. SB: Oh strange. JE: No. I think that, I think I must have put that in the wrong place. SB: The 20th of July. According to the ORB that was the Kiel Canal. JE: 20th of July. SB: Yeah. [pause] JE: I can’t see anything for the 20th of July. SB: You’re number fourteen. On the 18th July, a daylight raid to [unclear]. JE: That was the 23rd of July. SB: Ah. Now, and I had difficulty reading the ORB in some places. The 23rd of July I had as Le Havre but that might have been a — JE: You see that day on the 23rd of July — SB: Yeah. JE: We took off at 11.30 and we did a formation practise, a daylight formation practice for twenty three minutes. SB: Oh right. JE: And then the same day. SB: Yeah. JE: At 22.50. SB: Yeah. JE: We took off and went to Kiel. SB: Right. JE: Yeah. SB: Ok. JE: Very heavy, very heavy flak. Target well pranged. SB: Right. Ok. The only other query I’ve got is your last one. JE: Yeah. SB: The 26th of September. Your book says that it was a daylight but I don’t know what the target was. JE: Cap Gris Nez. SB: Ah ok. JE: Ah, that’s right. I’ll tell you what happened there. We went on the 25th of September. The 25th of September but the mission was abandoned. SB: Right. JE: That was Calais. SB: Ah. Ok. JE: That was abandoned so they came back and on the following day went to the same place. Calais. And that was our last trip. SB: Right. JE: Cap Gris Nez. SB: Right. Ah ok. Now, the ORB says on the 25th of September. JE: Yeah. SB: You went to, ah well it says Sangatte so that’s Calais isn’t it? Yes. ok. Right. You had another aborted one apparently on the 23rd of September. JE: Yeah. The 23rd of September. That was to [unclear] on the Ruhr. That was an aborted op. SB: Right. Right. Ok, that answers that. It was Gee that was u/s apparently. JE: Yeah. SB: Yeah. Yeah. Ok. Now, when we come to the aircraft. JE: Yeah. SB: I know that can you just talk through the story about where did, ‘We Dood It,’ come from? Where did the name come from? How did you end up using, ‘We Dood It?’ JE: I think it was probably Ken Down. He coined it I think. He was a bit of a character was Ken. When we’d finished we had all the ops, all the bombs painted on the side of the aircraft and had our photograph taken and the ground crew actually painted the, “We Dood It” on. I can’t really remember who coined it. I think that it might have been Ken. Ken Down. SB: Right. JE: Or even Jim. It might have been Jim. SB: Right. Now — JE: We Dood It. SB: Ok. Now, I’ve got a puzzle about which aeroplane that is. Let me explain. We know it wasn’t the original George because that was the one you jumped out of. JE: That’s right. Yes. SB: But then you did something like ten or twelve ops in LM228 another G-George. JE: Well, that was, that would be the second one. SB: Yes. Second one. JE: Yeah. SB: Now, in your book, that is the one that you say was painted up as, “We Dood It.” JE: Yeah. SB: Right. But your last four ops were in different aeroplanes. PD319, and your last one was in PD321. JE: Eh? SB: Yeah. From the 20th — JE: Oh, wait a minute. Wait a minute [pause] The end of August. SB: Yeah. JE: We were in BG G-George. SB: Yeah. JE: Then at the beginning of September we did two trips in PD319. SB: Yeah. JE: And NG132. SB: Oh right. JE: Now, how that. That, no. No. That wasn’t. They weren’t ops. SB: Right. JE: They were ferrying. SB: Right. JE: Ferrying aircraft from Elsham Wolds to base. SB: But then your 28th, 29th and 30th ops were in PD319 and the last one was in PD321. So the question is which aeroplane was painted up and had the thirty ops on it? JE: Well, unfortunately, my logbook doesn’t give the aircraft number. SB: Oh, I can tell you that because I looked it up in the ORB. JE: Because Jim would have that you see in his logbook. SB: I’ve got it. JE: You’ve got it. SB: Because it was in the ORB. Yes. JE: Yeah. But all these last the twenty, the 28th 29th and 30th were all done, according to me in BQG-George. SB: Yes. It was still BQG. JE: Yeah. SB: But it was a different air frame. Yes. Because the ORB is very specific about it. So you had BQG-George LM228. JE: Yes. SB: Which was the aircraft you used from your 13th to the 27th. JE: Yes. SB: So for the bulk of your ops. JE: Yeah. SB: And then your 28th was still in BQ-G but that was PD319. The 29th was PD319 and the 30th was PD321. Now, ORBs are not infallible. JE: No. SB: I have to say. JE: No. SB: So I rather suspect that the ORB is wrong and that you probably finished off in LM228 because the photograph. I mean, I can’t imagine you have thirty ops marked up there on “We Dood It” and I can’t imagine that somebody would have gone and painted up thirty bomb symbols on an aeroplane you weren’t using just for a photograph. JE: No. SB: So I think that the ORB is wrong. JE: Probably wrong. Yes. SB: Yeah. Ok. I think we can justifiably say that [pause] Right. What else did I want to ask you about? JE: Yeah. We did quite a lot of daylights actually. SB: Yeah. JE: Around about that time because we did a lot of flying bomb sites. SB: Right. Yeah. JE: That was at the time where they decided that because the flying-bomb sites were on the Pas de Calais and close to the north of France it was a very short trip. Sort of three hours or something like that. We used to go in at about eight thousand feet after identifying the target in daylight because they were just fields with ramps on. SB: Yes. JE: Very difficult to detect. SB: Yes. Yeah. JE: And they used to have to allocate one squadron to each flying bomb site I think and they said, you know this is simple. We were going and coming back and going and coming back. You’d have to do three of those to count as one op. SB: Oh really. JE: Yeah. SB: Ah. JE: And they suddenly realised they were losing so many aircraft on these low level ones through light flak that they went back to counting them as normal. One for one. SB: Right. What, when you say low level what altitude would you be flying? JE: About eight thousand feet. SB: Oh really. JE: Yeah. Because we used to go in at ten to twenty thousand. Twenty normally. SB: Yeah. JE: But in order to identify these ramps you had to go in low anyway. SB: Oh right. Yes, of course, yes. What was the longest trip you did? JE: Let me [pause] I think probably it was Stettin. SB: Right. JE: Let me have a quick look. Eight hours twenty. And there was another one to Rüsselsheim, Opel Works. That was eight hours. Eight hours. There are two long ones there. SB: Right. JE: Nine hours thirty. That would be [pause] where was that? Oh, no that would be the Revigny one. SB: Ah ok. JE: Because we were, you know, stooging about. SB: Trying to find somewhere to land. JE: Trying to find somewhere to land. That was nine hours thirty. SB: Right. JE: Where else? Seven hours to Saintes. SB: Right. JE: And — SB: Sterkrade. That must have been a fair — JE: Where is that? SB: Your second one on the 16th of June. JE: On the day of the 16th of June [pause] That’s strange you know. That wasn’t that long. SB: No. JE: No. It was a Ruhr. SB: Right. Right. JE: Four hours thirty nine. SB: Oh right. JE: That would have been our [pause] third, that would have been, that would be our second trip. SB: Yeah. Yeah. Right. JE: Yeah. Because Jim would have done one before us as his as a second pilot. SB: Right. JE: You see. SB: Right. JE: The aircraft, the captains of the aircraft were always taken on a, what they called a second dickie trip for experience and then he always did one more than the rest of the crew. SB: Right. JE: Because we started on the, we started on the Le Havre actually. SB: Yes. Yeah. JE: And that was on the 14th of June but Jim would have done one with Peter Nicholas, the Flight Commander, the day before. SB: Right. JE: But I wouldn’t have that in my — SB: No. No. No, ok. Just going back to looking at the squadron losses, the 16th June you’re at Sterkrade on the Ruhr. JE: Yeah. SB: There were three aircraft lost from your squadron. JE: Ah, wait a minute. We weren’t on. We weren’t in G-George then. SB: No. You’re right. You were in — JE: F-Fox. SB: F-Fox. Yes. JE: Yes. SB: I just wondered how aware were you of losses of other aircraft? Of crews not being there or — JE: I think the first indication of how hazardous it was going to be because I think we arrived at the squadron not long after the Nuremburg trip and that was where they lost ninety six. SB: Yeah. JE: Or ninety eight or something like that. SB: Yes. JE: It was horrendous. SB: Yes. JE: Everybody realised then it was. We were in a really dodgy situation. Yes. We knew of course aircraft on the Squadron and people who didn’t come back. But there was one occasion I think, what was it? Jim recalls it more than I do but a Canadian, Clarke he brought his crew back and a heavily damaged aircraft. He baled his crew out and attempted to land but failed. He avoided a village I think and crashed in a field. They reckon he ought have got a VC for it but he didn’t. Yeah. I think that was Clarke. SB: Right. JE: But those things again they must have been happening at the time but I can’t recall to this day much of what went on day by day to day on the squadron apart from getting into the aircraft and doing the air tests in the morning perhaps. Going to the flights to pick up the equipment to take out there, going to the briefings of course and when you went to the briefing the first indication you had of sort of where the target was when they pulled the curtain across the map and you saw where the red tape was. As soon as that went there was an ahhh in the room. Either that or a, ‘Thank God it’s only a short one,’ sort of thing but and again we had day to day things that I don’t recall. SB: I imagine you tended, well I imagine, I don’t know you must tell me, so when you were not flying did you tend to stick together as a crew? I mean, did you if you went out to the pub or something were you with the crew or — JE: Yes, we used to go out to the local pubs in North Killingholme. There were two pubs there and I can remember we used to go to, I think it was at Hemsworth we used to get marvellous fish and chips. SB: Yeah. JE: And again we used to go out sometimes as a crew but bear in mind that both Jim and myself were both commissioned therefore living alone. Living differently from the rest of the crew. They were in sergeant’s quarters. NCO’s quarters. Jim and I shared a billet in the officer’s quarters and perhaps we didn’t have so much contact with them as we might have done on the ground but I think we were so busy. We were pretty busy out, out, out. SB: Yeah. Yeah. JE: Flights were very close together. If you can remember we operated in the summer months and whereas a crew could take sometimes eight or nine months to complete its tour of operations in the winter when a lot of the trips were be scrubbed or cancelled or whatever — SB: Yeah. JE: Due to bad weather conditions we got through our tour very quickly. SB: You did. JE: And there couldn’t have been an awful lot of time to spend, you know outside the camp apart from when we went on leave. We used to get, we used to get seven days leave every, every six weeks I think. So there would be periods where we went on leave during the tour. SB: Right. Right. And you went home then did you? JE: Yeah. We went home. SB: Yeah. Yeah. JE: Yeah. But again I suppose it’s what you remember really more than anything else. You remember learning the job, doing the job and making sure you could do the job properly. Going out to the flights, getting you kit, getting the two accumulators for the wireless section which you had to take out to the aircraft because they were, they were acid accumulators for the, which you had to take out freshly out every day. Doing an air test to make sure the aircraft was serviceable. But a lot of the work looking after the radio equipment was done by the wireless mechanics. They would make sure the aircraft was tuned up to the right frequencies before you got into the aircraft. SB: Sure. Sure. Did you tend to see the same ground crew? Or did it vary? JE: As far as I remember it was the same ground crew the whole time. SB: Yes. Do you remember any of their names? JE: No. SB: No. JE: Not at all. SB: No. JE: Not at all. SB: Oh. Ok. JE: It was their aircraft. SB: Yes. JE: We just borrowed it from them. SB: Absolutely [laughs] and woe betide you if you didn’t bring it back. JE: That’s right. Yes. SB: So what about, let’s go to the end of the tour then? You’ve done your last op. How did you feel? Was it relieved? Pleased? JE: Relieved, I think. What happened on our last we had this thing where on our last op it was, I think it was aborted from what we thought was going to be our last op. SB: Yes. Yes. JE: We went and didn’t come back and didn’t go there. So what the idea was that in the Mess on your last trip you made sure there was a pail of beer left on the bar for when you came back and the crew that was on the last op they made, high tailed it for base so they were the first to land, went into the bar and got the beer lined up for everybody else who came in you see. Well, we did that and of course put the bar, the pail of beer on the bar but of course it wasn’t counted so we had to go back and do the same thing the following day. SB: [laughs] You must have been popular. JE: Oh dear, yeah. But again, relief. But I think as far as I can remember we went, we went on leave. We were sent on leave and came back to the squadron before being posted to where we were supposed to go and I think that was a moment where I felt possibly very depressed because we had been as a crew, the seven of us for what, eighteen months or so really training, operating and then suddenly these other six chaps who were with you all that time just dispersed. I felt completely [pause] well disorientated really. SB: Right. JE: I think that was the feeling about it. The fact that you’d lost touch with these chaps and you weren’t sure what was, what was going to be ahead. I remember that very clearly. It was like having six brothers as a crew. SB: Yeah. Yeah. How long was it before you came across any of them again after you split up? JE: Well, it would be the Spring of 1945. In fact, it would be, yes it would be spring ’44 when Jim Lord was married and I was his best man. SB: Ah. Right. JE: And I kept in touch with Jim all of the time pretty well. Even after the war he was, he moved to Leicester and I eventually moved up into the Bletchley, Milton Keynes area. I was still in touch with him occasionally. Not all the time because we were both busy having a career to build you see. Both had families to bring up. The rest of the crew just dispersed completely. The two, the two Canadians obviously went back to Canada. SB: Yeah. JE: And the others, Jack Shomberg, the Australian must have gone back to Australia. We never knew what happened to the mid-upper gunner. SB: Pat Sculley is that? JE: That’s Pat Sculley. SB: Pat Sculley. Yeah. JE: At that time Ken, Ken Down, we thought he came from Devon or Cornwall which was where he came from and apparently he went back to teaching or went to teaching but we didn’t know until later on when we met him that he actually moved back to Dartford in Kent and he was teaching there. So he became a schoolmaster. SB: Right. Right. JE: And we didn’t meet Ken, or we met Bob Sebaski. When would it be [pause] 1978. SB: Right. Right. JE: And then a couple of years after, Ken Down we met together in London. And that was the first time we met. We had reunions. SB: Right. What about Guss Vass? JE: We never saw him again. Ken and Bob Sebaski was in touch with him being Canadian but we didn’t meet him again. SB: Right. JE: And apparently he had health problems and eventually he died in the late 80’s or early 90’s I would think. SB: Right. Right. But — JE: We kept in touch with Bob Sebaski because Bob had come over for the annual reunions, squadron reunions at North Killingholme every year. Year after year. So we kept in touch with Bob. SB: Yeah. Yeah. But Jack Shomberg, you know nothing about? JE: No. No. SB: Right. JE: What happened was with Jack Shomberg, when I wrote my book I think I had occasion to, I think we must have been at a meeting of the Aircrew Association Beds and Bucks Branch where we had a visit from the Secretary of the Caterpillar Club and we mentioned that we hadn’t heard anything. I admitted we hadn’t heard anything of the crew and she said well she could find out through the Caterpillar Club of any, any correspondence that had taken place. She came back and she said that she had some communication from Jack Shomberg, the Australian in the 1990’s or the late 1980s. He was asking for his Caterpillar Club badge to be, or Caterpillar Club to be replaced and there was some correspondence between Jack Shomberg and the Caterpillar Club around about that time. So they had an address for him and a telephone number. We found out from the Caterpillar Club that actually Jack Shomberg died in 1991 so we weren’t able to get in touch with him but as soon as I wrote my book and we’d got this address and telephone number, Jim Lord phoned up the address in, I think it was in Queensland [pause] New South Wales, in Australia somewhere anyway, spoke to his widow — SB: Right. JE: And I sent a book, a copy of my book out to his widow and as soon as she received it she phoned us up on the Sunday morning to say that was the first time they ever knew what her husband had done during the war. SB: Good lord. Really? JE: Although she was in the Royal Australian Air Force she, they as a family didn’t know what Jack Shomberg had done. SB: Good grief. JE: So my book was a revelation to them. SB: Yes. Yeah. JE: Now, Jack Shomberg had a twin and his twin brother Charles was killed just before we started our tour of operations. So that might have been one of the reasons why he didn’t talk about it too much. SB: He was an Air Force man as well, was he? JE: Yes. He was killed. I forget. He was obviously buried in France. SB: Oh right. Right. JE: Because again after we had contact with Jack Shomberg’s family, his daughter and her husband visited us and they had a quick visit through here. They called upon us at about 12 o’clock at night. They were on their way down. We had two hours hectic session with them here and apparently they used to go to their uncle, that was Charles, their uncle’s grave in France. SB: Ah, right. Right. JE: And we didn’t know anything. Any of this at all. None of this. SB: Right. Well, I think I have exhausted everything I have wanted to ask you but is there anything else that we haven’t covered that you would like to cover? JE: I can’t really think about too much. One thing of course I do remember was when we actually crewed up. I went in first of all when I, when I volunteered for the RAF. My brother was called. He volunteered in 1939 and became a pilot and obviously I wanted to follow in his footsteps because I’d been in the Air Cadets, in the Air Training Corps as a Cadet in 1941 from my old school squadron and did some training with the Air Cadets. So I had a fair basis of Morse Code and drill and training before I went in the Air Force. Unfortunately, when I volunteered for aircrew I went for my medical and I was turned down because of my bad eyesight. My left eye was short sighted. So I had to go in as a ground staff wireless operator which disappointed me very much. It made my mother very pleased of course. SB: Yes. JE: By this time my brother was a fully qualified pilot but he was instructing the whole time. As soon as he qualified as a pilot he became trained as an instructor and he was instructing at AFUs, Advanced Flying Units from 1940 right the way through to 1944 on Ansons and Oxfords. SB: Oh right. JE: Now, when I went to, in the Air Force I went to Padgate first of all. Then was first basic training at ITW at Blackpool. Then I was sent from Blackpool down to Madley for radio course training to train as a ground staff wireless operator. Now, it was while I was down there at Madley and halfway through the course they relaxed the eye test for aircrew and any other than pilots were able to qualify as aircrew. So I immediately re-mustered and I persuaded another one of my friends, a close friend at the time, Cliff Crawley. He came in with me right through Blackpool and to Madley and he and I both re-mustered to aircrew and at the end of the radio, first radio course at Madley we were posted actually back to Blackpool of all places. And there both of us were posted as ground staff wireless operators which, which threw us completely. I think they were going to somewhere like Iceland or something like that but fortunately we pestered the adjutant there at Blackpool and said that we were re-mustered aircrew and he pulled us off the course. Then we waited for basic training for, for aircrew. I think we waited what [pause] now, let me try and think what happened there [pause] Yes. I was posted to Millom, I think. Or posted to Scotland. That’s right. After the first, after the first course at Madley I was sent up to Scotland for ground staff wireless work and it was while I was up in Scotland that we were attached to an Army base just north of Edinburgh and I was on a, in a hut there with just three of us there and we did ground staff radio. Air to ground radio. And after that I was sent back down to Madley I think. It’s a bit vague as to why that happened but I do know what we were re-mustered anyway. Anyway, we did training, aircrew radio operator training as aircrew wireless operators. Again, back to Madley and then after that of course we did AFUs. Advanced Flying Units and I went to, first of all Gloucester. A place called Staverton. SB: Yes. JE: Which was between Gloucester and Cheltenham. SB: Yes. JE: Did a week there and then were posted to a satellite airfield at Moreton Valance and that was where we did our AFU training on Ansons. SB: Ah right. JE: And that was about a five week, six week course I suppose. A very good course actually. We had an excellent instructor there who was a Sergeant when we started but he was promoted to Pilot Officer and he was a very good instructor. It was on that occasion I had a weekend off. I went to Greenham Common where my brother was flying and actually spent the weekend with him and flew with him in an Anson. SB: Oh excellent. Excellent. JE: After that AFU I was called to the office one day, headquarters AFU and for a Commissioning Board. Hadn’t had any indication of that at all but apparently I was selected for commissioning and told that at the end of our Operational Training course, or Operational Training Unit I would be commissioned. So, I went to, left AFU and went to Operational Training Unit at Peplow which was near Wellington. That was 83 OTU. Let’s have a look and see what we’ve got here. [pause] Peplow [pause] Ah that’s, that’s Number 6 AFU. SB: Right. JE: And Ansons. I must have done something like fifty five hours daylights on training and six hours fifty at night. WT exercises. SB: Right. JE: QDMs. Loop readings. Navigational aids. So on and so forth and that was from the 7th of September 1943 through to the 9th of October. SB: Right. JE: ’43. Then of course we were sent to [pause] yes. Peplow. SB: Yeah. JE: 12th of, 12th of November. 83 OTU we must have been sent, we must have been on leave then and of course it was there where we were sent to a huge hangar and told to get yourself sorted out. All the aircrew categories got together, you know, pilots navigators just put in a heap and told to sort ourselves out unlike any normal military organisation where you were told what to do. You were told you were going to be crewed up with so and so. They left you to sort yourselves out. SB: Yes. JE: Wandering around in this big hall with all these other people. That was where I met Jim. SB: Yes. Yes. JE: I said to Jim, ‘Are you looking for a wireless op?’ And then we met up with Bob of course and the others and that is how we crewed up. SB: Did you have Ken there though because a lot of people say — JE: No. SB: That the flight engineers joined later didn’t they? JE: That was you had, let’s see would we have had two. We must have only had one, one gunner. We must have only had one because we were on Wellingtons you see. SB: Ah. JE: And they would only have been — SB: Right. JE: Twin-engine aircraft. SB: Yes. JE: Now, whether we had two gunners and they took it in turns to fly in the rear turret that was probably what happened. And then after we did the [pause] That was quite a long session at Peplow. Went through to 31st of December [pause] Still Peplow I think. Yes. 30th of January. SB: Gosh yeah. JE: 31st of January was the last trip that we did in the Wellington, I think. No. February the 1st. High level bombing exercise. Ah, that’s right and then on the 1st of May, bloody hell what did we do all that time? It’s amazing when you look at this. 1st of February [pause] and then February. What were we doing all that time? SB: Yeah. JE: From [pause] we didn’t do any flying between the 1st of February until [pause] the 1st of May. SB: Good grief. Strange. JE: There’s something missing here. SB: So the 1st of May was HCU was it? JE: The 1st of May was Heavy Conversion Unit. SB: Yeah. JE: Yes. And then the 27th of May, Lancaster Finishing School at Hemswell and we only did what? A short time there. Familiarisation, fighter affiliation, circuits and landings, circuits and landings and overshoots. But that was, that was the Lancaster Finishing School. SB: Yeah. JE: And then we went to 550 Squadron. SB: Yeah. Where was the HCU? JE: That was at Sandtoft. SB: Oh right. Yes. JE: Prangtoft. SB: Prangtoft. Yes. Halifaxes. JE: Oh God. Well, they were clapped out Halifaxes. They were Merlin Halifaxes. Old aircraft. We, we very seldom came back on four engines. We did cross countries. Emergency landing at Halfpenny Green. That was when we came down on two engines at night. That was probably the hairiest thing we ever did. I don’t know how Jim got that down. He said we nearly had it that night. And the thing I recall about that trip was that of course these were summer months and the heating in these aircraft was [ducted] on the inside from the inner engines and on this trip we were doing a night cross country and one engine packed up and had to be feathered and the second inboard engine had to be, packed up and that was feathered. Of course, all the heat went off and I got cold [laughs] We had to make ourselves down to somewhere to find somewhere to land and we came down and located Halfpenny Green and that was an AFU. SB: Yes. JE: A very small airfield. SB: Yes. Yes. JE: We did three attempts to come in. we had to wait every time. They refused to let us in and then finally Jim said, ‘Look,’ he said, ‘This is stupid. I want to go in.’ And he went in on a red and the aircraft slewed at the end of the runway and landed up within about twenty yards of the control tower. How he got that down I don’t know. SB: Wow. JE: But he did a tremendous job getting that in. He got commended for that actually. SB: Did he? Yeah. Yeah. JE: But — SB: I take it that you didn’t go home in the same aeroplane then [laughs] Left it there did you? JE: Some, actually we, they did, they did pick us up from there in daylight. A flying officer came to pick us up I think. Yeah. So you know it was — SB: Yeah. JE: Some of these things you remember quite clearly but again at the, at OTU we were all sergeants of course and when we finished our course at OTU I went home on leave as a Sergeant and came back as a Pilot Officer and that of course was when I was separated from the rest of the crew. SB: Yeah. JE: I was a little bit concerned about it at the time because you know but I needn’t have worried about it because the others weren’t too bothered. Once you’re in the aircraft rank didn’t matter. SB: Right. Right. JE: I mean the captain, in a four-engine bomber or any any bomber for that matter the pilot was the captain of the aircraft whether he was a sergeant or whether he was a wing commander. SB: That’s right. Yeah. JE: So Jim was in charge. SB: Yeah. JE: And then Jim was commissioned anyway when he, after he got to the squadron. SB: Right. Right. I have thought of something else I wanted to ask you. About a month ago you went up to Coningsby and got back inside the Lanc. JE: Yeah. SB: What was that like? JE: Brilliant. Brilliant. Unfortunately, I didn’t get a photograph of me actually in my position because that bloody camera there we couldn’t get the flash to operate. We went there, pouring with rain, it was a horrible day but we got there nice and early and Yvonne Masters introduced us to first of all Emily Barrington, a sergeant who was in the RAF. She was waiting for training as a helicopter pilot and she looked after us. There were two, three other wireless operators, ex-wireless operators besides myself who were with us and we were taken behind the barrier into the aircraft and it was an ex-Squadron Leader, Stuart who looked after us. He took us into the aircraft and again I climbed up the steps, went past the mid-upper turret, past the rest bed, up over the lower, the rear spar and over the main spar and sat in my old seat there. The squadron leader, he was, I think he was more concerned about well he learned more, he was more interested in us, in what we did. He said, ‘You know more about this aircraft than I do obviously.’ A very nice chap he was actually. He took us around and I sat in the pilot’s seat and then went down into the bomb aimer’s position. Well, of course, that Lancaster there was dual controls. SB: Right. JE: So it had rudder pedals which went above where we went down into the, into the bomb bay in the bomb aimers position. But what they did was alter that so we could go down into it. SB: Right. JE: I got down into it alright and realised that Guss must have been on his stomach the whole bloody trip. There was nowhere to sit there. SB: No. JE: You just laid down there on a cushion across the, across the escape hatch where the bombing controls were and you just looked out through the front of the aircraft. SB: Yeah. Yeah. JE: So he must have been on his belly the whole day. The whole time. I spent a lot of time talking with, we all reminisced about our experiences in it. I stood up in the astrodome and looked through there. Had a look at the the direction-finding loop because we used to use that quite a bit for the wireless operator. Two things I think were the wireless operator’s nightmare. First of all forgetting to wind in the trailing aerial before you came to land and secondly when you were direction finding loop exercises giving a bearing for the navigator to come home on. What you had to do was to tune into a signal on a beacon which was your known location, homed onto that beacon and the loop you got a louder signal and when it was at the loudest pitch that was the bearing. A loop was on but if you got a reciprocal the signal was the same. Not quite so loud. Loud but not quite so loud and you had to make sure that it was the loudest one you could hear otherwise you would be doing, giving a final reciprocal course. SB: Yeah. JE: And that was a great help to the navigator because sometimes their equipment packed up and they got a bit bit lost. Quite often Bob used to ask me for a QDM so I could give him a bearing. Jim said many times we, I’ve got them back. SB: There is another thing. Another question has come to me. There is a lot of talk and mythology about so-called Scarecrows which I have read and heard people say that the Germans had some sort of weapon that could fire vastly explosive shells into the middle of a bomber formation and they became known as Scarecrows. But people have said no. That this is nonsense. What they were were bombers exploding when they were hit by flak. I mean, do you have reminiscences of anything like that? JE: Not really. No. I think what you have to remember is that unlike the rest of the crew Bob Sebaski and I had a different viewpoint. He says, we all say to this day or we said to this day when we all got together although there were seven of us all in the same aircraft each one of us all had a different viewpoint. When Bob and Ken and Jim read my book they all said the same thing. They realised that I had a different perspective to what they did. You’ve got to realise that the bomb aimer, the pilot, flight engineer and the two gunners were looking out all the time. Bob and I weren’t. We were in our cabin. SB: Yeah. Yeah. JE: Doing our, doing our work and I must say that on that trip to Kiel at night I pulled my window back, switched the light off and pulled my window curtain back and had a look. I looked out and I saw the flak coming up and that was when I got a bit frightened. I thought to myself, ‘God look at that lot there.’ I pulled the curtain back and I didn’t look out after that. I just didn’t look out and of course the rest of the boys saw it all the time. SB: Yeah. JE: But I don’t recall I mean they saw aircraft going down there is no doubt about that. SB: Yes. Yes. JE: But didn’t talk too much about it. SB: No. No. JE: Didn’t talk about it at all. SB: No. JE: I suppose we didn’t really. We were so focused on getting the job done. SB: Yeah. JE: I suppose we were lucky really in that we, we had our tour in the summer where we did a lot of daylights. There was one, one I remember I’ll see if we can pick it up [pause] An interesting one it was. Ah yes. That was, that was a long one. Eight, it was a daylight, eight hours. Eight hours O five and it was on our [pause] I can’t see it. Our seventeenth op. SB: Oh right. Yes. JE: Pauillac. SB: Yes. JE: No opposition whatever and the the flight details that we were given at the briefing were to go out in to daylight. We had to go out across the south coast, down to fifty feet in daylight. SB: Wow. JE: Fifty to a hundred feet across the Bay of Biscay. Right across the bay to avoid the radar obviously and then about ten miles outside the target climb to eight thousand feet. It was an oil refinery. Climb to eight thousand feet, bomb and then back down again. Everybody was you know, these aircraft, the pilot used love low, used to love that low level stuff and and we it was a beautiful clear day. We could look across the Bay of Biscay. We saw fishing vessels just almost a few feet below us. Absolutely clear. It was like a training operation. Up to the target, bombed, came back. No opposition whatsoever. SB: Wow. Goodness me. JE: And actually it says here we were diverted to Sandtoft for some reason. I don’t know why. Obviously the aircraft, we must have had some bad weather coming back. But we, that was a doddle that one. Apparently, about two days later they did exactly the same thing and they lost about thirty aircraft because of they’d got their defenced going then. SB: Right. Oh gosh. JE: But that was a Pauillac. That was a long very interesting one that. But you know things like that I can remember. SB: Right. That’s amazing. Thank you, John. JE: Is that — SB: That’s, that’s marvellous. What I’d like to do if you, if you’re happy can I photograph your logbook? JE: Yes. SB: Please. I’ve got, I have my camera with me. JE: Yeah. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Interview with John Elliot Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Sound Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 13 page printed document 01:23:59 audio recording Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending revision of OH transcription Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SBondS-ElliottJv10020, SBondS-ElliottJv10035 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Description An account of the resource John describes an operation where all crew of his aircraft had to bale out, after all airfields in England were fog bound as they were running out of fuel. He goes on to describe an incident on an operation when he looked up out of astrodome to see a Halifax directly above them, dropping bombs which narrowly missed them. He describes wireless ops duty with "Monica" equipment. John goes on to relate fighter affiliation sorties with a Ju 88 which had landed by mistake in England, where they discovered the German aircraft could home in on "Monica" transmissions. Monica was discontinued for "Fish Pond". He discusses at length operations between July and September 1944, comparing log books to squadron operation record documents. He recalls where aircraft name "Wee Dood It" came from and which aircraft was actually painted with 30 operation symbols. John talks about his feelings about losses and describes some of their activities, daily life, on and off operations. He recalls that two of his crew were commissioned and the others in the sergeants mess. He describes his feelings on the completion of his tour and the dispersal of crew afterwards, and describes his attempt to re-contact crew members many years after the war. John describes, initially, having to train as ground radio operator due to an eyesight issue and, subsequently, being re-mustered as aircrew wireless, and then describes the period from training up to operations. He concludes with a description of a visit to the Battle of Britain memorial flight at RAF Coningsby to get in the Lancaster again. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Elliot S Bond Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-07-12 1944-07 1944-08 1944-09 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. France Great Britain England--Suffolk England--Needham Market England--Lincolnshire France--Paris France--Calais France--Pas-de-Calais France--Neufchâtel-en-Bray France--Douai Poland Poland--Szczecin Germany Germany--Neuss Atlantic Ocean--English Channel Atlantic Ocean--Baltic Sea Germany--Kiel France--Lons-le-Saunier England--Gloucestershire England--Herefordshire England--Shropshire England--Lincolnshire Germany--Ruhr (Region) Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2011-09-07 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke 83 OTU aircrew anti-aircraft fire bale out bombing crash Halifax Ju 88 Lancaster Lancaster Finishing School military living conditions military service conditions Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) nose art Operational Training Unit P-38 radar RAF Hemswell RAF Madley RAF North Killingholme RAF Peplow RAF Staverton RAF Wattisham RAF Woodbridge training V-weapon Wellington wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2468/47200/BWhymarkRJWhymarkJPv1.pdf 057aae0b06d3eb354e70d8e22f88f6ac Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Whymark, Jack John Percy Whymark Description An account of the resource 56 items. <br /><br />The collection concerns Flight Lieutenant Jack Whymark DSO DFC (1920 -1945, 616289, 53481 Royal Air Force) and contains a<span>n oral history with his son, Robert Whymark.&nbsp;</span><br /><br />He joined 17 Squadron in 1939 and took part in Operation Aerial in 1940.&nbsp;<br /><br />He flew operations as an air gunner in Europe and North Africa with 101, 103, 106, 148 and 149 Squadrons and was killed 04 October 1945 during Operation Dodge. <br /><br />The collection was donated to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Graham Thurlow and Robert Whymark and catalogued by Lynn Corrigan. <br /><br /><span>Additional information on Jack Whymark is available via the&nbsp;</span><a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/230288/">IBCC Losses Database.</a> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-11-03 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Whymark, JP Requires A related resource that is required by the described resource to support its function, delivery, or coherence. [his log book, correspondence, documents, objects and photographs]. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Air Ministry regrets Description An account of the resource A resume of 'Jack' Whymark's family and service career. Includes extracts from Jack’s diaries, details from his logbook and histories of the crew and passengers of Lancaster PA278. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Robert Whymark Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019-10 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1945-10-04 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Civilian Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command British Army Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Personal research Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 68 sheets Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BWhymarkRJWhymarkJPv1 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Buckinghamshire England--Cambridgeshire England--Essex England--Lincolnshire England--London England--Norfolk England--Oxfordshire England--London England--Rutland England--Staffordshire England--Suffolk England--Wiltshire England--Yorkshire Scotland--Dumfries and Galloway Scotland--Moray Scotland--Ross and Cromarty Wales--Carmarthenshire Wales--Glamorgan Great Britain Miscellaneous Island Dependencies--Jersey Germany Germany--Ruhr (Region) Germany--Aachen Germany--Augsburg Germany--Berlin Germany--Bottrop Germany--Bremen Germany--Chemnitz Germany--Cologne Germany--Dortmund Germany--Düsseldorf Germany--Essen Germany--Frankfurt am Main Germany--Friedrichshafen Germany--Gelsenkirchen Germany--Hamburg Germany--Hannover Germany--Karlsruhe Germany--Kiel Germany--Leipzig Germany--Ludwigshafen am Rhein Germany--Mannheim Germany--Merseburg Germany--Nuremberg Germany--Paderborn Germany--Schweinfurt Germany--Stuttgart Germany--Wanne-Eickel Germany--Wilhelmshaven France France--Aulnoye-Aymeries France--Brest France--Cherbourg France--Dinard France--Le Mans France--Lorient France--Marseille France--Orléans France--Saint-Malo Italy Italy--Messina Italy--Naples Italy--Palermo Italy--Pomigliano d'Arco Italy--Ragusa Malta Denmark Denmark--Samsø Netherlands Netherlands--Hasselt Netherlands--Rotterdam Netherlands--Texel Belgium Belgium--Brussels Belgium--Zellik North Africa Egypt Egypt--Cairo Egypt--Fukah Egypt--Ismailia (Province) Egypt--Kibrit Egypt--Suez Canal Libya Libya--Bardiyah Libya--Banghāzī Libya--Darnah Libya--Gazala Libya--Tripoli Poland Poland--Gdańsk Greece Greece--Ērakleion Greece--Karpathos (Municipality) Atlantic Ocean--Kattegat (Baltic Sea) Germany--Stuttgart Italy--Sicily Italy--Sicily Europe--Frisian Islands Atlantic Ocean--English Channel Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive 101 Squadron 103 Squadron 106 Squadron 148 Squadron 149 Squadron 38 Squadron 50 Squadron 540 Squadron 627 Squadron air gunner Air Gunnery School Air Observers School Anson Battle Blenheim bomb aimer bombing bombing of Nuremberg (30 / 31 March 1944) Botha Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) crash Distinguished Flying Cross Distinguished Service Order ditching Dominie evacuation firefighting flight engineer George VI, King of Great Britain (1895-1952) ground crew ground personnel Halifax Hampden Hurricane killed in action Lancaster love and romance mine laying missing in action Mosquito navigator Oboe Operation Dodge (1945) Operation Exodus (1945) Operation Manna (29 Apr – 8 May 1945) Pathfinders pilot prisoner of war RAF Abingdon RAF Abu Sueir RAF Benson RAF Bentley Priory RAF Boscombe Down RAF Cottesmore RAF Debden RAF Elsham Wolds RAF Evanton RAF Glatton RAF Ingham RAF Kabrit RAF Leconfield RAF Lossiemouth RAF Ludford Magna RAF Luqa RAF Manby RAF Martlesham Heath RAF Mildenhall RAF North Weald RAF Northolt RAF Old Sarum RAF Pembrey RAF Scampton RAF Shallufa RAF St Athan RAF Sutton Bridge RAF Swanton Morley RAF Syerston RAF Uxbridge RAF West Freugh RAF Westcott RAF Woodbridge RAF Yatesbury Spitfire Swordfish Tirpitz training Wallis, Barnes Neville (1887-1979) Wellington Women’s Auxiliary Air Force https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2357/45500/BFoskettPFoskettWv10003.pdf f96fe0569c8740c9bcd697a2994bc199 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Foskett, William Description An account of the resource 104 items. The collection concerns Flight Lieutenant William Foskett (b. 1921, 13230505 Royal Air Force) and contains his log books, correspondence, documents, and photographs. He flew operations as an air gunner and navigator with 214 Squadron. After the war, he was stationed in Italy (RAF Udine), France, Germany and North Africa. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Peter Foskett and catalogued by Barry Hunter with the assistance of Roberto Bassi of the Aeroclub Friulano Campoformido. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2021-04-07 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Foskett, W Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bill Foskett Biography - Chapter Three Description An account of the resource The third chapter of Bill's wartime experiences. (The first two chapters used Bill's words but the third is written by an anonymous friend) Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Shellingford United States Georgia--Atlanta Georgia--Macon Georgia--Albany Florida--Arcadia Canada Ontario--Picton Ontario France France--Biarritz Germany--Karlsruhe Belgium Belgium--Antwerp France--Gennevilliers Germany--Kiel France--Saumur Germany--Gelsenkirchen Netherlands Netherlands--Goes Netherlands--Hoek van Holland Germany--Stuttgart Germany--Duisburg Germany--Frankfurt am Main Europe--Frisian Islands Germany--Emden (Lower Saxony) Germany--Darmstadt France--Wissembourg Germany--Karlsruhe Netherlands--Heerenveen Germany--Traben-Trarbach Germany--Fischbach France--Bischwiller Germany--Bochum Germany--Cologne Germany--Mannheim Germany--Saarbrücken Germany--Koblenz Germany--Gladbeck Germany--Mönchengladbach Germany--Krefeld Germany--Dortmund-Ems Canal Germany--Giessen (Hesse) Italy Italy--Udine England--Newquay England--Great Yarmouth Slovenia--Log pod Mangartom Slovenia Germany Germany--Ruhr (Region) Florida Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force United States Army Air Force Royal Canadian Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Text. Personal research Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 25 printed sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BFoskettPFoskettWv10003 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Foskett, William. Biography Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke 100 Group 15 OTU 214 Squadron 617 Squadron Absent Without Leave Advanced Flying Unit air gunner aircrew Anson anti-aircraft fire B-17 Battle Bolingbroke bomb aimer Bombing and Gunnery School bombing of Cologne (30/31 May 1942) flight engineer Flying Training School Gee H2S Halifax Harris, Arthur Travers (1892-1984) Harvard Initial Training Wing Ju 88 lack of moral fibre Lancaster Me 110 mine laying Mosquito navigator Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) Operational Training Unit Pathfinders RAF Chedburgh RAF Downham Market RAF Feltwell RAF Harwell RAF Honington RAF Methwold RAF Millom RAF Oulton RAF Ridgewell RAF Sculthorpe RAF Shipdham RAF Stradishall RAF Woodbridge Stearman Stirling superstition Tallboy target indicator Tiger Moth training V-2 V-weapon Wellington Window wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1913/41104/EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0001.1.jpg bd848f5205a7c6ec4efd33a6e40ca703 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1913/41104/EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0002.1.jpg 1cbdfb6976983cce85f28978f83b5f57 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1913/41104/EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0003.1.jpg a6e09804b0bbf8de0b6c28f9b37ca897 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1913/41104/EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0004.1.jpg f6cb62d5da09177e2a7874126b280570 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Holden, John J Holden Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-07-25 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Holden, J Description An account of the resource 30 items.&nbsp;The collection concerns Sergeant John Holden (1521290 Royal Air Force) and contains photographs, documents and correspondence. he flew operations as a wireless operator with 49 Squadron and was killed 10 June 1944.<br /> <br />The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Andrew Whitehouse and catalogued by Barry Hunter. <br /><br />Additional information on John Holden is available via the&nbsp;<a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/110983/">IBCC Losses Database.</a> Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document [inserted] from Leslie Hay. "Uncle Will" 49 Squadron pilot and historian [/inserted] [circled 1] [censored section] 11th August, 1995. Dear José, Thank you for your letter, copy correspondence and photographs which arrived on 7th August. Before commenting on them, here are some extracts from my records which I copied from those at Public Record Office over a period of several years. Unfortunately, their records do not show the postings in and out of the Squadron after January, 1944, and I can only supply the date of the first operation. The postings in were usually about a week earlier. The following are extracts from the crew reports with some additions:- [underlined] OPERATIONS [/underlined] [underlined] 19/20.5.44 [/underlined] [underlined] AMIENS [/underlined] LL 900 Matheson and crew with F/O Bell as 2nd pilot. [underlined] 21/22.5.44 [/underlined] [underlined] MINING in Kiel Bay [/underlined] ME 675 F/O Bell B.E, Sgt Holmes S.C. P/O MacFadyen D, Sgt Holden J, P/O Clark H.D. F/O Hemmens P, Sgt Reed J.J. 2149-0421. Dovns Klint 0100, 14,600 ft, no cloud, good vis: Kiel Bay unobscured by cloud allowing visual pin pointing and the correct placing of mines. Defences ineffective. [underlined] 22/23.5.44 [/underlined] [underlined] BRUNSWICK [/underlined] ME 675 Crew as above, 2209-0413. Brunswick 0127, 22,000 ft, 2nd wave. Bombed red with green stars cascading. Attack appeared very haphazard owing to poor marking technique. Caused us to make several runs. [underlined] 27/28.5.44 [/underlined] [underlined] MORSALINES [/underlined] – Medium Gun Battery. ME 787 Original crew. 2255-0232. Morsalines 0103. 5,500 ft, 2nd wave, no cloud, Vis hazy, No opposition. Bombs seen bursting – overshooting red spot fires to the N.E about 100 yards. [underlined] 31 May – 1st June [/underlined] [underlined] MAISY [/underlined] – Gun Battery NE 128 Original crew. 2304-0226. Sortie was abortive owing to low cloud over target area. W/T control good and diverting instructions received satisfactorily. (The other crews' robust comments on this op are illuminating) [underlined] 2/3.6.44 [/underlined] [underlined] WIMEREUX [/underlined] ND 533 Original crew. 0004-0300. Wimereux 0141, 19,000 ft, 2nd wave. Target not identified owing to cloud, but what appeared to be 1 or 2 red T.Is clearly seen and bombed on heading. Orders not to bomb received after bombing run. [underlined] 5/6.6.44 [/underlined] [underlined] LA PERNELLE [/underlined] ND 533 Original crew. 0126-0549. La Pernelle 0340, 8,400 ft, 3 rd wave. Bombed centre of triangle of 2 green and 1 red T.Is. Target marking, timing control very good and should have made the operation successful. [page break] [inserted] W. HAY. [/inserted] – 2 – [underlined] 6/7.6.44 [underlined] [underlined] CAEN [/underlined] ND 533 Original crew. 0030-0517. Caen 0240, 5000 ft, 1st wave. Bombed concentration of green T.Is. Good concentration of bombs around them. Timing excellent under good weather conditions. [underlined] 8/9.6.44 [underlined] [underlined] PONTAUBAULT [/underlined] ND 533 Original crew. 2226-0309. Target 0049, 4,500 ft, 2nd wave. Very heavy rain. Bombed 2 red spot fires about 100 yards apart. Bombing appeared to be between 500 yards of markers. Target marking and control extremely good. [underlined] 9.6.44 [/underlined] – Morning summary – 1000. 21 detailed for Etampes. [inserted] "Take off" [/inserted] 2120-[underlined] 2139 [/underlined], 21 airborne. [inserted] Landing times [/inserted] 0147-0227 19 returned – one landed at Woodbridge. 2 aircraft missing. Extract from the publication "Bomber Command War Diaries" 106 Lancasters and 4 Mosquitoes of 5 Group, with 5 Path Finder Mosquitoes attempted to bomb a railway junction at Etampes, south of Paris. 6 Lancasters lost. [underlined] 9/10.6.44 [/underlined] [underlined] ETAMPES [/underlined] [symbol] ND 533 F/O Bell with original crew. Airborne [underlined] 2136 [/underlined] – Missing. JB 714 Smiley, Webb, Stuart, Sanderson, Rainbow, Hinch, Blaikie. Airborne [inserted] 2139 missing [/inserted] [inserted] [symbol] Last two aircraft to take off. [/inserted] [underlined] Buried in a collective grave – Plot 16.C.10 [/underlined] [underlined] BAYEUX WAR CEMETERY, CALVADOS, FRANCE. F.1058 [/underlined] F/O BELL Bryan Esmond 151471 Pilot Aged 24 F/O MacFADYEN Duncan RAAF 425178 Navigator Sgt HOLDEN John 1521290 WO/AG Aged 21 F/O CLARK Hilary Daniel 159223 A/Gunner Aged 28 Sgt REED Joseph John 1281835 A/Gunner Aged 23 [underlined] Marissel French National Cemetery, Oise, France, Grave 248 [/underlined] Sgt HOLMES Sydney Charles 1810022 Flight Engineer Aged 28 Recorded at Runnymede on panel 206 as having "No known grave" but believed to have died of "blood poisoning" in Buchenwald Concentration Camp. F/O HEMMENS Philip Derek 152583 Bomb Aimer aged 20 P/O SMILEY and his crew are all buried in Morigny-Champigny Cemetery Seine-et-Oise, France – graves 1, 6, 8, 11 & 12 [page break] – 3 – Comments. First, regarding your letter. I also cannot reconcile War Graves' statement that the Forest is 16 miles N.W of Caen in the district of Eure. This District is some 40 miles East of Caen and Lyons la Foret is South East of Rouen. It appears to be only just in the District of Eure, though my map does not show these boundaries. I think that we can accept that the aircraft crashed at Lyons la Foret, although the correspondence does not actually say so, but André Paris’ statement that he was going West from Etrépagny would seem to put it in that area. Pierre Madry could confirm it. War Graves also show it to be the place even though they position it wrongly, but see my later comment four paragraphs down, which may be the answer to the mix up. The situation in the area, two days after "D" Day must have been very confused. Troops were being moved up and we were bombing road and railway junctions behind the lines to prevent this happening. The Germans would, as they so often did, bury bodies near where they were found. I have read about, and spoken to men who with medical teams, followed in the wake of our armies locating roadside and woodland graves, recording and identifying bodies. It was usual for the Germans to get to the crash site as early as possible to secure prisoners and obtain information from and about the aircraft. Occasionally the civilians beat them to it and gave assistance to evaders etc: I tried telephoning War Graves to obtain the date of reinterment, but they couldn't give it off the cuff as it meant going to archives to locate the first burial, then to another section to obtain the transfer, but it seems that they have it., and would supply you with it should you wish to write to them. Regarding the crew details, you will have seen that I have quoted them above, and the address of the cemetery is also shown. It would appear that it is in or near Bayeux. I may be wrong, but I wonder if this is what War Graves was trying to say, i.e that Bayeux War Cemetery is 16 miles N.W of Caen which is about right, but mixed it up with the crash site/place of 1st burial in Eure District!! If so, please forgive them; they make many mistakes - don't we all? and they are only as good as the staff with which they are supplied. They have given me some good assistance in my work. Coming now to photographs of the cemetery; I do not know any organisation which would supply them and they are usually obtained by a personal visit. In this connection, I feel that Pierre Madry is your best hope. It appears from his letter that he is a young man and seems to have a very good command of English if so, a visit might not be as difficult as you may imagine. So many people speak our language now that I am sure you would find assistance en route. I cannot really comment on the alleged photograph of the graves. It may just be the crash site. It would, doubtless, look very different now. I have no information whether the aircraft was hit by flak or fighters, or whether or not they had reached the target and were on their way home having bombed but, according to reports from the returning crews, there was a lot of difficulty at the target which could not be marked on time, and crews had to orbit a number of times which left them prey to flak, which, at the bombing height, about 7000 ft, could be very accurate. Also they would be a prey to marauding fighters looking for just such an opportunity as this. Whether they were the subject of either flak or fighter attack, it would seem that two of them, Hemmens and Holmes were able to get out, they would be nearest the bomb aimer's [page break] – 4 – exit. Hemmens, it appears did parachute down. I have nothing definite about Holmes but the pilot of another of our aircraft reports hitting a parachute, and I feel that this may have been that of Holmes which would account for his burial in a different cemetery. Disasters and misfortunes such as this were legion. We are now left with Hemmens. He has been a problem for me because of the date of his death. The Dutch Air Historical Society, whose 300 members are trying to locate the crash sites and graves of the crews of EVERY AIRCRAFT, ALLIED AND ENEMY, which crashed in World War 11, sent me a lot of information, but asked for details regarding 120 of our missing or crashed aircraft and crews, amongst which was Hemmens on whom they only had the date of death and "No known grave". When I recovered from the shock, I got down to sorting them out from my records. After a bit of pressure I managed to get out of the Ministry of Defence, that Hemmens died whilst a POW. Your correspondence, and the most interesting letter of George Watmough rekindled my interest and would seem to confirm this. However, I have never been satisfied that there was a body with a date of death but no known grave. Unfortunately, my contact at the M.O.D had left but, trading on the fact that I had supplied them with information in the past, they were able to say (off the record and reading between the lines) that Hemmens was sheltered by the French, ‘captured’ by the Germans and sent to Buchenwald Concentration Camp where he contracted blood poisoning and died. His body was cremated and his ashes scattered there. Read into that what you will but it is, in my opinion, probably correct. Hemmens may not have been in uniform which would explain his sojourn in Fresnes prison. George Watmough does not say that they were all sent to Stalag Luft 3, just 'We'. Ham Hemmens dies in a POW camp, I am certain that there would have been a military funeral. I have photographs of some. The Senior British Officer at the camp would have ensured that this was done. In a number of cases, the Germans provided the Firing Party. It appears that the Buchenwald death is probably the correct explanation. Last year, we had a Book of Remembrance placed in Fiskerton Church and, this year we had a stone placed on a plot of ground donated by the farmer who farms the site of Fiskerton Airfield. Parts of the runways are still there. I am enclosing a photostat of the page of our Book which shows Holden & Holmes. Also, a not very good one from a local newspaper showing the stone in the plot close to the road from Fiskerton to Reepham. Re MacFadyen, the address to contact is Australian War Memorial, GPO Box 345, Canberra ACT 2601. I enclose a mini photostat of their letter to our Secretary. I think that I have told you all I am able until I post this when something else is sure to come to mind. I hope that you can make sense of this rigmarole – my wife says that my letters ramble too much. My good wishes to you. Yours sincerely, Leslie Hay. Usually known as "Uncle Will". Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter to Jose from Leslie Hay Description An account of the resource The letter lists 49 Squadron operations from May 1944 to 10 June 1944 when John Holden died. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Leslie Hay Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1995-08-11 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. France--Amiens Germany--Kiel Germany--Braunschweig France--Normandy France--Wimereux France--La Pernelle France--Caen France--Manche France--Bayeux Great Britain England--Runnymede Germany France--Morigny-Champigny France--Lyons-la-Forêt France--Eure France--Rouen France--Etrépagny France--Étampes (Essonne) France--Beauvais France France--Pas-de-Calais Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Correspondence Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Four printed sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0001, EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0002, EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0003, EHayLWhitehouseJ950811-0004 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-05 1944-06 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Sue Smith 49 Squadron 5 Group aircrew anti-aircraft fire bale out bomb aimer bombing bombing of the Normandy coastal batteries (5/6 June 1944) crash final resting place flight engineer killed in action Lancaster memorial mine laying Mosquito Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) Pathfinders pilot prisoner of war RAF Fiskerton RAF Woodbridge Stalag Luft 3 target indicator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1989/41034/YGeorgeDB1796593v1.pdf 304e87743b39fdfe7a1407ff9aa6e77f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource George, David Burrows D B George Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-11-17 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context George, DB Description An account of the resource 14 items.&nbsp;The collection concerns Sergeant David Burrows George (1796593 Royal Air Force) and contains operation reports, correspondence, a biography and photographs. He flew operations as a flight engineer with 153 Squadron and was killed 22 January 1945. <br /><br />The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Shelagh Wright and catalogued by Barry Hunter.<br /><br /> Additional information on David Burrows George is available via the&nbsp;<a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/108520/">IBCC Losses Database.</a> Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document [drawing] [underlined] S. O. Book 135. [/underlined] Code 28.72.0 Flashbacks – to my tour with the Americans May 1942 – August 1943 G [crest] R [boxed] SUPPLIED FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE [/boxed] T.4100 Wrs.5631/6152. 90,000 Bks. 12/42 T.W. & S. Ltd. [page break] [underlined] Dec 1st [/underlined] Ops laid on today – went through the motions – briefing etc, ready for an early take-off, then put back for five hours. Definite air of tension in the mess – these postponements are definitely bad for the morale – gives the boys too long to think about things. Scrub finally came through at a quarter to eleven at night – absolutely absurd waiting so long – couldn’t see a thing for fog by then. [page break] [underlined] Dec 2nd [/underlined] Ops on again today. Took off early – 1640 - target ‘the big city’ No hitches at take-off but the news wasn’t so good at return. One a/c crashed, near Gamston, with four killed, four injured. A/c just went into the deck and went up in flames. No names yet. So ends another C-Charlie. D-Dog also missing; F/Lt Wells. Entirely unexpected – he was getting near the end of his tour. Add that on to V-Victor a few days ago – with six killed in the crash – and N-Nan where we lost an a/c but no crew – thank goodness – and things are looking pretty thin: Now three o’clock in the morning so must pack up in case there’s [indecipherable word] on tomorrow – today rather! Forgot to mention we had a visiting a/c with two wounded aboard prang on the drome here – fortunately after all but one of our kites were down. The – U-Uncle – diverted to Fiskerton. [page break] [underlined] Dec 3rd [/underlined] Ops laid on again tonight – late take off this time – about 0030 in the morning. Met the lads just going down to buses as I came back here. The battle order looks very small compared with recent efforts – still our losses have been very heavy recently so that is hardly surprising. Hope things are better than they were last night – one thing the weather has improved very considerably – should be alright if it stays like that. Now nearly 11 o’clock so must get to bed as I’ve to be up early. Just remembered – too late – why old Wells seemed so familiar when I came here – must have seen him in Wellingborough – that’s his home town. Poor old Duncan – our coloured commissioned gunner – was one of Wells crew last night – hadn’t realised it at the time. [page break] [underlined] Dec 4th [/underlined] First A/c was back at seven o’clock this morning. We didn’t hear about M-Mike until nearly 9 o’clock – were just beginning to think he was a goner when news came through that he had landed at Woodbridge, in Sussex, with his A/c shot about a bit and his mid-upper gunner wounded – not seriously. The target was Leipzig and it seems to have been a pretty good prang. No losses for the Squadron either – good show. No ops laid on for tonight so I went with Griffin to the crash of C-Charlie at Gamston. Open two-seater car and bloody cold! We set off shortly after eleven, had lunch at a pub in Markham Moor – very good pub – and arrived at the crash shortly before two. What a smash – the worst I’ve seen yet. The A/C apparently hit a tree on top of a hill, though God knows how, with his starboard tailplane, which is still wrapped around the tree. He then hit the ground about 20 yards further on and then began to come to pieces – small pieces first, engine cowlings and such like, then larger chunks pieces of mainplane and in the next field pieces of the fuselage, propellers, dinghies and lord knows what else. The pilots cockpit [indecipherable word] yet a third field and the engines in the fourth. Impossible to imagine anybody coming alive out of such a crash – yet one is still living. Two of the original survivors died shortly after they were found, [deleted word] one died in hospital and there is still one survivor. Our sortie was pretty abortive – the radio equipment was just smashed to bits. Got back to camp to 5.30. Not thawed out yet. [underlined] Dec 5th [/underlined] No ops tonight. Is this the beginning of the moon period? or don’t we have such things anymore. Anyway a frantically busy day – just one of those days. Defect report on Q-Queen’s Triple 52 Resistance amplifying report on J-Jig’s intercomm. failure, Crystal return to Waddo, Group want to know about the rear-gunners microphone heater, Group want to know about the number of modified Marconi receivers we have, Waddington want to know about something else, Raid assessment committee at 15.30 – Telephone rings all day. Damn all higher headquarters! [page break] [underlined] Dec 6th [/underlined] No ops again tonight. Heavy mist all day which got very thick at about four o’clock. Run over to Waddington with S and C documents in the afternoon – M.T. driver who couldn’t drive and thick fog made it a very pleasant journey indeed. Went down to the local with Charnock after dinner. [underlined] Dec 7th [/underlined] No ops tonight. Hell of a lot of correspondence to deal with today. G.P.O. also around – which took up quite some time. G.C. dropped in for a few words after lunch – good type. Spent quite some time chasing Works for the remainder of material for the new PBX. Getting nowhere fast. It’s a big help, too, when sections move without giving any indication that they are going to move. Went with the G.P.O. bloke to Station Armoury to survey the line for their phone and found they don’t live there anymore. Good show! [underlined] Dec 8th [/underlined] Still no ops. Day spent in trying to get my new PBX built and in doing amendments to S & [undecipherable words] be [underlined] very [/underlined] glad when I get a proper clerk – I’ll be able to do some real work then. Hear my Christmas leave is to be approved. [underlined] Dec 9th – 13th [/underlined] No ops. Clerk arrived finally – good girl, too. She doesn’t know the ropes yet but she’ll be “bang-on” when she does. Most of my time spent in organising many things I’ve [sic] be waiting to organise as soon as a clerk appears. [underlined] Dec 14th [/underlined] 5 Group Signals conference. Beastly day – very cold and foggy. Due to go off on 9 o’clock bus. No sign of bus so I ordered special transport. Bus turned up at 09 45 – before special transport – so I went by bus. Arrived at Waddington at 10 25 – S/Ldr Ward, of course had gone. Organised transport for myself to Moreton Hall – motor cycle combination! By God! was it cold? Everywhere I overlapped which was considerable, I was covered in frost as thick as snow. Finally arrived at Moreton Hall at 11.30 – I hr late. Conference quite interesting. Rumours of day and night operations in the near future – new six-engined bombers – and very big things to come in the next four months. Conference finished at 4 o’clock. Back to Waddington with S/Ldr Ward in his open sports car – Brrh! Van from Waddington [indecipherable word] Bardney but had to open windscreen [page break] after about two miles as it was freezing over every hundred yards or so. Finally arrived back colder than I can ever remember being before. Had dinner, went to my bunk, drew up fire until the stove was red hot & stoked until I couldn’t bear to be within six feet of the stove. Then piled up everything I possibly could on the bed and went to bed. Woke up warm. Forgot to mention that coming back from Waddington (1/2hr journey) took 1hr 20mins and we only avoided going in the dykes by the driver leaning out on one side and myself leaning out on the other. Hope they choose a better day for the next conference! [underlined] Dec 15th [/underlined] Still no ops. Still very cold and foggy but cleared a bit later in the day. Fitters and riggers had a party and wanted the amplifier – amplifier u/s, no emission from the rectifier valves – no spare valves, Manufactured a mock-up amplifier – finished at 2000 hrs. What a life! Also heard we’ve got the Watch Office Installation to rebuild by 18th! [underlined] Dec 16th [/underlined] Ops tonight. Take-off 16 [indecipherable words] the big city. Maximum effort – sixteen aircraft scheduled to take off. To make matters more difficult the G.P.O. arrive to work on the new Operations Switchboard. F/Lt Carr, S.I.O. is not prepared to let them work in the Operations room when the gen is coming through. Unreasonable – it will be his own fault if the work he wants done is delayed – but I suppose I shall have to carry the can all the same if it isn’t done. Take-off is a bit of a farce. As usual after a long stand-down quite a number of snags develop – principally in connection with bombing-up. None of aircraft take-off at the proper time, the first aircraft being thirteen minutes late. Three of the aircraft aren’t bombed-up in time to take off at all so only thirteen go. Unlucky number! and events prove it to be so this time. Due back at 2325, at just after 2300 I get a call to say that the watch- office TR1196 is out of action. Dash down to watch office to find that power is off. On changing to batteries there is still no joy. Test power supplies and find batteries are [deleted] still [/deleted] down. Bad maintenance! Words with the mechanic tomorrow! Change aces and all is well – but we’ve missed the first a/c which has had to land by Aldis lamp. Bad show. Only nine a/c get back – two have landed away and two are missing B and Y – P/O Black and P/O Bayldon. Very sorry about young Bayldon – he was a very nice, quiet, clean, fair haired, slight youngster, who looked much too frail to handle a Lancaster, He regarded me as a sort of father confessor, brought his troubles to me. Poor kid – he can’t have been more than [indecipherable words]. Finally got to bed [page break] just before 3 o’clock in the morning. [underlined] Dec 17th [/underlined] No ops tonight. Quite a lot to do in connection with G.P.O. work etc., Also we had the usual Raid Assessment Committee. The poor old armament officer, P/O Wright, caught it pretty well in the neck over the a/c not being bombed up last night. Also had an inquest into the affair of the “L” which I forgot to mention yesterday. As a result of the delay in finishing the bombing up it was impossible to “det” up the Radar equipment until the last moment. In L the Radar mechanic got in, did his tests at the back of the aircraft, then walked forward to get the pilot to push his buttons to test the circuit. Unfortunately, the W/Op, following the Mechanic into the A/C, inserted the detonator, so when the Pilot did press his buttons, bang! and up went the IFF!. Still, the a/c took off without I.F.F. and completed his mission successfully. Heard also today that B-Baker called up on the R/T twice last night, was heard and answered but did not acknowledge, so he must have crashed. somewhere either in this country of in the sea not far away. Wonder if there’ll be anymore gen. Went to bed very early and got a good ten hours sleep. Funny thing; but missing sleep now, when it is only irregular, makes me far more tired than it did when it was almost nightly [indecipherable words] summer. [underlined] Dec 18th [/underlined] No ops again tonight. Nothing outstanding to report. A sort of Saturday feeling in the air anyway. My Christmas leave is approved, that’s one thing. God, I’ll be glad to have a week with Anne and the bairn. [underlined] May 8th 1944 [/underlined] Received word during the night that I am posted to R.A.F. Chigwell – to proceed immediately and arrive not later than A.M. 10th [underlined] May 9th [/underlined] A hectic day getting cleared, packed, and ready for off. Got away about 3 o’clock and managed to organise a lift to Lincoln. Caught 4 o’clock train and managed a night at home on way down. [underlined] May 10th [/underlined] Arrived at R.A.F. Chigwell. First person I met was the C.O. Group Captain Messenger – my first C.S.O. at Brampton in late 1941. Nobody knows very much about us – 10 of us have arrived here under similar circumstances – hasty postings with no time to do anything:- but is seems that we are AEAF Reserve Pool – reserves for the invasion when it comes. [page break] [underlined] May 12th – June 2th [/underlined] Basic Training – Rifle shooting, revolvers, grenades, sten etc., etc., Moved under canvas on May 26th. [underlined] June 3rd – June 12th [/underlined] Driving Instruction – bags of driving of 15 cwt and 3 ton lorries through the streets of London – good fun. [underlined] June 6th [/underlined] Wakened at about four o’clock this morning by a vast armada of planes going overhead. The roar of endless aircraft continued up to about 7 o’clock. Guessed then that the invasion had started – found out during the morning that such was indeed the case. Successful landings made by British, Canadian, and American forces on the coast of Normandy, strangely enough the only bit of the French coast I know anything about. Riva Bella is right in the middle of things: Everyone has a great air of expectancy, newspapers are grabbed as soon as they appear. The general idea seems to be ‘now it won’t be long’. Let’s hope they are right. [underlined] June 15th [/underlined] Doug. Wark and I saw our first ‘Doodle bug’. . Just before midnight, walking back to camp from Chigwell station the sirens went. A few minutes later we heard the roar of an approaching plane, as we thought, and also heavy ack-ack fire. Then an aircraft, flying very low and with a very peculiar engine note, came into sight coned by searchlights and with the ack-ack batteries passing him on from one to the other. The aircraft was on fire. He flew right over our heads and over the camp – Doug and I both hoping all the time that he would be shot down. Knowing what we know now thank god he wasn’t. Had he been either we, or the camp, or both, we would have had it. [underlined] June 17th [/underlined] Station Duty Officer. Doodle-bugs coming over in large numbers. I was plotting from 1700 hours until 0800 hours the following morning. Fortunately for us all were well South of us. Also large numbers apparently being shot down – few are reaching London. [page break] [underlined] June 17th – July 15th [/underlined] Kicking our heels at Chigwell. No work, on six hours notice to move so no leave and practically no days off, life very simple – get up, breakfast, wash, shave & dress. Walk over the fields to the village for coffee back in time for lunch. Laze away the afternoon or go driving with the new courses. Flicks, dance, show or local in evenings. Life punctuated at frequent intervals by doodle-bugs. Most amusing sight a cricket match – doodle bug goes over – no notice taken – shower starts – everybody runs for shelter! [underlined[ July 12th – Lunch time [/underlined] Our nearest escape from the doodle-bug. One landed just by the school about 300 yards from the officers mess. Wrecked the school lodge and one wing of the school, blew windows out of the officer’s mess, bent hangars. I was walking through one of the hangars when bomb went off – hangar seemed to shake itself then deafening crump! No other sensation. [underlined] July 13th [/underlined] Heard at lunch time that we are off overseas – not to Normandy but to M.E. I immediately packed and made arrangements to get away. Travelled up to Preston by night train – managed to get a sleeper – very lucky. Home by just after seven in the morning. [underlined] July 15th [/underlined] Reported to West Kirby in afternoon. Kitted out in the evening. [underlined] July 16th [/underlined] Boarded ship early this morning. Dutch M.V. of about 18000 tons [inserted] SS. Volendam [/inserted] Not a bad looking vessel – newly done up. Sleeping quarters very cramped – 15 officers to one cabin. Men packed in like sardines between decks. Food good but not very plentiful. Rumours as to where we are going rife but general opinion seems to be Italy. We’ll see! Did not sail today. [underlined] July 17th [/underlined] Moved down river in evening. Anchored at river mouth. Most exasperating to be able to watch people enjoying themselves at New Brighton and not be able to join them. Even more exasperating [page break] to realise that Blackpool lies only a few miles off our starboard beam and yet I can’t get ashore and join Anne and Patricia for a few final hours. [underlined] July 18th [/underlined] On our way – we weighed anchor shortly after lunch, ran out into the channel, formed in convoy and set off about tea time. Just before dusk we saw Man on our starboard beam and before it was completely dark passed between Antrim and the Mull of Galloway. Much singing by the troops before we went to bed. [underlined] July 19th to 26th [/underlined] Blue skies, a blue and amazingly calm Atlantic and nothing else. I never thought the Atlantic could be so quiet. Not a ripple and hardly any swell. If the convoy did not change course occasionally, so altering the arrangement of the ships, it would be difficult to believe we were moving at all. Temperature gradually getting hotter and hotter. We went into Tropical kit on 25th. Nights in the cabin almost unbearable. Supposed to sleep in our clothes but no one can stand it. Daily routine – B’kfast – stroll round deck – censor letters – write – lunch – read on deck or sleep in cabin – deck-tennis – tea – read or write – walk around deck – poker – breath of fresh air before. retiring to the Black Hole to sleep. Boat drill daily – mosquito nets and cream issued. Rumour had it that we should pass Gibraltar tonight (26th) but no sign. [underlined] July 27th [/underlined] Great excitement on board today. Everyone convinced we pass Gib tonight. Just before nightfall sighted large convoy on horizon – joined them. Towards midnight sighted lights ahead. Spain on our left, North Africa on our right. Saw the lights of Gib just before going to bed. If everyone gets as excited as this just to see land what will it be like when it is England we see again? [page break] [underlined] July 28th & 29th [/underlined] In the morning just blue sky and blue sea again, as though Gib had never been. North African coast came into sight later. Continued to sail along close to shore until afternoon of 29th. Passed most of the towns made famous by the 1st & 8th Armies. In afternoon of 29th parted from rest of convoy and turned North. So it is Italy! [underlined] July 30th [/underlined] Just before lunch Capri was sighted on the horizon. A memorable event. People could hardly tear themselves away from the rails to have lunch. Passed Capri, very close. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Flashbacks to My Tour with the Americans May 1942 to August 1943 Description An account of the resource An diary kept of operations, starting 1st to 18th December then 8 May 1944 to July 30th 1944. Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Germany--Berlin Great Britain England--Wellingborough Germany--Leipzig England--Lincoln France--Normandy England--New Brighton (Wirral) England--Blackpool Great Britain Miscellaneous Island Dependencies--Isle of Man Northern Ireland--Antrim (County) Scotland--Galloway Gibraltar Spain North Africa Italy England--Preston (Lancashire) Germany Italy--Capri Island France Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Diary Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 10 handwritten sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context YGeorgeDB1796593v1 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Liz McElwee 5 Group air gunner aircrew anti-aircraft fire crash killed in action Lancaster mess missing in action pilot radar RAF Brampton RAF Chigwell RAF Fiskerton RAF Gamston RAF Waddington RAF Woodbridge V-1 V-weapon https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1989/41032/MGeorgeDB1796593-171117-01.1.pdf f5f12a5becf7229ddc35e52aa90ba02a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource George, David Burrows D B George Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-11-17 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context George, DB Description An account of the resource 14 items.&nbsp;The collection concerns Sergeant David Burrows George (1796593 Royal Air Force) and contains operation reports, correspondence, a biography and photographs. He flew operations as a flight engineer with 153 Squadron and was killed 22 January 1945. <br /><br />The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Shelagh Wright and catalogued by Barry Hunter.<br /><br /> Additional information on David Burrows George is available via the&nbsp;<a href="https://losses.internationalbcc.co.uk/loss/108520/">IBCC Losses Database.</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Raid Report Book - 9 Squadron Description An account of the resource A record of operations conducted by 9 Squadron aircraft between 15 February and 26 March 1944. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource 9 Squadron Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1944 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Germany--Berlin Germany--Leipzig Germany--Stuttgart Germany--Schweinfurt Germany--Augsburg France--Marignane Germany--Stuttgart France--Nord (Department) Germany France Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Service material Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 41 handwritten pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MGeorgeDB1796593-171117-01 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription 9 Squadron aircrew anti-aircraft fire bomb aimer mid-air collision navigator pilot radar RAF Manston RAF North Killingholme RAF Silverstone RAF Skellingthorpe RAF Swinderby RAF Tangmere RAF Woodbridge wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/636/40415/SRoyallGL1801494v10039-51.pdf 6f430a2711cd739e7bd8e60657eec07b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Royall, George G Royall Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Royall, G Description An account of the resource 46 items. An oral history interview with Warrant Officer George Royall (1801494 Royal Air Force) his flying log book, photographs, correspondence, course notes, examinations, newspapers and parts of magazines. He served as a bomb aimer on 166 Squadron. The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by George Royall and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-07-20 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lancasters issued to No. 166 squadron between September 1943 and April 1945 Description An account of the resource 12 pages listing 204 aircraft that were flown by No. 166 Squadron. Six columns record each aircraft's registration number, the date received, where it came from, the code letters and details of it's loss or disposal. For some aircraft the number of hours flown is also recorded. The list is ordered by registration number. There are eight addenda, each giving further details about an individual aircraft and it's crew. The cover page has an image of a Lancaster carrying the code letters of No. 166 Squadron. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Twenty-one pages printed document Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Royall, George. No 166 Squadron Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SRoyallGL1801494v10039-51 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1943-09 1943-10 1943-11 1943-12 1944-01 1944-02 1944-03 1944-04 1944-05 1944-06 1944-07 1944-08 1944-09 1944-10 1944-11 1944-12 1945-01 1944-02 1944-03 1944-04 1944-05 1944-07 1944-12 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Atlantic Ocean--Baltic Sea France France--Abbeville France--Aube France--Aubigny-sur-Nère France--Calais France--Dieppe France--Poitiers France--Saint-Dizier (Haute-Marne) France--Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines France--Thoiry (Yvelines) Great Britain England--Essex England--Maldon England--Lincolnshire England--Barnetby le Wold England--Barton-upon-Humber England--Brigg England--Caistor (Rural District) England--Lincoln England--Market Rasen England--Nottinghamshire Germany Germany--Ruhr (Region) Germany--Cologne Germany--Diepholz Germany--Dortmund Germany--Duisburg Germany--Düsseldorf Germany--Freiburg im Breisgau Germany--Geilenkirchen Germany--Gerolstein Germany--Hannover Germany--Hennef-Sieg Germany--Lehnin (Kloster Lehnin) Germany--Mönchengladbach Germany--Nordstemmen Germany--Nuremberg Germany--Steinheim (North Rhine-Westphalia) Germany--Treuenbrietzen Germany--Welver Germany--Westerburg Netherlands Netherlands--Apeldoorn Netherlands--Nijmegen Netherlands--Oisterwijk France--Saint-Cyr-l'Ecole France--Pas-de-Calais Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Personal research Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription. Allocated Pending review 100 Squadron 101 Squadron 103 Squadron 12 Squadron 153 Squadron 1656 HCU 166 Squadron 1660 HCU 1667 HCU 300 Squadron 460 Squadron 49 Squadron 550 Squadron 57 Squadron 576 Squadron 97 Squadron air gunner aircrew anti-aircraft fire bale out bomb aimer bomb struck bombing of Mailly-le-Camp (3/4 May 1944) bombing of Nuremberg (30 / 31 March 1944) Conspicuous Gallantry Medal crash final resting place flight engineer forced landing Fw 190 Heavy Conversion Unit Hurricane Ju 88 killed in action Lancaster Lancaster Finishing School Me 109 Me 110 mid-air collision mine laying navigator Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) Operation Dodge (1945) pilot prisoner of war RAF Bradwell Bay RAF Coningsby RAF Hemswell RAF Kirmington RAF Leeming RAF Lindholme RAF Manston RAF Syerston RAF Woodbridge shot down tactical support for Normandy troops take-off crash training V-1 V-weapon wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/934/36457/BLovattPHastieRv2.pdf 295406378e70aa4d2aeb43baeaddc085 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lovatt, Peter Dr Peter Lovatt P Lovatt Description An account of the resource 117 items. An oral history interview with Peter Lovatt (b.1924, 1821369 Royal Air Force), his log book, documents, and photographs. The collection also contains two photograph albums. He flew 42 operations as an air gunner on 223 Squadron flying B-24s. <br /><br /><a href="https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collections/show/1338">Album One</a><br /><a href="https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collections/show/2135">Album Two</a><br /><br />The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Nina and Peter Lovatt and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-09-27 2019-09-03 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lovatt, P Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document HASTIE DFC: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF A WARTIME PILOT Peter Lovatt [page break] 1 Acknowledgements During the 1970's chance took me to Scotland and Roy Hastie. During the course of several conversations with him, I learned something of his wartime career with the RAFVR before he came to Oulton, which I found fascinating and interesting and worthy of wider audience. Hence the origins of this publication. In the course of writing his life story I relied heavily on these conversations and the letters which he subsequently wrote to me. I should like to thank Mr Harry Palmer for providing me with information about Roy Hastie, and his first tour of operations with Coastal Command. To Mr Peter Mapp, of Devizes, I continue to owe a debt of gratitude for his time and expertise in helping me to prepare this manuscript for publication. I wish to acknowledge the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office to quote from publications and all official records in which the Copyright is vested in the Crown. Devizes Wiltshire October 2003 Peter Lovatt [page break] 2 CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements 1 Illustrations & Photographs 3 Foreword 4 Prologue 7 Chapter 1 Early Days, the Outbreak of War and Learning to Fly 9 Chapter 2 Coastal Command and No. 53 Squadron 16 Chapter 3 Aid to the United States 28 Chapter 4 Marriage and a Caribbean Sojourn 45 Chapter 5 Success in the Mediterranean and North Atlantic; Airborne Radio Countermeasures come to Bomber Command 57 Chapter 6 Radar in Germany and Great Britain, and Bomber Command 59 Chapter 7 No 100. Group and the formation of No. 223 Squadron 72 Chapter 8 Bomber Support Operations: 1944 78 Chapter 9 Bomber Support Operations: 1945 84 Chapter 10 The Post War Years and Beyond 91 Appendix One Glossary 97 Appendix Two The Last Hudson 100 Appendix Three No. 53 Squadron 106 Appendix Four No. 223 Squadron 112 Endnotes 121 Bibliography 124 Index 127 [page break] 3 Illustrations and Photographs Following Page 1 The Battle of the Atlantic is being lost 17 2 Hudson Squadron personnel at No.6 (Coastal) OTU 18 3 Glasgow Daily Record, 29 August 1942 35 4 The Princeton Club 38 5 HRH The Duke of Windsor 48 6 The Goldfish Club 54 7 Air to Surface Vessel, Radar 58 8 Telegram notification of award of DFC 93 9 Letter from AVM E.B. Addison, AOC 100 Group 93 [page break] 4 Forward Roy Hastie was just a very ordinary man, who felt it his duty to volunteer for flying duties when he realised that his country was in trouble in 1940. He duly qualified as a Sergeant pilot in 1941, somewhere near to the age limit of twenty-nine. His first operational tour of duty, which started in January 1942, was with Number 53 Squadron of Coastal Command, equipped with Lockheed Hudson aircraft. This unit later became engaged in attempting to stop German coastal shipping moving much wanted supplies by sea in support of Hitler's war aims, along the coastline of occupied Europe. The Germans defended these convoys ferociously, especially with anti-aircraft fire, with the result that between January and April 1942, only six Axis ships had been sunk for the loss of fifty-five RAF aircraft. Such losses were prohibitive and by July, the AOC-in-C, Coastal Command, Air Chief Marshal Sir Philip B. Joubert de la Ferte, decided to abandon all low level attacks against shipping, pending a decision to re-equip with faster aircraft, carrying a heavier armament. No. 53 Squadron was then ordered to the Western Hemisphere, in order to help the United States Army and Navy fight the U-boat war. Hastie, with all of four hundred and eighty hours flying experience behind him, was instructed to cross the Atlantic with a fully laden operational aircraft, and land at Quonset Point, Rhode Island, which was to be the home of the Squadron for the time being. Shortly afterwards, a new base was found for them in Trinidad, which was further to the south, nearer to the oilfields of the Caribbean and South America, and closer to the centre of the then current U-boat activities. Nine hectic months were then spent on passing on British experience and expertise, to the personnel of the United States Navy and Army, before the British unit was withdrawn to the United Kingdom. Hastie flew his own aircraft back to Docking, in Norfolk, where No 53 was to be based but, in doing so, experienced a traumatic crossing of the Atlantic, bad weather nearly putting an end to both aircraft and crew. Not long after his return, Roy was informed that five flying instructors were required at the Coastal Command Operational Training Unit at Nassau, in the Bahamas and, notwithstanding the fact that originally he had not wished to become a flying instructor, he was selected to fill one of the posts. It was thus in April 1943 that he returned to the United States, this time by sea in the SS [italics] Queen Elizabeth [/italics]. After reaching New York, he journeyed south by rail down the long eastern seaboard of the United States to Miami. Here a boat [page break] 5 conveyed the party across the sea to New Providence Island, where HRH the Duke of Windsor had been installed as Governor and Commander-in-Chief since 1940. During his time as a flying instructor, at No. 111 Operational Training Unit, Roy welded recently qualified pilots, navigators and wireless operators into competent operational crews for Coastal Command. During this period, he had to contend with several serious incidents, including runaway propellers and, on one occasion, the successful ditching of a twin-engined North American Mitchell aircraft, into the sea off the island of Eleuthera, thereby saving himself and the lives of his student crew. Progressing through the ranks of the RAF NCO wartime promotion structure for aircrew, he had by now become a Warrant Officer, and thus it was from this position that he was commissioned as a Flying Officer, just before his time in the Bahamas came to a close, in July 1944. With his tour of duty as an instructor at an end, he was allowed to select his own crew from amongst those he had recently trained, prior to returning to the United Kingdom. By now, however, the Battle of the Atlantic had been won and the U-boat vanquished. Replacement crews were simply not required by Coastal Command, and thus Hastie and crew, kicked their heels in Harrogate for several weeks, whilst the RAF searched for a job for them all. In August, it became known that a new squadron was to be formed at RAF Oulton, and equipped with Liberators, for radio countermeasure duties in Bomber Command. It wasn't to Hastie's liking, operating with Bomber Command, but at least it was a flying job and he could keep his own crew too. Roy Hastie, the crew augmented by additional air gunners and special wireless operators, then successfully completed a full tour of operations in his new Command, at the end of which he was awarded a DFC. Shortly, he departed from Oulton, leaving his crew in the capable hands of his co-pilot, Chris Spicer for possible service in the Far East. In the remaining months of service, Roy was again employed as flying instructor, converting crews in the United Kingdom to the Liberator, which was then being used more extensively, as a transport aircraft in the RAF. Roy tried hard to enter civil aviation and continue to fly, a job which he loved, but at the age of thirty-three he was too old, and even his considerable flying experience was not enough for him to be accepted into the burgeoning civil aviation industry. With some reluctance he returned to Andersons, his former employers, who had not only kept a job open for him during the war, but who had also generously continued to pay his previous salary, throughout his service. It was during the next [page break] 6 year or two that he re-joined the RAFVR and thus was able to continue to fly at weekends; he also participated in a number of Monte Carlo rallies. Two years after retirement in 1979, he died at the age of sixty-seven, whilst playing a round of golf on a course near his home. So passed away Robert Millar Hastie, a patriot and leader of men, and superb aviator. [page break] 7 Prologue The instructor's words were surprisingly loud and clear in his ears above the noise of the idling engine: [italics] proceed to the leeward end of the field, take off into wind and complete one circuit and landing. [/italics] The instructions were plain enough; it was the 24 December 1940, and the pupil pilot had exactly 10.05 hours flying instruction to his credit. The student waited somewhat impatiently as Handle Bar Hank, as the examining officer was known amongst the novices, hampered by his seat parachute, climbed out of the front cockpit of Tiger Moth No 7277 belonging to No 11 Elementary Flying School, Perth, situated at the head of the Firth of Tay. Flight Lieutenant Hughes stood on the lower port wing and proceeded to fold the stiff canvas lap straps neatly into position across the seat of the recently vacated cockpit, finally securing the harness with the locking pin provided. At last, he jumped to the ground and disappeared from view. The engine responded immediately to the forward movement of the throttle and slowly the aircraft began to move forward towards the downwind boundary. The student remembered to use the throttle in short bursts, but try as he could the beginner found it difficult to taxi the DH 82 in the prescribed, zigzag manner. Fortunately, the aircraft responded to full rudder on reaching the take off position and he was able to turn with the help of a little extra throttle, being careful to leave the aircraft slightly out of wind. He quickly went through his take-off vital actions: throttle nut loose, trim lever two thirds forward, sufficient fuel, harness secure and tight and controls full and free. With a quick look round for other aircraft, he pushed the throttle right forward, a touch of rudder to keep straight, stick forward to bring the tail up, a bounce then another and the aircraft was flying. Deliberately he allowed the speed to build up to 55 mph before applying a gentle backward pressure on the joystick for the climb. He continued the climb until 800 feet when he reduced power slightly and then continued to the circuit height of 1000 feet, stick forward to level off and then reduce revolutions as for straight and level flight. There was just time to re-trim before the first turning point came up. Stick to the left, steady, apply a touch of rudder, and watch the turn and bank indicator. Somehow, the nose remained near the horizon as the aircraft came round on to the new heading. Now for the next turn as the trailing [page break] 8 edge of the port wing passed over the boundary hedge providing an opportunity to check that the flight path was parallel to the direction of take-off. Good, now for the landing checks. Time to throttle back, lose height in a gliding turn to port, re-trim and continue to turn but look out for other aircraft. He was now at 600 feet and descending, time to check that the wings were level; watch the airspeed, for goodness sake don't let it fall below 55 mph – it could be fatal. Left hand on throttle, ready to apply more power if necessary. Gently now, ground approaching, time to start levelling out, stick back and hold the aircraft level, stick right back and bump, then another, and the aircraft was down. He had done it. He had soloed. Keep it straight man, you haven't finished yet, use your rudder! He felt good. Easy wasn't it? Adjust trim and now taxi back to dispersal. Well, why not? No one was watching, especially with the other pupils in the circuit and so, without further ado, the student pushed the throttle fully forward and in a second or two was airborne again. On this occasion there seemed to be more time to look around and reflect. Perth had never seemed to be more attractive and was it only eight months since he was in Glasgow at St Mungo Halls, volunteering to be a pilot at the ripe old age of 28? No wonder he had been greeted with a slightly sardonic smile. Perhaps if the recruiting Sergeant could see him now his expression would be different. The second landing was accomplished with only one bump, but strangely though there was not the same warm glow and feeling of satisfaction, especially as taxying back to the marshalling area, he could see Fit Lt Hughes waiting for him. Sensing that something was wrong, he switched off and completed the closing down drills, before climbing out of the cockpit to receive the customary congratulations. Taking off helmet and goggles, he was about to undo his parachute harness when he was taken aside and given his first, but by no means his last, official dressing down for a flying offence. Fortunately nothing had been broken and so all was forgiven. So began the flying career of Robert Millar Hastie, better known as Roy to his family and Jock to the Air Force. It was to be marked by two characteristics, an ability to fly an aircraft well and, on occasions, a facility to disregard instructions.1 [page break] 9 Chapter One: Early Days, the Outbreak of War and Learning to Fly Robert Miller Hastie was born in Glasgow on 13 April 1912, the second son of John and Letitia Hastie. The family lived in an attractive dark red sandstone-housing block in Cathcart, sufficiently well built for it to stand today, as does the nearby Battlefield School which young Robert attended. It was named after the Battle of Langside, which was fought in the area. For some reason, however, even in his very early pre-school days, he had come to be known as Roy, except perhaps when official papers had to be signed. By all accounts he was not the brightest of pupils, although perhaps it might be fairer to say that he was more interested in the 'real' world outside the classroom and one in which he longed to escape. Nevertheless, by the age of eleven he had become a member of the Boys' Brigade and was learning to read music and play the trombone. Quite successfully too it would appear, for the Brass Band won first prize three years' running in the Scottish competition of those days. Soccer, however, was his major interest with swimming being a close favourite and one in which he won prizes and acquired the Royal Life Saving Society's Bronze Medallion. Understandably Roy left school at the earliest opportunity, in 1926 the year of the General Strike. Fortunately, he was quickly established in a law office as a trainee clerk. But it was not to last, for the following year found him in another office learning to be a clerk in the Customs and Excise. In 1928 John Hastie died and because of this, or the influence of an uncle, a well-established engineer, Roy began what was to be a long association with the motorcar industry. It soon became apparent that some formal qualifications were going to be required. To someone in Roy's position, hoping to become a mechanical engineer, this could only mean attending many long hours at night school, perhaps over a period of years and the expenditure of considerable sums of money. All very difficult and only an individual with considerable persistence and determination could hope to make the grade. And so it proved to be. For the first three years, and three evenings a week at that, were devoted to business training much to the surprise of his former teacher who on learning of this latest venture, could only exclaim, [italics] wonders will never cease. [/italics] Business studies gave way to automobile engineering at the Allan Glen's School, the three evenings a week being mainly devoted to draughtsmanship and mathematics. [page break] 10 When the new College of Engineering opened in Shamrock Street as part of Stow College, Roy moved there and by 1937 he had enrolled in the British Institute of Engineering Technology, remaining with this highly regarded institution until volunteering for service with the Royal Air Force, in 1940. Economic conditions were bad throughout the whole of the United Kingdom in 1933, but so severe was the unemployment in Scotland, that Roy thought he had to try and better his chances elsewhere. To do this took nerve, for it entailed becoming unemployed quite voluntary, allowing him a period of six months in which to find a better job. In the event of failure, he would join the RAF with the aid of enlistment papers already in his pocket. And so it came about that after serving some nine months in a local garage as an apprentice motor mechanic, Roy secured a position with the Western Motor Company, as a trainee salesman. When Western sold out in 1937 to Scottish Motor Transport, he found a niche with Anderson's of Newton Mearns, who were then the main dealers for Humber-Hillmans in Renfrewshire and Ayrshire. Apart from the war years, he was to remain with the same firm for over forty years.2 Soon after the outbreak of hostilities on 3 September 1939, Andersons found themselves engaged in work of national importance and because of this, Roy was exempted from National Service. In spite of the National Service (Armed Forces) Act, which made liable for conscription every able bodied male between the ages of 18 to 41, unemployment in the United Kingdom actually increased to 1,250,000, for the first few months of the war. This state of affairs was not to last, however, for by the autumn of 1940, such was the demand for manpower, the male conscription age was extended upwards firstly to fifty-one, and then to sixty-four. Other measures included the inclusion of all unmarried women firstly aged 20 to 30 years, and then to fifty-nine.3 Then came the abolition of lists of reserved occupations, each case in future being judged on its own merit. Roy had listened to Neville Chamberlain declare war on Germany that Sunday morning, on 3 September 1939, but the voice was dull and flat and drained of all emotion. He read with horror of the sinking of the SS [italics] Athenia [/italics] and subsequently learned of the early successes of the magnetic mine laid inshore by German U-boats and aircraft and of the daring exploit of Lieutenant Prien in October, when he sank HMS [italics] Royal Oak [/italics] at Scapa Flow.4 But all of this had little effect on his outlook. He did however resolve to work a little harder at Andersons which, by this time, was fully engaged in work of national importance. [page break] 11 The stirring action against the [italics] Graf Spee [/italics], by the three British cruisers off the River Plate, in December 1939, ended in the ignominious scuttling of the German pocket battleship. This morale raising event was followed in January 1940 by another, in February 1940, when the Royal Navy, guided by an aircraft of No. 220 Squadron, Royal Air Force, released a number of merchant navy prisoners held in the [italics] Altmark [/italics] which was found sheltering in a Norwegian fjord. The ship was a thirteen thousand-ton tanker, which had acted as an auxiliary and prison ship for the [italics] Graf Spee [/italics]. The incident helped to confirm Hitler's suspicion that Norway was a zone of destiny, which at some time the Allies would have to occupy. The release of the prisoners also helped to offset the dreary and debilitating measures, which the United Kingdom government was imposing on British citizens at home. These matters included air raid precautions, the blackout, a maximum of five inches of bath water and the evacuation of children from cities. It also became difficult to get a seat on trains, already bereft of restaurant cars and eating facilities. After seven months of war, food rationing was finally introduced in March 1940, meat being rationed to start with, at a rate of one shilling and tenpence per week. Above all, mounting shipping losses brought food shortages and higher prices to the shops. And so Roy could have stayed safe and secure at Andersons, but something in him changed his mind. It could hardly have been the 'La drole de Guerre' as the land war in France had come to be known, but not necessarily by the Royal Navy and Air Force. Perhaps it was a premonition of the epic struggles to come. Whatever the reason, one forenoon in April 1940, Roy approached his boss and asked if he might join the forces. The very same day he presented himself at St Mungo Halls, Glasgow, then the RAF Recruiting Centre for the area: [italics] I wish to volunteer as a pilot [/italics] Roy knew that at twenty-eight, he must be very close to the upper age limit, but he hoped that his maturity and experience would carry him through.5 Even so, it did not occur to him that the grin, which appeared on the face of the man behind the desk, could have been other than friendly. He was accepted for training, either as a pilot or observer in the Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve, enlisting in the rank of AC2. Somewhat to his surprise he was told that he would not be required for some six to eight weeks and thus he should return home and go back to work. [page break] 12 He had not informed his mother of his intentions, so the delay was convenient; it would allow time in which to find the necessary words. Ten days later, a telegram arrived at Cathcart ordering him to report to RAF Padgate. Roy had been fortunate; to the end of the war the actual number of volunteers accepted for flying duties was comparatively small. Age and fitness were of course important factors in the selection process, together with education, experience and enthusiasm. He could not have known it at the time, however, but a number of other factors also contributed to his acceptance. The United Kingdom's comparatively numerically small regular air force was engaged in expanding as rapidly as possible, whilst at the same time attempting to maintain the highest of standards. Moreover, the newly instituted Empire Air Training Scheme was about to be launched, but had not yet produced any of the thousands of trained aircrew, who would be needed in the days to come, in order to match the requirements of a greatly enlarged wartime airforce. Thus all the conditions for acceptance were set in Roy's favour. The journey south from Glasgow was hectic; the train, like so many in wartime, was overcrowded and started hours late. It arrived eventually however, and RAF Padgate turned out to be a large collection of wooden huts, located some two miles to the Northeast of Warrington, where thousands of young men were destined to receive their introduction into the Royal Air Force. There was no service transport to meet the train at the local station and Roy, with one or two others, had to walk to camp. They eventually crawled into bed about 0400 hours the following morning, only to be woken two hours later by the door being flung open followed by a loud voice shouting: [italics] get your feet on the deck [/italics] The Orderly Sergeant was promptly told to shut up and, following an explanation, he did just that – much to his credit, and they were allowed to sleep on. The next few days were taken up with the issue of uniforms and various tests to confirm their suitability as pilots and navigators. And then, much to their surprise they were told that they could all go home. Roy immediately remonstrated, pointing out that as he was now in the air force, he had every intention of staying in. He made his point, for shortly afterwards he was posted to Blackpool to begin two weeks of formal recruit training. Before leaving Padgate, however, he and a pal named Stan managed to get out of camp for a few hours. This was no mean feat for a couple of raw recruits for it [page break] 13 meant borrowing, quite illegally, two passes from a couple of trainee cooks. It happened to be a Saturday afternoon, and the streets of Warrington were crowded as the two them made their way along the main street, dressed in their brand new serge uniforms. Now Stan's arm happened to be in a sling, the result of a not-so-friendly game of soccer, when suddenly a drunken voice shouted out for all to hear: [italics] look at the heroes who are winning the war for us [/italics] The ironic laughs and cheers of the passers-by remained with both of them, long after they had returned to their billets. Meanwhile, momentous events were taking place across the Channel, which were to lead to the collapse of the allied ground forces on the continent and to the eventual expulsion of the British Expeditionary Force from the mainland of Europe. The German Army, assisted by the Luftwaffe, began its thrust into Luxembourg and the Low Countries at first light on 10 May 1940. The Luftwaffe simultaneously attacked some 70 airfields in France, Belgium and Holland and, helped by parachute troops and Stuka dive-bombers, armoured columns penetrated deep into the allied defences. The attack took place so quickly, that by the end of the month much of the BEF had been forced to retreat to the coast to the small port of Dunkirk. It was here, thanks to the timely preparations made by Admiral Ramsay at his headquarters in Dover, that the Royal and Merchant navies, together with a host of small craft, were able to transport much of the BEF, along with many allied servicemen, to the United Kingdom over a period of seven days. But there was a heavy price to be paid for this enforced evacuation. The cost of lifting 338,226 troops off the beaches, during Operation Dynamo, amounted to seventy-two British and allied ships being lost, through direct enemy action, one hundred and sixty-three from other causes, and a further undetermined number damaged.6 Moreover, during the struggle the Royal Air Force lost 959 aircraft in May and June, of which 477 were fighters, desperately needed for the defence of the United Kingdom.7 The Army in its retreat abandoned much of its equipment, weapons and transport. Whilst the heavier items could not have been saved easily, the same could not be said of the 8,000 Bren guns and 90,000 rifles left behind, which should have been carried by hand to the United Kingdom.8 There was already a chronic shortage of small arms and ammunition, and these unnecessary losses could only have added to the worries of a newly appointed Prime Minister and government. [page break] 14 Indeed, Winston Churchill, shortly after assuming office of Prime Minister on 10 May 1940, realising the alarming deficiencies of weapons and supplies of all kinds, had to set about the task of acquiring the tools for the job. The United States, not yet in the war, and doubtful whether or not the United Kingdom could hold out against a vastly numerically superior German foe, was really the only country which could provide the vast range of items so desperately needed. It was unfortunate, therefore, that at first America insisted on payment in full for all goods supplied – in gold if necessary. The result of the implementation of this policy was the rapid rundown of the United Kingdom's Stirling Reserves which could have led to bankruptcy, but for the subsequent introduction of that generous and far sighted measure which came to be known as Lend Lease. In these circumstances it is not surprising that the two weeks at Blackpool turned into three, at the end of which Roy was sent to Grantham for ground defence duties. Here, at last, the recruits were able to enjoy some of the privileges and advantages enjoyed by the permanent staff of a unit. With only two service shirts and two pairs of socks, the unit laundry was understandably a godsend. It now became clear that Roy had been sent to Lincolnshire pending the start of aircrew training at one of the Initial Training Wings. It was now September 1940, and the Battle of Britain was at its height. The retreat of the British Army to Dunkirk and subsequent evacuation had come and gone and, with it, a new and different kind of prime minister. The threat of invasion seemed very real, as the nation awaited the outcome of the Battle of Britain being fought out in the skies overhead. After an interval of two weeks or so, Roy was moved to Babbacombe, in the West Country. He then went on to the ITW at Aberystwyth, in Wales, for three months intensive training, in elementary navigation, meteorology, principles of flight and associated subjects, before proceeding to No 11 Elementary Flying Training School at Perth. Learning to fly at Scone two miles to the North East of Perth was, as previously related, an enjoyable experience and one which came to an end far too quickly. By 26 February 1941 he had successfully acquired some forty flying hours in his logbook and it was time to move on, leaving behind one or two unfortunate individuals who had failed to make the grade. It was then the custom of the service to ask students, whilst undergoing their flying training, which types of operational aircraft they would most like to fly. This was an important decision of course, for the type of aircraft [page break] 15 generally determined role. Most wanted to fly single-engined fighters but, obviously, not everyone could be given their first choice and Roy was no exception: [italics] twins Hastie, you are older and steadier than the others, [/italics] he was told. And so it proved to be, for after a few days leave he reported to No 3 Flying Training School then located at South Cerney, Gloucestershire. Here he quickly came to hear about the vices of the Airspeed Oxford, the standard twin-engined trainer at the time. It swings badly on take-off, he was told, whilst others insisted that three-point landing was difficult. To Roy it just seemed a little bigger than the Tiger Moth, and after five hours instruction he soloed without difficulty. The course continued uneventfully, until one day after returning from a solo exercise his seat mounting suddenly collapsed on landing. By the second bounce, his eyes were well below the level of the perspex canopy. Fortunately the Oxford kept a fairly straight path and no harm was done. Nevertheless, for someone still learning to fly it was quite an experience, which so easily could have ended in tragedy. On another occasion, night flying was in progress at the nearby satellite of Windrush. It was May 1941 and Roy was on flare path duty, when the Luftwaffe decided to attack the airfield again, having come earlier in the year in March. Fortunately for Roy, he could still sprint quite well and thus escaped the intruders' machine gun and cannon fire. On 24 May 1941, having acquired some 123 hours of flying time, he received his flying badge and was promoted to the temporary war substantive rank of sergeant. He had been serving in the Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve for little over a year. [page break] 16 Chapter Two: Coastal Command and No 53 Squadron Attacks against British shipping started the day war was declared and with a nation so heavily dependent on the sea for the majority of its food imports, petroleum and essential war supplies, it was obvious that the shipping lanes had to be kept open. Some 172 British merchant vessels were lost by enemy action during the first eight months of the war, totalling 743,802 tons, and during the three months March, April and May 1941, 179 ships of 545,000 tons were sunk by enemy air attack alone.9 In June there came a recrudescence of U-boat warfare and, through this cause alone, in the next few months no fewer than 152 British, allied or neutral ships were sent to the bottom of the sea. German aircraft even took to dropping propaganda leaflets over southern England, about successes at sea by U-boats, bombers and ships (see illustration). All of this activity occurred in the month that Hitler had decided to attack Russia. Air attacks too, which had been responsible for the loss of 36 ships during May caused the destruction of 73 more during June, July and August. Moreover, air and E-Boat attacks soon compelled the British authorities to discontinue routing ocean convoys through the English Channel, or South of Ireland, and, instead, to send them round the north of Scotland. Whilst at South Cerney Roy had asked to be sent to a Coastal Command OTU. He was therefore surprised and perturbed, to receive instructions to report to RAF Cranwell, to become a flying instructor, the Cadet College having been closed for the duration of the present emergency. Perhaps he should have been flattered, for only those individuals considered to be above average were normally so selected. His feelings were understandable, because most aircrew wanted to fly on operations and yet, if the highest flying skills were to be maintained throughout the service, a proportion of those possessing superior flying skills had to be diverted into the training organisation. Unfortunately, it was rumoured that once in such an appointment, it was extremely difficult to obtain a transfer, or even return to operations upon completion of a tour of instructional duty. Roy did his best for all of fourteen days on the Avro Tutor, but then requested that he be taken off course. It was as well that his immediate superior, Sqn Ldr Lindsay, was sympathetic. He failed him in the only possible way by entering the ominous words in his logbook 'not qualified to instruct.'10 Even after a period of 30 odd years or so, this entry still brought a lump to Roy's throat. But it had the desired effect, for shortly afterwards he was sent to [page break] 17 No 3 School of General Reconnaissance, Squire's Gate, Blackpool, a recognised entry into Coastal Command. In accordance with the then requirements of this Command, all pilots were required, additionally, to qualify as navigators before joining their operational units. The aircraft used for this purpose was the Blackburn Botha, a very unpopular aircraft indeed, for it was extremely heavy and quite incapable of remaining in the air on one engine. Provided both engines could be kept going however, all was normally well, but it did have to be flown with propriety at all times. Unofficially, Roy managed to fly the aircraft as a pilot during his navigation training, as well as the long-nosed Blenheim, which was also being used. Meanwhile the war at sea had not been progressing well, but fortunately by March 1941 there were some successes to report. In that month seven U-boats were destroyed,11 the highest figure since the war began. Partly as a result of these successes, the enemy's main concentration of submarines moved still further west across the Atlantic out of reach of surface escorts, British naval escorts still lacking the necessary range to complete the entire crossing. Refuelling [sic] at sea for ships of the Royal Navy was, of course, a development yet to come. By April, the U-boats were operating within 500 miles off the coast of Canada. Consequently, it was decided to base naval forces and further squadrons of Coastal Command in Iceland, in an attempt to cover the mid-ocean gap. But in spite of this action and other measures, which included the placing of Coastal Command under the operational control of the Admiralty, and the decision to adopt the United States Liberator aircraft for very long-range work, a total of 41 ships were still lost in the month. Unfortunately for the nation, this figure represented a quarter of a million tons of desperately needed allied shipping.12 The mid-Atlantic and Southeast of Greenland remained the main area of enemy activity, where U-boats were greatly assisted in finding individual convoys, by Folke-Wulf Condor aircraft. Some U-boats, however, were sent to Sierra Leone and even further south. The pride of the Royal Navy, the battle-cruiser HMS [italics] Hood [/italics], was sunk in May by the [italics] Bismarck's guns [/italics], which were probably directed by Seetakt radar, although it was itself despatched [sic] by British air and naval forces three days later; the accompanying cruiser, [italics] Prinz Eugen [/italics] escaping to Brest, where it joined the [italics] Scharnhorst [/italics] and [italics] Gneisenau [/italics] . The next month, however, brought a slight diminution in the monthly shipping losses and July and August were even better. By September, the greatly [page break] The Battle of the Atlantic is being lost! [underlined] The reasons why: [/underlined] 1. German U-boats, German bombers and the German fleet sink and seriously damage between them every month a total of 700 000 to 1 million tons of British and allied shipping. 2. All attempts at finding a satisfactory means of defence against the German U-boats or the German bombers have failed disastrously. 3. Even President Roosevelt has openly stated that for every five ships sunk by Germany, Britain and America between them can only build two new ones. All attempts to launch a larger shipbuilding programme in America have failed. 4. Britain is no longer in a position to secure her avenues of supply. The population of Britain has to do with about half the ration that the population of Germany gets. Britain, herself, can only support 40% of her population from her own resources in spite of the attempts made to increase the amount of land under cultivation. If the war is continued until 1942, 60% of the population of Britain will starve! All this means that starvation in Britain is not to be staved off. At the most it can be postponed, but whether starvation comes this year or at the beginning of next doesn’t make a ha’porth of difference. Britain must starve because she is being cut off from her supplies. [underlined] Britain’s losing the Battle of the Atlantic means Britain’s losing the war! [/underlined] Mrs Gilder [underlined] PROPAGANDA LEAFLET 1941 [/underlined] Dropped over Sussex by German aircraft. [page break] 18 extended convoy routes, which by now included the run to Archangel and Murmansk, in Russia, had caused a shortage of long-range escorts, just when the U-boats started to be re-fuelled [sic] at sea, thereby increasing their endurance. Thus, in spite of some allied successes, shipping losses remained heavy. Fortunately, exceptionally bad weather over the north Atlantic during the last three months of 1941 helped to reduce the number of ships sunk. It was against this background of the war at sea that Roy arrived at No 6 (Coastal) OTU, Thornaby, in October 1941, to begin some two and half months' intensive training on the Lockheed Hudson. This was the first United States aircraft to see operational service with the RAF during the war, thanks largely to the endeavours of Sir Arthur Harris, later to be better known as Bomber Harris, the AOC-in-C of Bomber Command.13 The Hudson was developed to British requirements from Lockheed's civilian model 14, the first order amounting to some 200 aircraft being placed in June 1938. This was later increased to 350. It was flying with Coastal Command one year later. Some 800 aircraft of this type were bought by the British Government and, with 1,170 being supplied under the terms of the Lend-lease Agreement, over 2,000 Hudsons eventually saw service with the RAF. Further information about this versatile aircraft may be found at Appendix 1. At Thornaby, Roy firstly had to acquire a crew consisting of a second pilot and two wireless operator/air gunners. The second pilot did not present too much of a problem, for a Sergeant Badger was available, who had also successfully qualified with him as a navigator at Squire's Gate. From a roomful of wireless operators/air gunners, Sergeant Palmer and Sergeant Penfold were chosen. Harry Palmer recalls the occasion: [italics] Roy stood out amongst the many youthful and naïve pilots and wrote to his wife at the time that she was not to worry, as he had succeeded in crewing-up with an older fellow who possessed a more mature approach to life. [/italics]14 It was an accurate assessment, which was to stand the test of time, and to this day, Harry acknowledges how fortunate he was on that particular occasion. Their first flight as a crew occurred on 14 November 1941 when they took off from Thornaby, in mid-morning, for a two hour 40 minute navigation exercise. There then followed [page break] Hudson Squadron Personnel [italics] No 6 (Coastal) OTU Thornaby November 1941 [/italics] [italics] Pilots [/italics] Sgt Loney Sgt Nankervis Sgt Morris Sgt Kennard P/O Davey P/O Underhill Sgt Wright Sgt Lynch Sgt Guthrie Sgt Richards Sgt Corden Sgt Morgan Sgt Henderson Sgt Du Plooy P/O Ray Sgt Smith (760) Sgt Thornhill P/O Osborn P/O Moss P/O Young Sgt Walbaneke Sgt Hastie Sgt Badger [italics] Air Gunners [/italics] Sgt Coates Sgt Barry Sgt Owen Sgt Gardner Sgt Rayner Sgt Anderson Sgt Spraggs Sgt Udberg Sgt Smith (171) Sgt Foster Sgt Clouston Sgt Archer Sgt Ashton P/O Plenty P/O Knight Sgt Myers Sgt Davis P/O Hoskins Sgt Sutton Sgt Penfold Sgt Palmer Pool – No 4 Course P/O Ward (Pilot) P/O Mascall (Pilot) P/O McDonagh (Wop/AG) No 5 Course – Senior Pupil – Sgt Benson [italics] Pilots [/italics] Sgt Benson Sgt Warren Sgt Ballard Sgt Turner Sgt Potter Sgt Matthews Sgt Brent Sgt Palmer Sgt Leonard Sgt Parr Sgt Stow Sgt Bradley Sgt Marchand Sgt Dunnett [italics] Air Gunners [/italics] Sgt Hannah Sgt Preece Sgt Hill Sgt Robinson Sgt Collins Sgt Cole Sgt Cordes Sgt Briggs Sgt Forbes Sgt Timberlake Sgt Hanley Sgt Charles Sgt Meak Sgt Hyam Sgt Cliffe Sgt Wade Sgt Kearsey Sgt Mullen Sgt John Sgt Dickinson Sgt Carpenter Sgt Darke Sgt Thrippleton Sgt Smith (341) Sgt Joyce Sgt Hendrie Sgt Chapman Sgt Evans Sgt Hogg Sgt Hewitt Sgt George Sgt O’Beirne [italics] No 48 Squadron – Roster of Aircraft and Crews – 1200 hours 4.2.43. to 1200 hours 5.2.43. [/italics] [italics] [a] Aircraft [b] Load [c] Pilot [d] Navigator [e] W Op/AG [f] W Op/AG [g] Call [h] Meal [i] Ops [/italics] [a] H [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] Sgt Davenport [d] F/Sgt Pearson [e] Sgt Hortenson [f] Sgt Hill [g] 0440 [h] 0500 [i] 0515 [a] W [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] P/O Reid [d] F/Sgt McDermid [e] Sgt Revell [f] Sgt Best [g] – [h] 1130 [i] 1200 [a] G [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] P/O Barrett [d] P/O Bonney [e] Sgt Passmore [f] Sgt Smiley [g] 0440 [h] 0500 [i] 0515 [a] Q [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] P/O Mayhew [d] F/O Stewart [e] Sgt Matheson [f] Sgt Sargent [g] – [h] 1130 [i] 1200 [a] J [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] F/O Fallowfield [d] F/Sgt Sanders [e] Sgt Coulson [f] P/O Day [g] 0550 [h] 0620 [a] K [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] P/O Lawson [d] F/Sgt Bowen [e] Sgt Catterall [f] Sgt Stopford [a] B [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] Sgt Clarke [d] F/Sgt Oakley [e] Sgt Fisher [f] Sgt Pearson [a] Q [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] F/O Fogel [d] F/sgt Crick [e] Sgt Tyers [f] Sgt Huygens [a] G [b] 4 DCs & 2 A/S B [c] F/O Beck [d] F/Sgt Butcher [e] Sgt Hendrie [f] P/O Richmond [g] Late Trip Aircraft available – Q, R, W, X, Z, Y (?) B, E, F, G, H – K (non-ops). Detached – S. Aircraft u/s – J, D, U & T (Minor) V (Spares) Available – S/L Disney & Crew. F/O Turner & Crew. F/Lt Howard & Crew. F/Sgt MacDonald & Crew. Sgt Reynolds & Crew. P/O Harrop Sgt. Touhey. Detached – S/L Fuller & Crew. F/Lt Ainsworth & Crew H.Q. Flight – W/Cdr Devitt. F/Lt Cansdale. P/O Dawson Day off – F/O Bailey & Crew. Sgt Friend & Crew Training – F/O Tammes & Crew. F/O Mulheron Sick – Sgt Thomas. P/O Chattaway. Sgt Chapman D.C.O. – W/Cdr D.J. Devitt S.D.O. – P/O Richmond (1200 hrs 4.2.43 to 1200 hr 5.2.43) P/O Parsons (1200 hrs 5.2.43 to 1200 hrs 6.2.43) S.D.S, – Sgt Hendrie (1200 hrs 4.2.43 to 1200 hr 5.2.43) Sgt Touhey (1200 hrs 5.2.43 to 1200 hrs 6.2.43) [inserted] Air Historical Branch [/inserted] [page break] 19 some 40 more flights together, covering such diverse activities as air-to-ground and air-to-air firing, bombing practice, night circuits and landings followed by further navigation exercises, until the four of them were welded into a tightly knit and formidable flying team. The Hudson, however, was not a popular aircraft at No. 6 OTU, the precise reasons being difficult to determine. Perhaps it was a number of things but especially, the nasty stall and the dropping of a wing, if bounced on landing. Moreover, it was inadvisable to use full flap or to attempt a three-point landing. Whatever the cause of the unpopularity, three crews were lost through flying accidents during this particular period and perhaps it was just as well that Roy's faith in the aircraft remained unshaken; indeed it was to be much strengthened in the months ahead. Never the less, losing friends in this way was a new and unpleasant experience for him. Towards Christmas time he qualified as a 'Day and Night Captain' and, with 124 hours on type, was posted complete with crew to No. 53 Squadron, which was then based at St Eval. On this occasion, however, they were not destined to reach Cornwall. No 53 Squadron had originally been formed at Catterick in 1916, as an Army Co-operation Squadron, but was disbanded in October 1919 nearly a year after the First World War had ended. It reformed at Farnborough in June 1937 with Hawker Hector biplanes in a similar role. By 1939 it was at Odiham, equipped with Bristol Blenheims and went to France in September to join the Air Component of the British Expeditionary Force. After the German break-through in May 1940, the Squadron was obliged to withdraw and was eventually evacuated to the United Kingdom. In July, No. 53 was transferred to Coastal Command, but continued to attack suitable targets in France, Holland and Germany from various bases in the United Kingdom. In August 1941 the Blenheims gave way to the Lockheed Hudson. In order to maintain and strengthen the air cover provided to shipping routed via the northwestern and southern approaches to the United Kingdom, detachments were unexpectedly moved in September to St Eval and Limavady in Northern Ireland.15 During the second week of December, the majority of the Squadron was then posted to the Far East in a vain attempt to help save Singapore from the invading Japanese forces, the remnants of the unit following the detachment to Limavady where the Squadron was rebuilt.16 Roy Hastie and crew travelled to their new home in Northern Ireland on Boxing Day, the airfield turning out to have been constructed on an [page break] 20 exposed site at the entrance to Lough Foyle. A frequently quoted description of the place at the time ran: [italics] If you can see the hills its going to rain and if you can't, its already raining. [/italics] With high ground to the south it certainly was not a felicitous spot for an airfield, especially in winter. Very properly, some time was spent after arrival practising [sic] essential controlled descents through cloud (QGH), but shortly they were ready for their first anti-submarine sweep and convoy escort duty. This took place on 7 January 1942 in Hudson AM 530, and lasted for some six hours twenty minutes. Eleven days were to elapse before their next trip which, in spite of taking them several hundred miles to the west of Ireland, was completely uneventful, even if it did bring them back to base well after dark. Such was the tenor of the remainder of their stay in Northern Ireland; more anti-submarine sweeps and an occasional escort task, but almost always the chief hazard turned out to be the weather, the majority of sorties ending with a controlled descent through cloud. They saw no U-boats, which was not surprising, as by January 1942, there were only six U-boats left in the entire Atlantic. Hitler having ordered eight boats to Norway. By now, maritime forces aided by shore-based aircraft had become proficient and effective in guarding our convoys and thus the number of sinkings around the British Isles had diminished, the focus of German attacks shifting away from the Western Approaches to mid-Atlantic. By the beginning of 1942, this had reached the American seaboard itself. Some reduction of air effort from Northern Ireland could thus be contemplated, perhaps for the first time since the outbreak of war. There then followed the sorry tale of the escape of the [italics] Scharnhorst [/italics] and [italics] Gneisenau [/italics] through the Channel to Germany in February 1942. This tactical victory by the German Navy, coupled with an increase in the quantity of enemy supplies being moved by sea, focussed [sic] attention once more on the North Sea and the Low Countries. It thus became imperative to reinforce Coastal Command in this area, and one of several moves designed to implement this policy, included the transfer of No 53 Squadron to the East Coast, where they came under the aegis of No 16 group, with its headquarters at Chatham, and responsibility for the Channel and southern North Sea. Accordingly, on the 18 January 1942 the squadron was ordered to North Coates, in Lincolnshire, although Roy and crew did not actually arrive until early in March. Here No. 53 was required to act as a coastal strike unit, patrolling the enemy occupied coast [page break] 21 from the Channel Islands in the South, north-eastwards to the Frisians in the North. Their brief was to report all enemy shipping and, if possible, to attack it. Roy's first sortie from the new base was an uneventful Reefer Patrol, lasting some six hours 20 minutes which, by special arrangement with HQ No 18 Group, took in part of the Norwegian coastline, as well as the Dutch. Although nothing untoward occurred on this occasion, a similar patrol that took place on 11 March 1942 nearly ended in disaster. Off Norway, the Hudson hit a flock of seabirds, two of which succeeded in so badly damaging the perspex nose of the aircraft, that the crew had to take it in turns, for what seemed an eternity, to lie full-length holding parachutes hastily stuffed into the gaping hole in an attempt to reduce the onrush of freezing air. Indeed, Harry Palmer could not remember when he had been so cold and miserable, as on that particular trip. After a very long seven hours 10 minutes, they just managed to make Leuchars, where four very tired airmen emerged from the fuselage, looking very much the worse for wear. A few days later Roy was playing in an inter-squadron football match when an urgent call summoned him to the operations room. Apparently, two enemy-armed merchant raiders had been spotted making their way down Channel and had to be stopped as soon as possible. Before any of the aircraft could get airborne, however, the ships began to steam out of No 16 Group's area of responsibility and the North Coate's attack was cancelled. Amongst the sighs of relief, which followed, there was talk of resuming the abandoned game. But no, the quarry was not to escape that easily. Four crews were hurriedly detailed to fly to Thorney Island to reinforce the Hudson squadron already there. The following day was Sunday, 15 March, and Roy with his crew found himself sitting in Thorney operations being briefed a second time for the same target. The ships were obviously of some importance, for not only were senior representatives of the Royal Navy present, but a rendezvous over Bournemouth had been arranged with a fifty strong spitfire escort. As the briefing progressed however, it became apparent that if the leader of the Hudson force were to release his bombs a fraction of a second early, Roy's aircraft, in the number two position, would be in danger of being blown up. Not surprisingly, he objected to his position in the formation and the attack pattern was changed. They were well over the Channel when news came through that the two ships had retired to St Malo, instead of breaking out into the Atlantic as had at first been feared. Thus the attack was called off, but the sight of so many spitfires at the same time however, did wonders for their morale. A limited amount of formation flying had taken place at [page break] 22 OTU and at Limavady, but it took the spitfire escort over the English Channel on that day, Harry Palmer recalls, to remind them what the RAF could produce when the occasion demanded. They felt such a deep sense of pride at the sight of so many fighters, that they were prepared to take on the whole of the Luftwaffe, if necessary. It was a shocking anti-climax when the attack was aborted. There then followed one of those minor episodes seldom mentioned in service records, even as a footnote. For obvious reasons Roy was not told the full details at the time, but it subsequently transpired that a number of much needed merchant ships, loaded with valuable cargoes, were preparing to make a dash from ports along the west coast of Sweden to the United Kingdom. The ships contained, inter alia, essential machine tools for the ball bearing industry.17 Unfortunately, a spell of intensely cold weather had frozen over many of the harbours, making the sea almost impassable without the help of ice breakers and for the operation to stand a chance of being successful it was essential for them to have a clear run free from ice. Accordingly, a few days later, after the St Malo affair, Roy was briefed to carry out a low-level patrol to the Baltic in order to search for, and record, the position of any ice floes. They took off about an hour and a half before darkness on 28 March 1942 and, flying at fifty feet above the sea, headed for a point just short of Lindesnaes. The moonlight helped them identify the Norwegian coast, as they turned on to an easterly and then south-easterly course, heading into the Kattegat proper. As they rounded the northern tip of Denmark, the lights of the Swedish towns could clearly be seen to port, seemingly turning that country into a fairyland, compared with the austere and darkened countryside of the United Kingdom. Beneath them the sea-lanes seemed to be unusually busy, the ASV radar screen being full of blips.18 But what really gripped their attention was occurring to the south, aircraft from Bomber Command were busily engaged in bombing the city of Lubeck and, although they were well away from the target area, the results were only too clearly visible – the city was on fire. For some time now the fortunes of Bomber Command had been waning and strong criticism was beginning to threaten the whole strategic bombing policy. Fortunately, the newer types of aircraft, with four engines, were coming into service with better equipment, just as Sir Arthur Harris arrived to take over at Bomber Command. He was well aware that successful bombing attacks were urgently required. He acted promptly. Lubeck was carefully chosen, being singularly vulnerable to incendiaries. [page break] 23 By the concentrated efforts of some 234 aircraft, results were achieved that night far exceeding anything previously attained. Roy's return track took him across the Danish peninsula, where they were engaged by light anti-aircraft fire, the defences alerted no doubt by the activities of Bomber Command. Fortunately, no damage was done and they returned to Donna Nook – the satellite for North Coates – without further incident. But it was a long trip, the longest Roy was ever to fly on operations. By the time they got back, eight and quarter hours had elapsed without sight of a single ice floe. On 14 April 1942, three crews were briefed to carry out a night attack against a 1,500 ton German tanker, damaged by the Royal Navy during a previous engagement, which reconnaissance had showed to be aground off the island of Ameland, one of Frisian group. The ship in fact was being used to supply the [italics] Tirpitz [/italics], recently moved to Norway on Hitler's instructions, and thus an important target. The three aircraft took off in the last hour of daylight, adopting a loose flying formation but, as darkness fell, one of the aircraft piloted by Flying Officer Moyer, signalled by aldis lamp. that he was returning to base with low oil pressure. At 5,000 feet the ASV revealed a blip which Sergeant Palmer correctly interpreted as a ship against a landmass background. Roy wanted to be absolutely certain, however, and decided to overfly the target in spite of being warned of the existence, in the area, of a number of flak ships and shore batteries. Because of the moon he decided to approach from the Northwest and sure enough on a heading of 160 degrees the island quickly came into view and then the tanker itself, followed by more water. He waited deliberately before starting to turn, quickly banking to port, a touch more aileron tightening the turn until the aircraft was lined up on the reciprocal heading. The throttles went forward, as the bomb doors were opened. Roy eased the nose down in order to gather speed. So far there was no response from the defences and no sign of the other Hudson. Without warning, the flak ships opened fire, and Roy realised he had to get lower. The target was now dead ahead, silhouetted against the moon, and looming larger by the second. He pressed the bomb release switch just as the shore batteries joined in. The aircraft lurched slightly as the four 250-lb bombs left the bomb bay. Too low, Roy knew he was too low. He pulled back hard on the controls as the tail wheel scraped the top of a low-lying sand dune, and by banking hard to port, he was able to see that at least one of the bombs had scored a direct hit. The crew was jubilant and Roy quickly retrimmed the aircraft [page break] 24 and set course for base. The following day it was confirmed that the ship was breaking up; but no awards were made for this attack. As a souvenir, however, they did find some tufts of Frisian grass adhering to the tail wheel assembly. Harry Palmer remembers the incident well and writes: [italics] I still shiver at the memory, and wonder at the strange 'beauty' of the fairy lights all around us from the enemy tracer and flak and marvel how we came through it safely flying at such a low level. I can still recall the extreme nervous excitement and elation as I tapped out the attack report to base. And I shall never forget the reception we got on touch down – our Wing Commander CO was there with his car when we climbed out of our aircraft to collect us for debriefing. His excitement at our success was tremendous. No awards were made which was surprising really, for of the three crews briefed for the operation, one turned back with oil trouble, and the second was shot down, I believe 50 to 60 miles away from the target. We not only located the target position (which speaks highly of Jack Badger's navigation) but in an extremely low-level attack, we scored direct hit(s) as recce next morning confirmed. The Germans had been busily transferring oil from the damaged tanker when we went in. [/italics]19 During the war the RAF made a point of trying to help Local Authorities, and one obvious way of doing this was to offer assistance to units and individuals of the newly formed (March 1941) Air Training Corps. Recently a Hudson carrying a party of cadets had crashed on the beach near North Coates, fortunately without too much harm. In order to get them over this rather unnerving experience, as quickly as possible, Roy found himself one Sunday afternoon taking a small party of well-bandaged youngsters on a local sightseeing air tour. He flew low over Grimsby, attempting to comply with a stream of directions as to which house to approach next. The trick worked, however, confidence was renewed and the local unit was most appreciative. The briefing for the Rover Patrol on the night of 26 April 1942, was much like any other. Roy was tasked to look for enemy shipping between the Dutch and Danish coasts, with orders to attack if possible but, in the event of the target being too big or too well defended, to call on the Beaufort torpedo squadron which would be on [page break] 25 standby at base. Off Heligoland, he found a convoy of three ships in line astern, hugging the coast heading south for Rotterdam. He selected the largest, a supply ship of about 1,500 tons, as he flew northwards and well to the east in order to position the Hudson for attack. Roy had already decided that this would come in from the Southeast as at Ameland, thus giving him a good silhouette against the moon. Down went the nose, and with full power he selected salvo, in order to release all four 250-lb bombs simultaneously. This time they were really low, and as he pressed the release button he had to pull hard on the controls in order to clear the ship's masts. Two of the bombs skidded through the water and, penetrating the hull exploded inside. Immediately, there were two explosions so powerful that the parachute hatch in the aircraft was blown open. Roy struggled momentarily to gain control and then banked steeply to port in order to view the ship, which by now was burning fiercely. Alf Penfold spotted them first: [italics] skipper – night fighters. [/italics] Roy started to take evasive action against the hitherto unseen German aircraft, and putting the nose of the Hudson down again, he headed off in a westerly direction, shaking off the intruders' attentions as he did so, the attack signal to base being transmitted with great elation by Harry Palmer.20 They returned without further incident and again no decorations were awarded, but at least this time the Air Ministry was kind enough to mention the attack. The ship turned out to be the Danish Motor Vessel [italics] Inge [/italics] of 1,494 tons. At this particular period, operations in the campaign against enemy shipping were not going well, for between January and April 1942, only six ships had been sunk for the loss of some 55 aircraft. Thus, in spite of the fact that attacks were being pressed home more fiercely and frequently than ever before, improved enemy defences were resulting in unacceptable losses. By July these had become so bad that the AOC-in-C Coastal Command decided to abandon low-level attacks completely, pending a decision to re-equip with faster aircraft carrying a heavier punch. Not surprisingly, several crews were lost from No. 53 squadron over this period and as Roy had been through OTU with many of them, he knew the pilots concerned particularly well. He was, therefore, not sorry when the time came for a move, which came early in May 1942, when No. 53 was transferred back to St Eval. Here they were able to contribute to the safeguarding of convoys to and from the south and perhaps more importantly to [page break] 26 add their weight to the increased attention now being paid to one of the two major U-boat transit areas, in their case, the Bay of Biscay. [boxed] [underlined] 27/4/42 – No.21 [/underlined] [underlined] Air Ministry News Service Air Ministry Bulletin No.6797 [/underlined] [underlined] SHIP "TORPEDOED" BY BOMBS [/underlined] “We blew the side out of the ship," said a sergeant pilot of Coastal Command, describing the result of an attack he made in his Hudson early this morning on a German supply ship which was sailing in convoy off the Frisian Islands. The vessel was silhouetted in the moonlight and the Hudson went in so low to attack that the pilot had to pull up to clear the masts. Two of his bombs, skidding through the water, "torpedoed" the ship, penetrated the hull and exploded inside. So great was the force of the explosion that they blew the Hudson's parachute hatch open, and there was an exciting few moments in the aircraft while the crew struggled with. The Hudson banked steeply and the pilot saw the ship's bows blazing fiercely. The flames were so bright, he said, that he could see the wooden deck planks. Before and after the attack the Hudson dodged the attentions of three enemy aircraft and returned without damage. [/boxed] [page break] 27 In spite of following up a number of contacts on the ASV radar, however, it was always to be a great disappointment to the crew that they never found a U-boat on the surface, or presented with an opportunity to attack one. It was about this time too, that a change occurred in manning policy. Having two pilots in a crew placed a great strain on the training system and it seemed logical to reduce the commitment to one pilot and specialist navigator, together with a separate bomb aimer, in the case of Bomber Command. Roy thus lost Jack Badger. who became an aircraft captain in his own right and acquired a navigator in the form of Sergeant Dan Poitven, a Canadian. The remainder of May and June passed slowly with the squadron operating in their new area, looking particularly for U-boats transiting to and fro from their main bases on the west coast of France. Occasionally, the tedium was relieved when they had to search for a missing ship or aircraft and, on one occasion, they actually found a missing Whitley aircraft on Lundy Island, in the Bristol Channel. Obviously, the sea fog must have made flying and navigation very difficult indeed, for this particular crew to have attempted a landing on such a small island. About this time their white Hudsons were suddenly painted black in case they were required for the 1,000 bomber raids on Cologne, mounted by Bomber Harris. On this occasion, however, Bomber Command was able to acquire the necessary number of aircraft, without having to call on the Admiralty and Coastal Command. Then, towards the middle of June, strange rumours began to circulate about a possible move to the United States, which had entered the war after the devastating Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour on 7 December 1941. Not having an integrated defence system in place, this raid which occurred over a year after the Battle of Britain, had caught the American battleships at anchor and crippled much of their Pacific Fleet. Fortunately their carrier force, which had been at sea, escaped. [page break] 28 Chapter Three: Aid to the United States Army and Navy At first, because of Admiral King's objections, at the time Chief of US Naval Operations, American coastal shipping had usually sailed independently and the U-boats, avoiding the few escorted convoys, concentrated their attacks at such focal points as Hampton Roads, North Carolina and Cape Hatteras, with devastating results. In view of their vast commitments in the Pacific and elsewhere, it was not surprising that the United States found themselves short of surface craft and aircraft to patrol their eastern seaboard. To help out, the United Kingdom had in February 1942, sent 24 anti-submarine trawlers and also turned over to the US Navy ten corvettes.21 In the same month, however, Donitz had sent his larger U-boats into the Caribbean to attack essential oil traffic at source in the Gulf of Venezuela and off Aruba and Curacao. Later, six German and Italian boats were to operate near Trinidad. Losses within 300 miles of the American and Canadian eastern coasts (Sea Frontiers) rose steeply from January to March and were most severe in May (the worst month) and June, in spite of the introduction of convoy in these waters in April.22 The overall allied losses now began to assume alarming proportions. So much so, that Winston Churchill intervened and offered the services of No. 53 Squadron to the Americans to help fight the U-boat war with the latest ASV radar and to introduce current Coastal Command techniques. The offer was accepted.23 Today, crossing the North Atlantic by air is commonplace and routine. But in 1942 this was by no means so, especially for landplanes with ranges of a few hundred miles. Alcock and Brown had made the first non-stop crossing in 1919, but when the first Hudsons were successfully delivered by air from Canada to Aldergrove in Northern Ireland, some 21 years later, it still created something of a record. A total of seven specially prepared aircraft, each carrying two pilots and a wireless operator, departed from Gander on 10 November 1940, on a non-stop crossing of the Atlantic, never before attempted so late in the year. Indeed all-previous attempts made later than September had ended in catastrophe. Captain D.C.T. Bennett, of Imperial Airways, later BOAC, led the flight on this occasion; he was later to join the Royal Air Force and eventually become the Air Officer Commanding No 8 (Pathfinder) Group, Bomber Command. For the difficulties of a [sic] making a similar flight across the Atlantic nearly a year later, see Air Commodore John Searby's account in [italics] Making the best of a Bad Job. [/italics]24 [page break] 29 Roy Hastie, with all of 480 hours experience as a pilot, remembers his instructions were: [italics] To get there in one piece and to land at Quonset Point, Rhode Island. [/italics]25 This destination was then a large US naval base. Being a fully equipped operational aircraft, they lacked the range of the ferry aircraft. They were thus briefed to fly with full crews from St Eval to Prestwick and thence by way of Reykjavik – Bluie West – Goose Bay – Dorval – Rhode Island. At Prestwick, the crews came under the control of RAF Ferry Command, which had been formed the previous year, on 18 July 1941, out of the Atlantic Ferry Organisation, and placed under Air Chief Marshal Sir Frederick Bowhill.26 It was decided that the aircraft would fly across in groups of four, although each captain was free to plan his own precise route. Because of bad weather, several briefings were required; in fact a veteran Atlantic pilot, who was about to fly Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands to the New World in a Liberator, conducted one of these. After four days, Roy took off on 21 July 1942 for Reykjavik, a little behind his particular group, but caught up with them in Iceland seven hours ten minutes later, where RAF detachments had been based since October 1940, albeit in somewhat austere conditions. Fortunately the weather held and they were able to take off the next day for the shorter trip to Greenland. Here at Bluie West, the airfield, which was situated at the head of a fiord, possessed only one runway, landing instructions being passed on the approach over water. With the adjacent mountains and a glacier not far from the runway, first landings could be quite an adventure. As luck would have it, the West Coast was covered with sea fog on that day and Roy and his crew soon found themselves alone. In normal circumstances, finding the airfield should not have been too difficult, particularly as Roy had elected to follow the coastline, instead of taking the more direct route across the southern tip of the island. Moreover, the entrance to the fiord was well marked with a small island, complete with a radio station. The fog changed all this, however, and the first attempt required a very tight turn indeed, just to get out of the wrong fiord. Quite suddenly a Dakota passed Roy and he decided to follow it, but even with the Hudson's flaps and wheels down, he could not avoid overtaking the slower aircraft. Fortunately, this time they were on the correct heading and a successful landing followed. It subsequently transpired that the crew of the Dakota was following Roy into Bluie-West. A faulty oil cooler in one of [page break] 30 the Hudson's engines fortuitously provided an opportunity to look around the countryside a little, and sample amongst other things, Greenland's notorious midges. It came as little surprise to learn that the entire airfield, runway, dispersals, and the camp had all been constructed with the aid of rock obtained by demolishing the mountain at the head of the fiord. This had been a United States reponsibility [sic] , although Captain D.C.T. Bennett of BOAC had had a hand in the selection of the original site.27 The next leg of the trip to Goose Bay, Labrador, that land of trees and scrub and a thousand lakes, was child's play compared with Greenland, but was slightly marred by Roy choosing the wrong runway to land on, scattering a number of workmen as he did so. To be fair, the airfield was still being constructed at the time, and they had been unable to establish any form of radio contact with the ground and so Roy had used the landing 'T' as a guide, in accordance with existing procedures. He was unaware that Canadian 'Ts' swung with the wind, unlike those in the United Kingdom, which were fixed. This could mean a variation of up to sixty degrees unless studied for a minute or two, hence the error. The next leg of the journey took them to Dorval, where all the squadron aircraft had to be thoroughly checked, prior to the start of anti-submarine operations. Whilst this was being done the crews were given a few days off, enabling them to explore Montreal and experience the then novelty of roasted chicken followed by ice cream sundaes, luxuries difficult to come by in rationed Britain. Eventually, the aircraft was ready and they took off on the three-hour trip to Rhode Island. Sea fog then shut them out of Quonset Point and so Roy had to land at the civil airport of Providence, completing the journey by air the following day. During the crossing they had spent some 29 hours and ten minutes in the air, arriving as directed – in one piece. Out of the twenty aircraft of the squadron, which had left the United Kingdom in July, fifteen had arrived safely at their destination, but three were still on route plus a further one at Goose bay. The remaining aircraft ran out of fuel over Newfoundland.28 The United States had now been at war for some eight months, and since January 1942 shipping losses off the East Coast had been heavy. Axis U-boats had taken full advantage of shipping which, because of Admiral King's attitude and American commitments in the Pacific and elsewhere, could not be escorted and thus had to sail independently. Tankers containing oil vital to Britain's war effort were naturally [page break] 31 singled out by the U-boats as priority targets, and even the introduction of the first convoys in the area, unfortunately, only proved to be no more than a palliative. Consequently, the citizens of many Eastern American seaboard towns and cities had the war brought to their very doorsteps, as they watched ships being sunk, mainly by night and witnessed the survivors being brought ashore, some horribly burned and injured. The US Navy base at Quonset was impressive, none of the crew had seen anything like it before for sheer size. Living accommodation and food were of the highest order and Roy, by now a temporary Flight Sergeant and diplomatically classed as a Chief Petty Officer, enjoyed to the full all the privileges attached to that rank. The US authorities were very security conscious and entering the base at night seemed to them as though they were lining up outside Alcatraz, complete with searchlights and machine guns at the battlements. Inside, they were met with the strange sight of fatigue men picking up litter under the watchful eyes of an armed guard. Before leaving Glasgow, Roy had been given the address of the well-to-do Pfeiffer family of New York by an Aunt who had been the family nurse for many years. With a four-day pass in his pocket, this was far too good an opportunity to miss. He caught the train from Providence and soon found himself at Grand Central Station, New York, somewhat conspicuous in his RAF uniform. After wading through innumerable telephone directories and making a call, a voice said: [italics] hello – this is Meg, [/italics] in an accent just as Glasgow as Roy's own. It transpired that Meg was a Mrs Margaret Beveridge, who was looking after the house whilst the family were on their ranch near Buffalo, situated in the west of the state. Fortunately, she had met Roy's Aunt and he was quickly given instructions to catch a local train with what seemed an incredible track number of 105. His stay was short and memorable, being allocated a lovely room overlooking the Hudson River from which he was able to telephone Mrs Pfieffer. On leaving a few days later he little thought that he would ever see these delightful people again. In March 1942, Admiral King swallowed hard and accepted British help with the arrival of Royal Navy anti-submarine trawlers off the Eastern Seaboard, when sinkings had reached an average of over 10,000 tons a day.29 On 1 April 1942, losses [page break] 32 forced Admiral King to adopt a partial convoy system, and by the beginning of July, the convoy system off the US Atlantic coast had been extended sufficiently to provide seaborne escorts for ships sailing all the way from the United Kingdom to New York.30 The tankers then proceeded to the oil ports situated to the south. This had been made possible because of an early decision to pool all maritime anti-submarine resources, American, British and Canadian, into a single organisation and the contribution, mentioned earlier, of the transfer of a number of British anti-submarine trawlers and corvettes to the US Navy. As a consequence of convoy and the introduction into service of weapon innovations such as the hedgehog, the U-boats turned their attentions to seeking easier pickings elsewhere, which they found in the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean. On 31 July 1942, the American HQ Eastern Sea Frontier Force decided, that No 53 Squadron, which since 23 July had been escorting convoys, as far as the St Lawrence River in the North to New York harbour in the South, should try and help reduce the sinkings in the latest area of operations. Their new base was to be Trinidad, with detachments in British and Dutch Guyana. Ordered south on 7 August 1942, Roy was instructed to carry out anti-submarine sweeps en route between re-fuelling stops planned at Cherry Point, Virginia; Miami, Florida; Guantanamo Bay, Cuba; and San Juan, Puerto Rico. But such was the breathtaking scenery that little serious A/S work was done after Virginia, as they flew low level down the coast of Florida, past the Keys to Cuba and beyond. Indeed their preoccupation with their first view of Miami Beach resulted in them landing at Morrison Field, West Palm Beach, by mistake. Somewhat red-faced they took off again only to find about five airfields at Miami proper and, not knowing which was which, decided to over-fly each one until the radio gave them an overhead message. Sure enough the ploy worked, but even the subsequent landing was not without incident. The circuit was busy with dozens of Harvard training aircraft and Roy discovered there were two fields in use, one for landing the other for take-offs, the former with just enough length to take the Hudson. Needless to say, Miami was visited that evening, along with a few thousand US sailors and soldiers. Next day, they took off on the three and half hours flight to Cuba, only to find that part of the airfield was still under construction. Shades of Montreal. The runway in use was not very long, and Roy only managed a short landing with difficulty. Another 53 Squadron crew were not so fortunate but luckily were able to walk away from a very [page break] 33 damaged Hudson.31 That evening they went ashore by liberty boat across the Bay to the local village of Caimanera, with its earth road and houses on stilts partially perched over water. Obviously a poverty stricken, the village possessed a restaurant pub, Tatzs Place, where the crew bought post cards to send home. To the credit of the Cuban postal authorities, these reached their respective destinations in the United Kingdom – much to the surprise of the senders. Refuelling took place at San Juan without incident the following day, 10 August, and the next saw them arrive safely at Waller Field, Trinidad. Here they were to operate under the auspices of the US Army Air Corps, which provided them with essential ground support, although somewhat incongruously one crew chief per aircraft came from the US Navy at Quonset. This state of affairs remained until the US Chiefs of Staff ordered the withdrawal of Army aircraft from anti-submarine duties in mid-1943. In the circumstances, it was perhaps fortunate that a sixty strong RAF ground party, comprising a number of their own fitters and mechanics, accompanied No. 53 Squadron. Two weeks later the squadron moved to Edinburgh Field, a few miles to the south, an airfield which the US 9th Bomb Group had just completed. US personnel came to be in Trinidad, the largest island of the West Indies, outside the Greater Antilles, as a direct result of an agreement, in 1940, between President Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, whereby certain bases were leased for military purposes to the United States for a period of ninety-nine years. Trinidad turned out to be an island about half the size of Wales, lying a few miles off the coast of South America. It had passed from Spain to Britain in 1797, being formally ceded by the Treaty of Amiens of 1802. The island had been rather neglected by the Spanish, but the emancipation of slaves in 1834 and the adoption of Free trade by Britain in 1846, resulted in far-reaching social and economic changes. In order to meet labour shortages over 150,000 immigrants were encouraged to settle from India, China and Madeira and today Trinidad has one of the world's most cosmopolitan of populations. The island, of course, has long been known for its sugar and coca, but citrus fruit and coffee are also grown for export. Trinidad is well endowed with minerals and from the pitch lake at La Brea comes the world's largest supply of natural asphalt. But, perhaps, it was the island's mineral oil, which transformed the economy. The invention of the internal combustion engine towards the end of the nineteenth century hastened the search for oil. Fortunately for Britain, it was found in [page break] 34 Trinidad. Exploration had begun there in 1909, and by 1937 a British Company, Leasehold Ltd, together with others, which included a subsidiary of the Shell Group, had made Trinidad the main colonial oil producer. It then had an annual output of two point two million tons of crude oil, which in the years to follow was to be greatly expanded. At the time, the Air Ministry wisely contracted to purchase 17,000 tons a year of iso-octane for use by the Royal Air Force. In the period May to July U-boat operations off the East Coast of America had declined and eventually ceased, while the boats concentrated on the Caribbean. Six boats were sent south to this area where better and easier targets were to be found, but these operations were only made possible by the arrival of the Milch Cows [italics] U459, U460 [/italics] and [italics] U116 [/italics] . Until July, the Trinidad area had been the scene of extensive sinkings by these U-boats, especially among the oil tankers, causing concern and apprehension, even after the introduction of convoy in these waters resulted in fewer ships being lost. From July the volume of sinkings within the area had fallen and as a result the U-boats began to move to the perimeter of the Caribbean. By the end of the month the number of independent sailings had become so scarce that [italics] U509 [/italics] and [italics] U134 [/italics] were ordered to the Yucatan Channel west of Cuba. As was only to be expected, however, casualties remained high amongst those ships, which had to be routed independently, mainly on the route to the Cape of Good Hope, in South Africa. But even as late as January 1943, seven tankers were lost out of a total of nine belonging to a weakly defended Convoy, TM1, on route to Gibraltar.32 An operations room was quickly established at the new base and furnished with large-scale wall maps, in accordance with current Coastal Command practice. Convoy escort duties and anti-submarine sweeps were undertaken on a daily basis, and although Roy and his crew failed to spot a U-boat during their three months on the island the squadron, together with its detachments in British and Dutch Guiana, made a number of sightings and mounted several attacks causing damage, even if no submarines were actually sunk. These and other operations drove the U-boats further south and east and eventually to the Freetown area off the West Coast of Africa, and the mid-Atlantic area, where some of the most fiercely contested battles of the war occurred between U-boat and ship and aircraft. [page break] 35 A fortnight or so passed when a caller arrived unexpectedly, with his wife, and invited Roy and a friend to spend a long weekend at his home. It transpired that the McLaughlins, who had extended the invitation, had left Glasgow for Trinidad some ten years previously. Harry Palmer was selected and the two of them enjoyed themselves immensely, meeting dozens of expatriates, most of who were associated with the local oil industry one way or another. Later on, Roy took the opportunity to tour the oil fields to see for himself how drilling was conducted, and to watch the crude oil being pumped from the rigs to the reservoir, with the aid of an old steam engine. The invention of the internal combustion engine towards the end of the nineteenth century hastened the search for oil. Fortunately for Britain, it was found in Trinidad and exploration had begun in 1909. By 1937 a British Company, leasehold Ltd, had become the main producer and in the following years the output was greatly expanded. There was, however, little demand for asphalt from Trinidad in wartime, even if the necessary ships could have been spared to carry it. Even so, it still came as something of a surprise to Roy when he found it was possible to drive a car on the surface of the world famous tar lake, overgrown with shrubs and wild grass. About this time Roy received a newspaper cutting from Isa, taken from the Glasgow Daily Record, disclosing the presence of RAF aircraft and personnel engaged in anti-submarine operations conducted from bases in the Western Hemisphere. Hitherto, this information had been regarded as highly classified. As previously mentioned, Roy failed to find and attack a U-boat during this period but No 53 Squadron and its various detachments did make a number of sightings. Two U-boat attacks were made on 15 August, the first one against [italics] U108 [/italics] , which was on the surface but this one escaped. The second took place against a diving submarine to the north of Puerto Rico, when some damage was caused to [italics] U217 [/italics] . Further attacks against U-boats occurred on 16 August and 20 August but none of them were sunk, although some damage was achieved.33 The move to Edinburgh Field took place on 22 August and some aircraft had their turrets removed in order to improve performance. A surfacing U-boat was attacked and damaged on 27 August and another two days later, but without damage. [italics] U217 [/italics] was attacked on two occasions, the last on 20 September, this damaged it sufficiently for it to require extensive repairs. A further attack occurred on 22 September causing damage to [italics] U512 [/italics] and the Commanding Officer of the squadron, Wg. Cdr. Jimmy Leggate, attacked [italics] U332 [/italics] on [page break] [page of log book] Page 4 DAILY RECORD, Saturday, August 29, 1942 R.A.F. Help America To Hunt U-Boats Axis Sinkings Drop In Western Atlantic BRITISH planes and British airmen are now co-operating with United States Navy and Army aircraft in operations against submarines in the Western Atlantic. This was revealed by the Navy Department in Washington last night, the first time the world has been told of the valuable part Britain is also playing against U-boats on the American side of the Atlantic. British fliers have already engaged the enemy in these waters it was stated. The fact that British and Canadian vessels were co-operating with the United States Navy off the Atlantic coast was made known by the Navy Department in June last. Since that time submarine activities have somewhat decreased. The arrival of British [deleted] Swordfish [/deleted] [inserted] Hudson [/inserted] planes in the Western Atlantic, it is recalled, was reported recently in a dispatch from Cuba. The announcement that the R.A.F. are assisting in the defence of American waters ends a “secret” shared by countless residents along the east coast of the United States. [underlined] Graveyard For Allied Ships [/underlined] For an undisclosed period – certainly for weeks’ past – during which operations against enemy submarines have taken a slow but increasingly encouraging turn for the better, veteran British submarine hunters have been assisting in the patrolling of hundreds of miles of the U.S. coast and the Caribbean areas, formerly a mammoth graveyard for Allied ships both on and over the sea. Following the Navy Department’s disclosure of this new and striking chapter opened in the history of the R.A.F Coastal Command, last night’s U.S. papers featured strongly this branch of the R.A.F. which has thus dramatically spread its wings in another theatre of war, and is to-day flying and sailing with America’s coastal defenders. Many Americans believe the welcome reinforcement of the anti-submarine forces thus made possible largely accounts for the undoubted fact that the sea-lanes off these shores are ceasing to be a happy-hunting ground for enemy submarines. Hitler’s “pig boats” are still hunting – in the Atlantic, the Caribbean, and the Gulf of Mexico – but not so successfully as formerly. There has been a sharp drop in sinkings, and the Navy hopes for a more favourable turn in the Atlantic picture. Nevertheless, they want more of ‘everything’ more American submarine chasers, more American planes, and more “upmixing of British-American affairs, which has resulted in the arrival in the U.S. of trained British forces and equipment, and their assumption of a substantial share of the burden of patrolling a 5000-mile American front stretching from Canada to Brazil. [page break] 36 9 October off Parramaribo, slightly damaging it. Further U-boats were found and attacked during November, but none were actually sunk. No 53 Squadron thus made a small but significant contribution to the U-boat's diminishing successes in these waters. These and other operations drove the U-boats further south and east and eventually to the Freetown area off West Africa. Inevitably, however, the sheer volume of shipping traversing the north Atlantic eventually focussed [sic] attention back to the Greenland Gap and the mid-Atlantic area, where some of the most fiercely contested battles of the maritime conflict occurred between U-boat and ship and aircraft. Another invitation for Roy resulted in him going to sea in a US Navy submarine, engaged in exercises with aircraft from No 53 squadron and the US Army Air Corps. The idea was for the aircraft to carry out a simulated attack and the submarine to dive, the interval between the two being the Sub's margin of safety. When looking through the periscope Roy could only think of similar scenes on the big screen, witnessed from the comparative safety of a seat in the cinema. It was not all fun and games, however. Although Trinidad is situated outside the path taken by most hurricanes, several crews were lost through flying accidents in bad weather and especially during tropical storms which, at times, made operations extremely hazardous. Much to Roy's sorrow his own aircraft, brought all the way from St Eval, was lost by another crew (Pilot Officer Risbey) which crashed on landing in a particularly violent storm. What was worse, his USN Crew Chief, AMM3c Boots, was on board in order to make up his flying hours. Roy was upset more than he cared to admit at the time, and this double blow was only softened to some extent by the immediate offer of another aircraft. There was a snag, however, for this particular aircraft had a bad petrol leak. Now the Hudson had no petrol tanks as such, fuel being stored in the wings. Such a leak indicated a crack in the wing and thus an extensive repair, which could only be carried out at San Juan. However, on arrival in Porto Rica, having acquired a new Crew Chief, they learned the work could not be conducted there and consequently they would have to go to Miami. Somewhat understandably no one had been too keen to fly the aircraft in its present condition. Roy and his crew had in fact been volunteers for this particular trip, in spite of it now being their own aircraft. Perhaps at first the crew were glad that they had done so for Roy, without further ado, decided to visit [page break] 37 Jamaica and for no particular reason other then the fact that it was a British colony and none of them had been there before. It was therefore rather unfortunate that the Jamaican runway at the time was rather short, being constructed across a peninsular with sea at either end. To put it mildly, the subsequent landing was shaky in the extreme, and they were extremely fortunate to get away with it. But worse was to follow. The airfield only stocked 87-octane aviation fuel, which was totally unsuitable for the Hudson. Just when it appeared that they might be stranded there for the duration, the Royal Navy came to the rescue. Representatives of the Fleet Air Arm had been on hand to greet them on arrival and, while for the moment these particular naval airmen may not have been seeing much of the war, they certainly knew where stocks of the necessary 100-octane aviation fuel were to be found. The nearby US base at Montego Bay never missed the several hundred gallons required, thus making the subsequent evening spent in Kingston all the more enjoyable. The following morning came all too soon and with it, of course, the take-off. If anything, this turned out to be more spectacular than the landing, if that were possible; but Roy made it all the same after touching the sand once. Miami confirmed that they were unable to undertake the necessary repairs and thus there was nothing for it but to press on to Norfolk, Virginia. The weather forecast was good and heading Northeast over the sea all went well, until some 100 miles from the coast of North Carolina, when they ran into a tremendous weather front. The only way out was downwards. At 200 feet in tropical rain and lightning and with petrol pouring out of the wing, Roy wished just at that moment that he could have been somewhere else. They arrived over Norfolk at a respectable height, but in ten-tenths cloud and with a cloud base of between 200 and 250 feet. Roy turned the aircraft due east out over the sea and commenced to let down, breaking cloud at less than 100 feet. They then headed back to the airfield and landed safely, much to everyone's relief. After a day or so it was decided that they should continue to Quonset which, after all, was 53's main administrative and engineering base, whilst they were in the Western Hemisphere. This arrangement suited Hastie and Co. and especially the new Crew Chief, who came from Providence. They arrived safely on 27 October 1942. Extended leave was granted, whilst the aircraft was being repaired on condition that Roy kept the British Embassy in Washington informed of the crews' movements. This was no hardship, especially as the Embassy was just about the only source of cash [page break] 38 available. The Canadian navigator went home to Montreal, whilst Harry and Alf, the two Wireless Operator/Air Gunners, were generously entertained at the Providence home of a superb Anglo/American couple, a Mr and Mrs Dynes. Understandably, Roy made for New York being met on arrival by the Beveridges. Quite suddenly clothes, of all things, started to present a problem, for they had landed in Norfolk wearing Khaki Drill and, although Roy had his blue uniform with him, New York in October can be wet as well as cold. Some sort of top coat became a necessity and thus shortly after arrival he decided to purchase a US Army style raincoat, which had the advantage of keeping him warm as well as dry, although no doubt grossly contravening RAF dress regulations. At an early opportunity he phoned the Pfiffers, only to learn that their house had been closed temporarily, the family having taken up residence in a New York hotel. He had dinner with them and his host, as generous as ever, arranged for him to stay at the Princeton Club as a guest. The club was then located at the corner of Park Avenue and 39th Street, not far from Grand Central Station. By continuing north and turning left into East 49th Street he was able to explore the Rockefeller Centre and by going further out on to the West Side he managed to glimpse the George Washington Bridge. In fact, over the next five weeks he came to know the geography of the city extremely well, traversing much of it on foot. American hospitality is well known, but to visitors from the United Kingdom in 1942 it was doubly welcome. The depressing effects of the blackout, food rationing, shortages of razor blades and dozens of other items were all forgotten as numerous invitations were received and accepted. Roy was invited to house parties, taken to football games and, after one particular US Army versus Navy match, attended a superb dinner dance at an hotel adjacent to the Empire State Building. It was all too good to be true and, sure enough, one day early in September he had to say goodbye to his many friends and, with mixed feelings, make his way back to Quonset Point. Meanwhile preparations were being completed for Operation Torch, the allied landings in North Africa. This necessitated the withdrawal of many escort ships from convoy duties, to such an extent that the defence of transatlantic shipping had to be drastically reduced. Moreover, two groups of the larger U-boats began to operate off the Cape of Good Hope, whilst the Trinidad area was again being attacked, as was the shipping off the coast of Newfoundland. In spite of these setbacks however, better [page break] [membership card] [page break] 39 countermeasures, including the introduction of Merchant Aircraft Carriers, resulted in the sinking of some 16 U-boats in October. In view of this improving situation and with American war production increasing, it was decided that it was timely to withdraw No 53 Squadron and return it to the United Kingdom. On return from leave Roy learned that some of 53 Squadron's crews had already passed through Rhode Island, en route for Canada and home. He managed to get airborne on 17 December bound for Montreal, only to discover a whole series of faults with the aircraft which included, unserviceable engine temperature gauges, faulty cockpit heating and loose engine cowlings. In any other circumstances they would have turned back, but something made Roy determine otherwise. It may have been due to rumours of an anti-British feeling in Rhode Island, or because of the poor workmanship, no doubt brought about by the dilution of skills associated with a rapidly expanded workforce. Whatever the reason, and however unwisely, Hudson 797 headed for Canada and Dorval where they landed successfully, in spite of a heavy covering of snow. After landing, four frozen airmen ran into the first building that they came to, just to gain a little warmth. It was subsequently learned that the aircraft would have to have a complete overhaul, in spite of the seven weeks spent at Quonset. They were to be at Montreal for five weeks, the crew being accommodated at RCAF Lachine. Perhaps, Roy was fortunate to make friends with a girl working at the airport, which led to an invitation to spend Christmas and New Year at the attractive and comfortable home of a Mr and Mrs Wallis. Lorded and feted like a king, Roy was embarrassed by the kindness and generosity of his hosts, whose three young children adored him. He was encouraged to ski, which was something new, and after being fitted-out with appropriate clothing and the all-essential skis and boots, the entire family set out for the nearby golf course. The youngsters, all under twelve years of age, understandably skied well and thus the family enjoyed themselves hugely, whilst Roy provided the laughter as anyone who can remember his first foray on ski's can testify. At last a lengthy air test, conducted with the aid of a Captain Lilly of RAF Ferry Command, the Hudson was declared serviceable. Roy quickly bade his Montreal friends farewell and, spending his last few cents on presents, took off for Goose Bay and home on 30 January 1943, They arrived in Labrador without incident and took off for Greenland the next day and, fortunately on this occasion, found the airfield there, [page break] 40 Bluie West, without difficulty. It had been enlarged considerably since the previous July, which was just as well as they had caught up with three other 53 Squadron crews, all of whom had been grounded by bad weather further east. So now there was plenty of company, warmth and comfortable American type accommodation – but nowhere to go. With a freezing outside temperature of 40 degrees Fahrenheit, card playing became popular. Whether anyone won or lost did not matter very much, for they were all broke and had to imagine the actual financial transactions. Eventually an advance of pay was arranged, which to Roy's astonishment and chagrin, eventually caught up with him in the United Kingdom; the one time he wanted the RAF's administrative arrangements to fail. It was here in Greenland, while waiting for an improvement in the weather, that Roy and his crew volunteered for a funeral party representing the British Forces. Twenty US soldiers had been found adrift in a lifeboat, casualties of the sinking off Greenland of a troopship bound for the United Kingdom and it had been thought fit and proper to bury them with appropriate military ceremonial.34 Apart from this, an occasional sortie beyond the airfield perimeter helped to relieve the monotony a little. But the stark, inhospitable landscape soon defeated them and they never ventured very far, perhaps rightly so. Now in the RAF, units are required to have some sort of Standing Orders, and although Bluie West could hardly be described as belonging to the RAF, being a United States reponsibility [sic] , Standing Orders for 53 Squadron were conspicuous by their absence. It was thus decided to rectify the situation. Fortunately they were carrying a passenger from the squadron with a sense of humour, one Squadron Leader Rands, who was not only the senior officer among them, but also a member of the Administrative and Special Duties branch, normally responsible for such matters. He was given the task of producing a suitable draft, which he duly did. But then he had to, especially if he wanted to get to the United Kingdom as quickly as possible, being entirely in the hands of the aircrew of the squadron at the time. [page break] 41 SQUADRON STANDING ORDERS By S/Ldr RANDS Commanding 53A Squadron RAF 5/2/43 1. Constitution of the Squadron will be as follows: O i/c A Flight P/0 Rickards O i/c B Flight P/0 Kennard O i/c C Flight F/Sgt Heastie [sic] O i/c RNAF Flight Capt. Jon Tredte Navigation Officer F/Sgt Johnson Equipment Officer F/Sgt Haisell Signals Officer Sgt Owen Squadron Adjutant F/O Gordon 2. Daily Routine will be as follows: Reveille 0530 Breakfast 0615 Briefing 0700 Report to Flights 0730 Start up engines 0745 Cancel all flying 0800 Stop engines 0801 Return to Barracks 0830 Lunch 1230 Dinner 1830 Lights Out 2230 (What a hope) 3. No drinking is allowed in barracks. All liquor to be handed over to the C.O. for safe (?) custody. No receipt will be given. 4. Gambling is permitted in barracks by permission of the C.O. 25% of all winnings to be handed in to the C.O. in order to create a Squadron Benevolent fund (Charity begins at home) Squadron Accountant Officer will be elected when fund exceeds $5. Permission to gamble to be requested in triplicate on Form U.12 (Repeat Form U. One Two). 5. Lady visitors are only allowed in barracks between the hours of 2230 and 0530. 6. Permission is granted for all members of the Squadron to grow beards (if you can). 7. The Squadron Adjutant will call the roll at 1300 daily to ensure C Flight have not taken off for Glasgow. 8. The use of Hudsons for flying is strictly forbidden. These aircraft may have to last until the end of the war and their life must be strictly conserved. X.X.Rands Adjudant [sic] [page break] 42 Ten days of this sort of existence was enough for Roy and so, in spite of an unfavourable weather forecast, he decided to take off for Reykjavik on 10 February 1943. They climbed to 10,000 feet and set course for Iceland, crossing southern Greenland in lovely sunshine. Soon however, and as they approached their destination, the cloud started to thicken below them. Fortunately a gap was found, and Roy brought the Hudson down to about two hundred feet above the sea, where they found themselves in the middle of a raging snowstorm. With daylight nearly gone, Reykjavik was contacted, when luckily in spite of poor radio reception they were given a course to steer and a safe landing followed. The same snow kept them grounded for three days but what was worse, the accommodation provided was of the UK Nissen hut type, complete with the usual inadequate coke stove. Roy's hut had not been used for some time, and was damp as well as cold, forcing the occupants to sleep fully clothed, together with all the blankets they could muster; they were miserable. As if this were not enough, to get to the ablutions required negotiating a pathway cut through the snow where, on arrival, they discovered that only cold water was available35 They could not but help contrast all this with the warm US style billets and hot showers they had so recently vacated at Bluie West. A film show put on one evening, in one of the huts, remained in Roy's memory. The snow was melting and the audience sat on wooden benches, with their wellington-clad feet in six inches of water. The stove sizzled, gently giving off clouds of steam and this, together with a dense haze of tobacco smoke, made actual viewing of the film quite fortuitous. The assembled crews laughed and talked their way through the movie and, in spite of the adverse circumstances, seemed to enjoy themselves immensely; perhaps having members of the WAAF present helped. They waited until 13 February 1943 before getting airborne again, but this time it was for Prestwick and home, Scotland itself being not much more than six hundred nautical miles away. Not being the slightest bit superstitious, the date was of little consequence to Roy, and indeed in the beginning everything went well. Even the first signs of trouble were innocuous enough. The winds started to increase in strength from the Southwest, slowing up their progress considerably. At six hundred feet Roy asked for a M/F fix and later, calling Prestwick by radio, he was told that the airfield there was closed because of gale-force winds. He tried the alternate at Stornoway, but was given a similar reply. Meanwhile, the aircraft was experiencing headwinds of up [page break] 43 to eighty to eighty-five knots, and perhaps for the first time Roy began to realise that this was to be no ordinary trip. Suddenly he remembered Ireland, surely with any sort of reasonable weather he could make Malin Head and then creep around the coast into Loch Foyle and land at Limavady. He pushed the nose of the Hudson down and down through the cloud they went levelling off between two hundred and three hundred feet, only to be met with wild seas, heavy squalls and poor visibility. These rough conditions did not augur well, and with visibility deteriorating and daylight fast receding, the attempt to reach Limavady was abandoned. Climbing back to height, Roy asked for, and received another position fix. He promptly set course for Stornoway, there simply was no other airfield within range and, in spite of previously being told that this was closed, with winds of seventy to eighty knots gusting to one hundred, Roy was set on landing there. It was almost dark before Lewis came into sight. He quickly completed a circuit of the island at three hundred feet, but such were the appalling conditions, he failed to find the airfield. Fortunately, radio contact had been made and Very lights were called for, and luckily these were soon spotted. Landing checks were completed in record time and with no flap, wheels down and an extra twenty knots indicated airspeed, they headed for the runway, where the aircraft made more of an arrival than a landing. They had made it, but only just. It took the combined efforts of a dozen or so airmen to hold the Hudson down, as it came to a stop. Not surprisingly, the crew remembered how good the ground felt under their feet on that occasion. Three days later the weather was fine, and they took off for Prestwick, celebrating their return with a little low flying around the islands off the West Coast. They were soon brought back to reality, however, when they learned that they would have to clear UK Customs. Now this was slightly inconvenient, as there were quite a number of kitbags on board full of presents and, in spite of the United Kingdom being at war, Excise duty still had to be paid on goods purchased abroad. A way was found around this particular dilemma, however, when Roy remembered that the Hudson's air to surface vessel (ASV) radar was classified as secret. Promptly calling for an armed guard to be placed on the Hudson, and clearing the aircraft in the normal way, he saw it towed to a nearby hangar. The ruse worked and later it only took a minute or two to off-load the presents and distribute them amongst the crew. [page break] 44 Service transport was then soon arranged to take them to the main road, where they all piled into a Glasgow-bound bus. Arrangements had been made for them to spend two nights at Roy's home in a happy get-together with his Mother, Sister, fiancée Isa and a host of friends. At some stage of the proceedings, Roy must have managed to be alone with Isa long enough to discuss their wedding plans, when it was decided that this would take place on his next leave. On 19 February 1943, they flew Hudson AM 797 from Prestwick to RAF Docking in Norfolk, where 53 Squadron had found a temporary home. It was perhaps a trifle unfortunate that having just crossed the Atlantic, there were no maps of the United Kingdom on board. They were able to find Norfolk without too much difficulty, but not their destination; and so without further ado Roy landed at a convenient airfield, taxied to flying control where he borrowed a quarter inch map of Norfolk, and promptly took off again for Docking. Here a farewell party was held; it was to be his last trip with No 53 Squadron. [page break] 45 Chapter Four: Marriage and a Caribbean Sojourn The Reverend John Ramsay married Roy and Isa on 1 March 1943, at Mount Florida Church, Glasgow, where Roy had been christened and the two of them had grown up. The plan for the honeymoon was to spend a week in Blackpool and then move to Leicester for a further seven days. All the arrangements, however, necessarily difficult in wartime, had to be left to Isa and Roy's sister and even then the accommodation in Blackpool, was only obtained through the kindness of people Roy had met in 1940, during his recruit training days. Shortly after the reception, the couple left Glasgow about 1700 hours on a journey, which in normal times would have taken a few hours. Because of German air activity over the Midlands, however, it was to be very nearly 0400 hours the following morning, before their train reached North station, instead of the scheduled Blackpool central. Such occurrences were of course not uncommon in wartime Britain but, even so, the start of their honeymoon was hardly auspicious. Their small hotel was situated in the south of the town and with no taxis to hand, there was nothing for it but to walk. And walk they did, carrying their luggage. Fortunately, their landlady having heard about the air raids had waited up for them, and this made the hot tea and biscuits seem all the more enjoyable. While staying with a married sister in Leicester the following week, a recall telegram was received ordering Roy to report to RAF Catfoss, near Hull. This of course, left Isa to return to Glasgow on her own, dealing with Roy's civilian clothes as best she could. Shortly after arrival at Catfoss, Roy learned that he was to become an instructor on Bristol Beaufighters, then coming into service with Coastal Command as a replacement for the Hudsons. The decision to re-equip five squadrons of the Command had been taken the previous September. After two local flying trips in the new aircraft, one standing behind the pilot experienced on type and the second with roles reversed, Roy completed his first solo at night on type, in what was then considered to be a fairly advanced aircraft. But it was destined not to last. After clocking-up about fifteen hours or so, he received another posting notice, which directed him back to Blackpool on 'Beatty' draft – the code name for RAF personnel bound for Canada. Unfortunately, he had turned-in all his flying clothing at Catfoss and thus had to be re-issued with it, this time, however, with items designed to be [page break] 46 worn in northern climates. It transpired that there were five pilots earmarked as flying instructors awaiting embarkation, but strangely the ‘bush telegraph' insisted that they were bound for warmer latitudes than Canada, in fact the Bahamas. On the strength of these rumours, Roy put all his flying clothing into a kitbag and promptly sent it home to Glasgow. By the end of the first week in April they were on board the liner SS [italics] Queen Elizabeth [/italics] , at the tail-of-the-bank off Greenock, along with about one thousand other airmen, mainly trainee aircrew, all waiting to sail westward under the Empire Air Training Scheme. In spite of the addition of a number of naval and army officers, and a few civilians being on board, the ship was comparatively empty, compared with the large drafts of US Army personnel carried on the East-bound voyages from the United States, which sometimes numbered as many as fifteen thousand in a single trip. Soon after embarking Roy was placed in charge of a gang of aircrew trainees from 'C' deck, employed to dispose of the considerable amount of ship's garbage. After the rubbish had been collected daily by the young airmen and deposited over the stern. Roy's official duties were over, and he fell into the habit of spending an hour or two with the naval gun crew who manned the defensive armament mounted aft. For the next four days they sailed through mountainous seas, which Roy found exhilarating, especially when the sea seemed to tower above the decks and even the superstructure, of the then world's largest passenger liner. On this voyage no escort was seen, both 'Queens' normally relying on their superior speed to escape the attentions of any U-boat. But one night, when they were about twelve hours out from New York Roy, and the other occupants of his cabin, were suddenly tossed out of their bunks on to the deck, where they sat huddled together in pitch darkness. The ship's hull was vibrating badly and the noise and shuddering persisted until all went quiet: [italics] what the hell is happening, [/italics] Someone asked? [italics] Have we been hit? [/italics] The tannoy message reassuringly informed them that all was well. Later it transpired that they had been on a collision course with another ship, and the engines going full astern, from a forward speed of nearly thirty knots, had caused the vibrations. The [page break] 47 previous October, the SS [italics] Queen Mary [/italics] whilst engaged in bringing US troops to the United Kingdom, had collided with her escort, the cruiser HMS [italics] Curacao [/italics] , which sank with heavy loss of life. Subsequently, Roy had witnessed the SS [italics] Queen Mary [/italics] enter Boston Harbour for a thorough overhaul, after temporary repairs had been carried out on her hull in the River Clyde. They entered the Hudson River during daylight on 13 April 1943, Roy's thirty-first birthday, and perhaps because of this the skyline seemed to be even more imposing that [sic] previously. They were unable to use the [sic] their usual berth, as it was occupied by the French liner the SS [italics] Normandy [/italics] , lying on its side after being gutted by fire. However, the alternative docking arrangements seemed to work well enough and dis-embarkation started about 1100 hours. The RAF contingent was accommodated at Fort Hamilton, overlooking the Ambrose channel and the entrance to the Narrows. Unable to move very far because of a possible quick departure Roy, along with two companions, took to taking the subway each day into Manhattan to see the sights. Sure enough within a few days they were placed on a train bound for Miami, the journey south taking a miserable three days. On arrival, they immediately boarded another ship bound for Nassau, which was part of the Bahamas, discovered by Columbus in 1492, although the precise landing site remains uncertain to this day. After the Spanish and an interval of thirty-seven years, came the English. But it was not until 1783 that George III formally proclaimed the islands a crown colony, after the Peace of Versailles. The islands then remained much in the doldrums, until prosperity came with the blockade-runners of the American civil war. In later years sponge fishing became the chief industry but subsequently, this was much reduced by fungus disease. By 1940, the major source of wealth was derived from tourists, who came chiefly from the United States. Under the terms of the lease-lend agreement, already referred to, the United States was offered the use of certain British territories, as bases, for a period of ninety-nine years. The Bahamas were included under these arrangements and thus, after December 1941, the United States was in a position to construct bases on New Providence, and the other islands, should they wish to do so. No 111 (General Reconnaissance) Operational Training Unit came into being in August 1942 as a result of an agreement between General Arnold of the US Army Air Corps and Air [page break] 48 Marshal Portal. The advantages of such a location were obvious and it was decided that the unit would be based at Nassau on New Providence Island. It was to be staffed entirely by RAF personnel who would be administered by the RAF Delegation in Washington, with an aim of providing a flow of trained crews to support the Liberator (B24) Squadrons of Coastal Command, at a rate of thirteen crews per month. On a twelve-week course this would require flying facilities, reception, accommodation, messing and recreation arrangements for thirty-nine crews at any one time. Such a task was way beyond the existing resources of the Island and thus it was decided to enlarge the existing Oakes Airfield and to build an entirely new one, tactfully named Windsor Field. Under the terms of lend-lease, the North American Division of the United States Engineer's Department was made responsible for this work. They in their turn employed Pleasantville Construction Incorporated, on contract for the task and this decision, unfortunately, led to trouble. No doubt the Duke of Windsor encouraged the project, as it would benefit the economy, which had been hard hit since the United States had entered the war. But the situation was badly handled; the difference in rates of pay of Americans and Bahamian labour leading to rioting, several deaths and injuries. After two weeks, however, the local men reluctantly returned to work having been offered an increase in pay of five shillings a day. Group Captain R.N. Waite RAF, the first commanding officer, arrived with the advance party in New York on 16 August 1942, having crossed the Atlantic in the SS [italics] Queen Mary [/italics] . Wasting little time in getting to Nassau, he called on the Governor five days later, and as the contractor had not yet finished his work, the RAF contingent was temporarily housed in the Fort Montagu Hotel. Meanwhile the Duchess organised a forces canteen, which was set-up under the auspices of the Nuffield Trust. Flying Training started in November and the following month saw the first conversions on type being carried out on the North American Mitchell. By the end of December, the contractor had completed enough work for the airfield to be formally handed over to the Royal Air Force. Early in the New Year training started in earnest, with student crews undertaking navigation exercises. Moreover, the opportunity was taken to incorporate the escorting of convoys through the Caribbean area into the OTU syllabus. By the time [page break] [photograph] Stanley Toogood [page break] 49 Roy Hastie was due to join the unit as an instructor, anti-submarine sweeps were a regular feature of the training programme. Regular training had now started on the Liberator B24 aircraft, but unfortunately, in March, the first of a number of North American Mitchell's was lost, with its crew, on a training exercise. Sailing through the night under the stars among some of the 3,000 coral islands, cays and rocks that stretch for six hundred miles to the southeast, and go to make up the Bahamas, was an impressive sight. So much so, that quite a few of the passengers on board stayed on deck in order not to miss the really spectacular views. The temperature helped, of course, averaging seventy degrees Fahrenheit in winter and ten-to-twenty degrees higher in summer. Like many people Roy had heard of Nassau and knew it was in the Caribbean, without realising that it was quite so close to the United States, less than two hundred miles or so. As previously mentioned, the governor and Commander-in-Chief was HRH the Duke of Windsor, who had been appointed to the post in July 1940. Previously he had been in France, acting as liaison officer with the British Military Mission, serving in the rank of major general, although unpaid. With the collapse of France, HRH's position became somewhat embarrassing and while in Lisbon, he was offered the job in Nassau. The professional incumbent at the time, Sir Charles Dundas, vacated his post unwillingly in order to make way for his royal successor. The Duke had been appointed on 9 July 1940 and he arrived in Nassau with the Duchess in the following August, arriving in the SS [italics] Lady Somers [/italics].36 No member of the royal family had ever served in such a capacity before, and he must have been heartbroken as he sailed towards the Bahamas, and almost certain exile. Nevertheless, there is little doubt that the Windsor's' arrival boosted the tourist trade, especially amongst the numbers coming from the United States, upon which the island's economy so heavily depended. Visitors were soon impressed by the Governor and his wife, and especially by their hard work. When difficulties arose over the reduction of tourists, brought about by the entry of the United States into the war, HRH was instrumental in sponsoring a number of local schemes designed to replace the lost revenue. He formed and chaired an economic committee and tried hard to boost agricultural production. It was also during his tenure that Churchill implemented a previous agreement on 27 March 1941, to lease eight bases in the Bahamas and elsewhere to the United States in return for fifty over-age destroyers.37 [page break] 50 It was unfortunate, therefore, that the Windsor's often offended people, the Duchess in particular, who possessed great charm, but appeared to be more concerned with her status, clothes and jewellery, than the welfare of the islanders. To be fair, the Duke had not trained to be a colonial governor and he could not have found the task an easy one. What is a little surprising, is that he was unpopular with some of the Royal Air Force in Nassau, the Duchess slightly less so. By the end of 1942 Nassau had become a garrison town but in doing so, the arrival of the forces had saved the economy of the Bahamas. Roy's first glimpse of New Providence, the island in which Nassau is situated, was not an inspiring one, an opinion which seemed to be confirmed when the RAF draft arrived at the docks, only to be transported to the airfield in open trucks. He was a little surprised to find the RAF unit such a large one. No 111 General Reconnaissance Operational Training Unit had been formed in August, the previous year, in order to provide a regular supply of trained crews for Coastal Command. The advantages of such a location were obvious, but the unit had to be administered by the RAF delegation in Washington, over a thousand miles away and thus this was not an easy task. The RAF were in possession of the two airfields which were a few miles apart. Oakes, which was still being enlarged and extended, and Windsor Field which was entirely new. Crews under training spent two months at the former, leaning [sic] how to operate the twin-engined North American B25 Mitchell, with Nos. one and two Squadrons; this was followed by a further month at Windsor, on the larger Consolidated B24 Liberator. In all, about 3,000 servicemen manned the unit. Roy, of course, was officially on a 'rest' tour of duty, that is to say a spell away from operational flying. Given the circumstances of finding himself in the Caribbean, and in a flying appointment, he could easily have been forgiven for thinking that he had been given an extended holiday, and at public expense too. Operating in near-perfect weather conditions, over islands which were fringed by incredibly white sandy beaches, set in seas of breath-taking translucent greens and blues, there was indeed a temptation to forget the war, and even at times, the job in hand. Shortly after arrival he spotted a memo pinned to the notice board in the Sergeants' Mess, informing the reader of details concerning services in the local Scottish Kirk, [page break] 51 the Church of St. Andrews. Now at home in Glasgow, he had attended church fairly regularly, and thus it was with pleasure that he decided to go to the Sunday evening services, in spite of the raised eyebrows among some of his friends. He was to be glad that he did so, otherwise he probably would not have met George Cole and 'Binnie', both local businessmen. At the close of the service on the very first visit, Roy was informed that his singing had been very much appreciated, and would he consider joining the choir? He would and did, thus coming to know George and Kate Cole, who subsequently were to become great friends. Such was their kindness, that after the first choir practice he was invited home for supper and was subsequently offered a room for his exclusive use for the rest of his stay on the island. But Roy contributed too, taking most of the bass solo parts in seasonal celebrations, many of which were broadcast by Nassau Radio. Most weekends, when he could get away, were thus spent in the company of the Coles and Binnie, their great friend and many others, swimming, fishing and sailing. Throughout it all, he found it difficult to believe that the war, which had brought him to New Providence, was still on. Roy subsequently returned on holiday, after the war, with Isa in 1953 and again in 1966, to stay with the Coles, who also made reciprocal visits to Glasgow, although sadly, on the last occasion, Kate was on her own, George having died in 1970. For services to his country, George Cole was awarded an OBE in 1968. While all this was going on, of course, there was still a job of work to do, and Roy was determined that he would pass on to his pupil crews the benefit of his experiences and, in the few weeks at his disposal for each crew, train them to the very highest standards possible, fully capable of operating over the sea in an efficient and effective manner. It was sometimes said that 'it was safer to be on an operational squadron, than at an OTU', referring of course to the relative inexperience of the individuals undergoing training. During his time in Nassau, Roy came to realise that was some truth in this generalisation. Casualties were only to be expected and the accident rate, at the time, worked out to be one student crew per course. Sometimes, these were due to human error and, less frequently, to mechanical failure. Very occasionally, aircraft and crew just simply failed to return from a sortie. Just how easily this could happen is related [page break] 52 by the following incident. The twin-engined North American Mitchell was a particular favourite aircraft with Roy, and to relieve the tedium of day-to-day instruction, he often liked to fly it at low level, especially over the sea. On 19 July 1943, it fell to his lot to take an Australian, Pilot Officer Jones and his crew, on an exercise, which culminated in a live bombing attack. The submarine target was represented by some well-defined rocks, which it was hoped to hit, with a 4,000-lb. bomb from a height of about 4,000 feet. All went well up until the climax. As the weapon was released, Roy who was sitting right-hand seat took control and started to bank the aircraft to starboard. This action enabled the crew to have a better view of the result and the rear gunner to photograph the point of impact. Suddenly, there was a loud bang! The Mitchell lost flying speed and started to spin and lose height. Immediately, Roy put the nose down and increased power on the starboard engine, applying full left rudder as he did so. He fought hard to bring the aircraft under control, realising he was losing height far too quickly. Gradually, the gyrations slowed and opening up on both engines, he managed to straighten up and ease back on the throttles, as the altimeter indicated some two hundred feet above sea level. It had been a narrow escape. Roy now had a chance to glance around and first saw the navigator, who had been standing behind him, bleeding profusely having been struck in the face by a dislodged perspex window. The bomb aimer was lying unconscious; he had been propelled up the tunnel leading from the nose by the force of the spin, and had struck his head against the bulkhead. Then Roy noticed the crumpled leading edge of the starboard wing, parts missing from the starboard fin and tail, and oil pouring from the starboard engine. It was high time to go home! Fortunately he had remembered to put out an emergency landing call, and thus Oakes field was ready to receive them. Their luck was certainly in that day, for the undercarriage held and a successful landing was accomplished, albeit without the use of the customary flap. It was later discovered that the nose-wheel door was missing, and the subsequent inquiry assumed that the impact of this hitting the aircraft had been sufficient for control to have been lost and cause the structural damage. The Chief Flying Instructor at the time, however, could not agree that the Mitchell actually entered a spin, preferring instead the term 'spiral'. [page break] 53 It has been mentioned that the Windsor's were not popular among certain sections of the community, and with a large number of servicemen on a small island, and a lot of flying to be done, some complaints from the Governor were only to be expected. One night, Roy was detailed for night flying, after what seemed a week of criticism from government house. He decided that enough was enough, and on take-off deliberately swung the Mitchell to port, so as to pass directly over the top of the Governor's residence. At low altitude and with full power, the noise must have been excessive and fully justifying a strong protest. Roy waited for the inevitable outcome. Fortunately, he had not been first off that night and so had ample time in which to formulate a suitable reply. After about five minutes came the following interchange between the control tower and aircraft: [italics] control to all aircraft — report your position. [/italics] When it came his turn to reply, Roy placed his aircraft a score or more miles from the Island, and thus escaped identification. In spite of the chuckles that followed this particular incident, it could hardly have improved matters between the Governor and the RAF. The next three months passed quickly enough and it was not until Roy found himself on another anti-submarine exercise on 5 October 1943 that the next spot of bother arose. This time the incident occurred in the Exuma Sound area, to the southeast of Nassau, He was with a Pilot Officer Davey and crew, when a runaway propeller developed on the starboard engine. This took Roy a moment or two diagnose, but even when he closed the appropriate throttle and attempted to feather the propeller and cut the ignition, the windmilling increased and with it, of course, the drag effect. It soon became obvious that they would be unable to maintain height on the one good engine, even with maximum power. They were over water, some distance from base, and thus a ditching seemed to be inevitable. Hurriedly, a May Day call was made, and the crew ordered to ditching stations. While all this was going on, Roy had understandably set course for the nearest land, which lay to the east, remembering to jettison the four 250 lb. depth charges, as he did so. The aircraft continued to lose height as they edged towards the island of Eleuthera; rounding its southern tip Roy decided to put the Mitchell down about a quarter of a mile off, and parallel to, the eastern shoreline on a northerly heading. The [page break] 54 aircraft touched the sea lightly and then hit the surface hard, coming to rest quickly and all in one piece. The dinghy inflated satisfactorily, and they clambered in as best they could, carrying Sergeant Allan, one of the air gunners, who sustained a severe head injury during the proceedings, rendering him unconscious. They managed to paddle the few hundred yards to the beach, land and light a large fire, settling down as they could to await rescue. Sergeant Allan was given a shot of morphia from the first aid kit, and made as comfortable as possible as the circumstances permitted. About two hours later their moral [sic] was raised when three aircraft from Nassau flew over them, indicating that they had been located and that all would soon be well. It should be remembered that at the time, Eleuthera was sparsely populated, and not the holiday resort it is today, and really quite isolated from the main centres of population in New Providence and Grand Bahama. Shortly, a small number of local inhabitants arrived and proceeded to guide them through the undergrowth towards the west and the nearest road and habitation. Darkness had fallen and it was hard work, made more difficult by having to carry the unfortunate Allan. Fortunately it had been possible to construct an improvised stretcher out of a parachute slung between two poles. At Bannerman Town, the hamlet on the West Side of the island, a white couple who provided much welcome food and overnight accommodation met them. The next day a so-called ambulance came from the North to take Sergeant Allan to the nearest Doctor and hospital at Governor's Harbour, some forty miles away where he made a complete recovery. At noon, the air sea rescue launch from Nassau arrived to convey the remainder of them to Fort Montague, a near-heroes welcome, and membership of the Goldfish Club. For some time now, the Royal Air Force had adopted a policy of commissioning wartime aircrew on merit. Not surprisingly, Roy was recommended and, in due course, commissioned as a Pilot Officer in the RAFVR. This was a little unusual, for, in accordance with regulations, as he had already attained the rank of Warrant Officer, he should have been made a Flying Officer. A week or two later the slip was noticed and subsequently corrected. Leave was due anyway, and he decided to spend it in New York; getting to Miami was no problem, with frequent visits by OTU aircraft, almost on a daily basis for [page break] [goldfish club badge and letter] [photograph] [page break] 55 spares and other purposes. But once there, he was on his own. Unable to hitch a lift with either the US Army Air Corps or US Navy, he had to resort to the train. Fortunately for Roy, this turned out to be the crack 'Silver Meteor' and he had a comparatively fast and comfortable ride for over a thousand miles to the North. The months of the New Year 1944 seemed to have sped by with indecent haste, for by July his tour of duty of a little over a year, had come to an end. Roy could hardly believe it, but during his time on the island he had accumulated some one thousand and four hundred instructional flying hours on the Mitchell and Liberator. Along with a dozen or so other instructors, he was asked to select his own crew and complete number 25 Course at the OTU as a student, before returning to the United Kingdom with a fully trained Coastal Command crew. At the end of his time at Nassau, he was assessed as an 'Above the Average' General Reconnaissance Pilot; he acquired the same rating as a Flying Instructor.38 At any time the Bahamas must have seemed like a land of perpetual sunshine and plenty, but in wartime this feeling was obviously more pronounced. To his surprise, he felt glad to be going home, to the restrictions, the blackout, air raids, and rationing. Nor was he alone in this, for most of his fellow instructors who had arrived at No 111 OTU, at about the same time, felt this way too. The party of about one hundred officers and men sailed for Miami, in the second week of July, where they were billeted for two days while preparations were made for the long and tedious journey North to Canada. They eventually arrived in Nova Scotia after a terrible trip, only to find that they had to change trains for Montreal, the airport of departure. Here they flew to Prestwick via Gander in Newfoundland, at the end of July, the flight being made possible by the long-range of the Transport Command Liberators. Fortunately, the weather was good and the 2,000 odd miles were completed non-stop without incident, in fourteen hours, forty minutes.39 [page break] 56 ROYAL AIR FORCE STATION SERIAL . . . 5 NASSAU, BAHAMAS PAGE 4 THURSDAY 6 JAN 1943 AFTER ORDER BY GROUP CAPTAIN R.N. WAITE, COMMANDING. 13. ORDER OF THE DAY On the 5th October 1943, 1107496 Warrant Officer (now Pilot Officer) R.M. Hastie was captain of Mitchell aircraft F.R.384. Owing to loss of oil the feathering mechanism of the propeller on one engine failed, and the consequent behaviour [sic] of the engine made it impossible to maintain height on the remaining engine. Warrant Officer Hastie carried out his emergency procedure accurately and thoroughly in spite of the difficulty of controlling the aircraft, and his crew were at their correct crash stations before the ditching was made. He showed good airmanship and a thorough understanding of the capabilities of his aircraft throughout and made a good touchdown on the water. The air gunner, R.185473 Sgt Allen, T.W., was in the rear compartment of the aircraft. R.73406 F/Sgt. V.A. Mclennan and 1321794 Sgt. S.J. Trusson, two Wireless Operators, had already escaped but on discovering that Sgt. Allen was still in the aircraft, they crawled back through the bomb bay tunnel and with great difficulty dragged him out. The task of pulling an unconscious man through this small tunnel required strength and determination, The rear of the aircraft was below water so the hatches could not be used. F/Sgt. Mclennan and Sgt. Trusson stood in grave danger of being trapped and drowned had the aircraft sank before they got Sgt. Allen through the tunnel. Their prompt and gallant action prevented a very successful ditching from becoming a tragedy. The conduct and devotion to duty of W/O Hastie, F/Sgt. McLennan and Sgt. Trusson was highly commendable throughout. F/L ADJUTANT For GROUP CAPTAIN, COMMANDING ROYAL AIR FORCE STATION NASSAU, BAHAMAS. [page break] 57 Chapter Five: Success in the Mediterranean and North Atlantic in 1943. Meanwhile, great events had been taking place on the world stage, especially in Russia and the Mediterranean area. After months and months of reverses, it was mostly good news for the Allies. Towards the end of Roy's time with No 53 Squadron in the Western Hemisphere, in October 1942, General Montgomery had fought and beaten General Rommel, at the battle of El Alamein, thereby saving Egypt, and the Suez Canal. Moreover, in November 1943, the Allies had successfully launched Operation Torch, the invasion of North Africa, landing over the beaches in Morocco and at Oran, Algiers, Bougie, and Bone.40 Sicily was then successfully invaded by British and American forces. Soon Italy was to surrender, and even declare war on Germany in October 1943. At sea, the U-boat had been in the ascendant for many months, and in November 1942 sinkings had totalled 509,000 tons. Fortunately for the Allies, bad weather then intervened which halved the sinkings. Nevertheless, 300,000 tons of shipping was sunk by U-boats during the next month, and the figure seemed set to rise. March of the New Year, 1943, turned out to be the worst month of the war for the Allies, when during the first twenty days of the month forty-three ships were sunk in the Atlantic alone. But the signs were misleading. The Battle of the Atlantic was soon to go the other way, helped by the staff at Bletchley regularly reading the German naval Enigma codes. In fact, the Battle of the Atlantic was reaching a climax during the period July 1942 until April 1943; when, at last, Bletchley broke the U-boat Enigma code, enabling the Admiralty to re-route allied convoys around known U-boat dispositions. This was in spite of the fact that B-Dienst, the Kriegsmarine's radio intelligence service, continued to read British Naval Code No.3, through which the allied convoys were controlled. At last, the Royal Navy abandoned its penetrated Codebook, and there was a welcome upsurge in the numbers of escorts provided to convoys. Moreover, the B24 Liberator, with its long range, entered the convoy protection service, and the Escort Carrier scheme was introduced. Perhaps, above all, the allies had started to use centrimetric radar, due in large measure to the work of two of Professor Oliphant's [page break] 58 team at Birmingham University, John Randall and Harry Boot.41 In fact no allied ships were sunk by U-boats from May until September 1943, and German submarines were now being lost at a loss-rate faster than they could be replaced. The tide had indeed turned, and Admiral Doenitz was never able to prevail again, although he tried hard with such devices as the homing torpedo and the Schnorkel. He told Hitler in May that the Battle of the Atlantic would have to be broken off, at least temporarily. But in fact the retreat was to be permanent. A small lump came to Roy's throat at the sight of the Western Isles, in the early morning sunlight of 30 July 1944. For him this seemed to be Scotland at its very best. But another miserable train journey soon brought him down to earth; this time it was to Harrogate, the centre or holding unit, for individuals, who had received their aircrew training abroad, notably under the Commonwealth air training plan. Strictly, coming from an OTU as fully trained crews, they should not have been sent to such a unit. Expediency won the day, however, although it soon became obvious that the staff were ill prepared to handle Coastal Command crews as entities, all keen to join their operational squadrons as quickly as possible. Alas this was not to be. In view of the situation at sea, Coastal Command was not suffering casualties and simply did not require replacement crews.42 Moreover, the casualty rate in Bomber Command was at a low level. The RAF training machine, which embraced all home and Commonwealth flying schools, was now turning out qualified aircrews by the thousands, and because of reduced casualty rates generally, a surplus of crews was rapidly building up; all of them without much chance of being employed in the role for which they had been trained. The usual procedure in those days, when confronted with a problem of this nature, was to send those concerned on leave, indefinite leave if necessary. When Roy returned from a pleasant week spent with Isa, and his family, in Glasgow, he found the situation unchanged. No decision had been taken about their future employment. After a few days his patience snapped and, with two others, he took off for HQ Coastal Command at Northwood, near London. He subsequently found out what was to happen to them, and it was not to his liking. After all his training and experience in the maritime role, it was confirmed that there simply were no vacancies in Coastal, and that they were all to be posted to a new Bomber Group, with a special and secret role. [page break] [graph] The ratio of Allied ships sunk to the number of German submarines lost, plotted at three-monthly intervals for the duration of the war. The dates on which ASV Mark II, the Leigh Light and ASV Mark III were introduced are as shown. E.G. BOWEN During the first nine months of the war, the ratio was already at the frightening level of ten ships sunk for every submarine lost. The loss ratio mounted rapidly through 1940, until during the three months December, January and February of 1940-1, no less than 96 Allied vessels were lost and not a single enemy submarine. If that level had been maintained, the war would have been quickly over. The failure of the attacks during 1940 can be put down to many factors, but in simple terms it was due to the need for a very protracted training period, during which crews of Coastal Command and the Fleet Air Arm learned how best to use their new equipment. Their problems were compounded by the poor serviceability of ASV Mark I, the lack of test equipment and the total absence of training facilities. It remains true to this day that any military service, when faced with the introduction of a new and exotic equipment, requires meticulous training and a long and protracted practice period before they can make best use of it.42 [page break] 59 Chapter Six: Radar in Germany and Great Britain, and Bomber Command. At the end of World War One in 1918, the German people not only lost their Kaiser but found it difficult to come to terms with a Republican government. National sovereignty, however, remained intact in spite of the loss of their colonies and navy and air force. Their army was retained, but reduced in size, although it remained very much of a pervasive factor in politics until at least 1934. It was unfortunate that the Weimar constitution had not been more widely supported, as it was expected to deal, inter alia, with the unpopular reparations set by the allies. In the period 1922-1923, the currency collapsed and rampant inflation set-in and it took the genius of Dr Schaht, President of the Reichsbank, assisted later with loans from American and other banks to overcome it. The peace treaty of 1919 permitted Germany to retain an Army of 100,000 men for internal security purposes, and a very able and astute general, Hans von Seeckt, took full advantage of this clause and spent six years transforming the Reichwehr into a formidable fighting force. In 1929 the effects of Wall Street and the ensuing depression soon spread to Europe and beyond, the slump becoming world-wide. The Weimar government was simply not strong enough to survive the effects of five million people out of work and the attendant inflation. Parliament and the Constitution became unworkable; bullying and violence appeared on the streets and the way was opened for political parties of the extreme left or right to come to power. The people became desperate for the return of law and order and longed for a stable economic situation. Democracy gave way to National Socialism, when President Hindenburg appointed Adolph Hitler, Chancellor in January 1933. Later, under their new leader, Germany rearmed, introduced conscription and acknowledged the existence of the hitherto secret and prohibited German air force, curing many of its economic ills as it did so. After coming to power, Hitler was to adopt extreme expansionist policies and so set his country on the road to conflict and World War Two. Meanwhile, alarm bells began to sound in the United Kingdom and elsewhere. Belatedly measures were initiated in London to try and reverse some of the effects of the disarmament policies adopted after World War one. Quite independently of one [page break] 60 another, both Germany and Great Britain started to experiment with radio direction finding, later radar, the principles of which were already well known. It had all begun in the latter half of the nineteenth century when Hertz, who showed that radio waves could be reflected off metal sheets, continued the earlier work of Faraday and Maxwell. Braun then invented the cathode ray tube. In 1904 Fleming produced the world's first diode valve, whilst Hulsmeyer patented a Hertz wave transmitter and receiver. In December 1924 a break-through occurred when Appleton and Barnett first measured the time a radio wave took to travel from transmitter to receiver, after being reflected by the ionosphere. Important developments then followed in the USA when Bret and Tuve perfected this procedure a year later. In 1927 Kuhnhold succeeded in obtaining discernible echoes of a ship at a range of seven to eight miles. Dr Yagi of Japan then took the development a stage further when he invented his narrow beam directional aerial. Early in the 1930's, the German Lorenz Company developed a blind-landing approach system, based on very high frequency (VHF) radio, to help civil aircraft land in poor weather. By the middle of the decade the system was successful and widely used by the airlines, as well as by the RAF and Luftwaffe. In 1933, Dr Hans Plendl developed the Lorenz beam to help aircraft bomb accurately and within five years he was successful. This was the X-Gerät or X-device, which worked on frequencies of between 66 and 75 megacycles.43 Other systems soon followed such as Telefunken's Knickebein or Crooked Leg, using 30 to 33.3 megacycles, and later the technically more advanced Y-Gerät or Benito which operated on 40 megacycles. 44 At the same time Dr Kuhnold was developing Freya, an early warning set which operated on 150 megacycles and Telefunken was producing the Wurzburg accurate gun-laying radar, with a height finding capability.45 Moreover, before the outbreak of hostilities in September 1939, Seetakt, a naval gun-ranging radar had entered service. The British had tried hard to discover whether or not the Germans possessed radar. They were hampered to some extent by the lack of appropriate specialists, just at a time when the Intelligence gathering departments themselves were not only being reorganised but expanded. The RAF raids on units of the German fleet early in the war might have provided a clue but failed to do so. A little later, the [italics] Graf Spee's [/italics] Seetakt aerial yielded useful information, but the Admiralty inexplicably pigeonholed the subsequent report. [page break] 61 The RAF came to rely for its air intelligence on a number of different sources. They included prisoners of war, crashed German aircraft, the Oslo Report,* the RAF Y Service, especially RAF Cheadle, the Government Code and Cipher School,** and the Telecommunications Research Establishment.*** In March 1940, the first of these sources disclosed the existence of two new devices namely Knickebein and X-Gerat. In view of the evidence available, Dr R.V. Jones, of air intelligence, became convinced that the German air force did indeed possess aids to accurate navigation and bombing, based on VHF beams and in all probability had also developed radar. The Air Ministry Research Establishment at Orfordness, and later at Bawdsey Manor, provided Fighter Command with its original radar defence system, the Chain Home (CH) which operated on a wavelength of about 10 metres and a frequency of 30 MHz. The AOC-in-C of Fighter Command, Air Chief Marshal Sir Hugh Dowding, had been appointed in July 1936. He was just able, before war was declared in September 1939, to weld a number of disparate elements such as fighters, radar, communications, Observer Corps and guns, into a fully integrated air defence system. Fighter Command was subsequently able to withstand the might of the Luftwaffe in daylight in 1940, something which no other air force in Europe had been able to do, thus eventually compelling the Luftwaffe to attack the United Kingdom by night. In spite of the success of Fighter Command's integrated air defence of the United Kingdom, during the Battle of Britain, the RAF was woefully ignorant of the Luftwaffe's radio navigation and bombing aids. These devices enabled German bomber aircraft to navigate in all weathers over the United Kingdom with confidence, and in most cases find and bomb targets accurately. To find and overcome the Luftwaffe's radio beacons and beams, the RAF formed No. 80 (Signals) Wing, under the command of Wing Commander E.B. Addison. This formation was at first placed in Fighter Command, but at a later dated came directly under the Air Ministry. * A secret report sent to the naval attaché in Oslo by an unknown German scientist. ** The Government Code and Cipher school, Bletchley Park, home of Ultra. *** An enlarged Air Ministry Experimental Establishment renamed TRE. It moved from Bawdsey to Swanage via Dundee and thence to Malvern. [page break] 62 Bomber Command, however, was not so fortunate. it had started the war badly. It was not only short of four engined aircraft, but the current navigation and bombing techniques, extant in 1918, left much to be desired. The successor to the East Coast Research Units was the Telecommunication Research Establishment (TRE) and this facility had been available to assist Fighter Command with the development of airborne radar for its night fighters, and with the work of No. 80 Wing, and thus help to protect British industry from German bombing. Bomber Command, however, felt that any use of radio navigation aids would disclose the position of their aircraft to the German air defence system, and thus declined to make use of such developments. By the autumn of 1941, it was clear also, that the Luftwaffe had developed an extensive network of radar early warning covering Western Europe, by means of devices known as Freyas. These enabled them to alert their defences in good time and to detect the general direction of an impending attack. It was also apparent that their night fighters were tactically employing two systems of local radar detection. Airborne interception (AI) was being used and there was also a method of Ground Controlled Interception (GCI), which depended upon a ground-based radar tracking equipment known as Wurzburg. This enabled a controller on the ground to direct a night fighter, by means of radiotelephone, to the vicinity of a RAF bomber. Fortunately for the RAF, Sir Arthur Harris arrived on the scene at Bomber Command in February 1942, with new ideas and a fresh approach to the task in hand. It was imperative that Bomber Command started to make use of the new technology, which was now becoming available from TRE. First of the new navigational aids to be introduced by Bomber Command, was a radio position-finding system known as Gee, invented by Dr R.J. Dippy.46 It was first used against Essen on the night 8/9 March 1942.47 This was followed by Oboe, an accurate blind-bombing device, also from TRE, which came into service in December 1942. It was better than Gee, but was limited by range. The third navigational aid was H2S, an airborne radar set directed at the ground. It was first issued to the Pathfinders of No 8 group, and was first used operationally by them against Hamburg on 30-31 January 1943.48 Its range was unlimited but it was also a powerful transmitter and thus could be detected by the Germans.49 With these devices, Bomber Command's navigation standards improved immeasurably, but bomber losses due to Luftwaffe night fighters had mounted [page break] 63 steadily throughout 1942; as the German radar-based defences improved, it forced the RAF to adopt new measures. Towards the end of 1942 the Air Ministry approved the use of a series of radio countermeasures, designed specifically to protect bomber aircraft. At a meeting held at HQ Bomber Command, in October 1942, it was decided to use Shiver, the RAF Identification, Friend or Foe system, suitable [sic] modified to operate on the intermediate frequency of the German air-defence radar set, Wurzburg. Since only a temporary success could be expected with Shiver, TRE was asked to develop an effective airborne jammer against Wurzburg. Moreover, it was recommended that Mandrel airborne jammers, in the 120 – 130 Mcs band, should be fitted to two aircraft in every Squadron, and be used against the German early warning Freyas. Shiver was introduced immediately; Mandrel being first used in December 1942. It was hoped to destroy the vital communications link between Luftwaffe fighters and their ground controllers, by modulating each aircraft transmitter with noise stemming from a microphone situated inside the aircraft; each wireless operator being briefed to search a given 150 Kcs situated between 3-6 Mcs, in the HF Range, and to transmit on any frequency found to be in use. This was Tinsel, and it was first used in December 1942. Tinsel and Mandrel were introduced at the same time and thus it is difficult to judge their relative effect. Undoubtedly, there was a fall in the loss rate at the beginning of the New Year, although this may have been partly due to seasonal factors. By March, however, the trend of losses was beginning to rise again as the operating range of the Freya early warning radar was extended and Luftwaffe communications improved. Unfortunately for the RAF, there was no scientific basis for Shiver having any effect on the German radar and, in February 1945, its use was discontinued. Since 1940, when the Luftwaffe navigation and bombing beams were beginning to be identified, No 80 (Signals) Wing had been fighting the radio war on behalf of the RAF from the ground. In April 1943, a Ground Grocer station had been opened at Dunwich, on the Suffolk coast, its task being to find and jam German Air Interception signals in the 490-500 Mcs band. This it did successfully, in spite of the range of the jamming equipment being limited to about 150 miles. Fortunately for the British, parts of the Dutch coast could be covered including the mouth of the River Scheldt, [page break] 64 and for some miles inland where some of the most efficient German night fighter units were operating. Mandrel continued to be used, but the loss rate of Mandrel carrying aircraft in No 1 Group appeared to be excessive, giving rise to the fear that Luftwaffe fighters were homing-in on the Mandrel transmissions. In fact the German Freya-Halbe apparatus had been specially developed for this purpose. Consequently, in order to avoid this happening Mandrel transmissions were deliberately interrupted, but this action halved the effectiveness of the jamming. Moreover, the Luftwaffe then extended the frequency range of the Early Warning Freyas, by twenty megacycles to 150 Mcs, placing them out of reach of the current Mandrels. Although it was never possible to raise the RAF Mandrel barrage to the desired intensity, Germany was required to expend considerable effort in keeping the Freyas clear of jamming. In this sense Mandrel had to be considered successful. Early in April 1943, the Luftwaffe started to control its night fighters by VHF in the 38-42 Mcs band and, although this had been foreseen, little action could be taken until more details of the German system had been confirmed. As a first step, a ground transmitter was provided covering the whole of the 38-42 Mcs band and established at Sizewell on the Suffolk coast. It was known as Ground Cigar and started to operate at the end of July 1943. But like Ground Grocer before it, it suffered from lack of range, 140 miles, and gave rise to complaints from the Royal Navy and the RAF "Y" Service, concerning interference to their communications. What was really required was an airborne jammer and Air Ministry was asked for one in May 1943. The demand was for the development of an airborne radio jammer, to be fitted to one aircraft of a bomber squadron, which could undertake the Radio Countermeasure (RCM) role, in addition to its normal bombing task. Consequently, early in October 1943, Airborne Cigar (ABC) was first used operationally in the Lancasters of No 101 Squadron. The equipment comprised a panoramic receiver and three transmitters under the control of an additional crewmember, who had been specially trained and could, speak German. ABC fitted aircraft were placed at intervals along the bomber stream in order to give complete protection to all aircraft participating in the raid, each operator normally expecting to hear and jam Luftwaffe transmissions in his own area. ABC continued to be used in this form by No 101 Squadron until April 1945, [page break] 65 and gave extremely good results against the R/T control of German night fighters in the VHF band There was also a requirement to cripple the Wurzburg radar in the 53-centimetre band, which was used for the efficient GCI control network, built up throughout Western Europe, and for gun laying. After much deliberation and many trials, Window, a form of aluminium foil, was first used against Hamburg in July 1943 and achieved immediate success. Not only were RAF casualties limited but the whole German night-fighter defence organisation was thrown into utter confusion. The Luftwaffe reacted quickly and introduced mass control of their night-fighter aircraft in order to try and direct as many as possible to the target area. Here they were expected to attempt interceptions of RAF bombers with the aid of searchlights, which already formed part of the ground defences. Instructions were issued by HF radio in the 3-6 Mcs band. Along main force routes, interceptions by German night fighters took place with the aid of the old GCI controls, working as best as they could through the interference caused by the use of Window. The RAF responded to the new German procedure of mass control, by jamming the latest ground-to-air communications link. Tinsel was already in use against the Luftwaffe HF R/T but, instead of each bomber aircraft jamming part of the band, there were now fewer frequencies in use and each one concerned the bomber force as a whole. Thus the Tinsel effort had to be directed towards the more dangerous frequencies, and at the same time the strength of the jamming had to be increased. This was done by the use of Special Tinsel. Consequently, a proportion of all bomber aircraft operating on a particular occasion was briefed to use this device, the frequencies to jam being obtained by the RAF "Y" Service at West Kingsdown, in Kent. Special Tinsel was instantly effective but the Luftwaffe overcame it by increasing the numbers of channels in use. This was overcome to some extent by dividing the Special Tinsel jamming effort between Groups, each one being allocated a different frequency. Each division necessarily weakened the intensity of the jamming, but it also forced the Luftwaffe to spend time searching for a clear frequency, which they could use. The RAF then decided to add to the jamming already taking place in the 3-6 Mcs range, and high-power transmitters normally used for overseas radio-telegraphy were [page break] 66 pressed into use. The objections raised previously through the use of Ground Cigar did not arise in the HF band, where propagation conditions are different and ranges of 300-500 miles are attainable by night. This countermeasure was known as Corona and early negotiations were necessary with the GPO and the BBC before it could be used. These details were completed and Corona was first operated under the control of West Kingsdown on the night 22-23 October 1943. With this system it was possible to issue false directions in German, but wisely these were confined to instructions to land, tuning transmissions and warnings about the unsuitability of bases. Corona was highly successful, as corroborated by RAF "Y" Service evidence, but eventually straight jamming superseded the false information. The Luftwaffe then turned to the German high-power broadcast station at Stuttgart to pass instructions to its night-fighters. Consequently, the powerful BBC transmitter at Crowborough was brought into use for jamming on the night 6-7 December 1943. It was called Dartboard and shortly afterwards the German MF broadcasts from Stuttgart, and elsewhere, ceased. All this jamming activity was not easy to control, with No 80 Wing providing all the ground activity and similar airborne equipment being employed by Fighter and Bomber Commands. There was thus a growing complexity of RCM activities, duplication of effort and demands for new equipment not always associated with operational requirements. It was thus decided to rationalise the situation and to bring all RCM, ground as well as air, under one formation, No 100 Group. Such a move had been suggested by Bomber Command in June, approved by the Air Ministry and brought into existence under the command of Air Vice Marshal Addison on 1 December 1943. It was one thing, however, to create such a formation, but to make it work took time, and it was not until June 1944, about the time of D-Day, that the Group started to function as originally intended. By the beginning of 1944, however, Bomber Command was using the following countermeasures on a regular basis: Mandrel against the German early warning system, Window against GCI plotting, Ground Cigar, Airborne Cigar, Tinsel, Special Tinsel, Corona and Dartboard against ground-to-air communications, Ground Grocer and Window against airborne interception. A careful watch was kept on any attempt to avoid these measures and the RAF "Y" Service could be relied upon to give notice of any changes in frequency, especially of German ground-to-air communications. [page break] 67 Such was the effect of British countermeasures that during the early part of 1944, it was noticed that the frequencies the Luftwaffe early warning radars were gradual [sic] spreading from 120-130 Mcs to 70-200 Mcs, together with the use of RAF IFF transmissions for tracking main stream bomber aircraft. Moreover, the Benito system was adopted for the control of German fighter aircraft, in addition to the use of Standard Beam Approach type beams to assist fighter navigation. HF W/T running commentaries, together with VHF R/T on 31.2 Megacycles augmented the Luftwaffe fighter ground-to-air communications. The MF navigation radio beacons, which were normally used for assembly of the night fighters, were also being used to pass executive orders, together with W/T in the VHF band. Lastly, it became obvious that the airborne Lichtenstein B.C. on 490 Mcs, was gradually being phased out. Obviously, the attempt to enlarge the frequencies was to obviate the effect of Mandrel jamming. The Germans first increased them in 1943. Now there was evidence of an even greater expansion taking place in the 70-200 Mcs range, but as radar signals were rare outside 120-150 Mcs, there was insufficient evidence for definite action to be taken against them. Nevertheless, it was further proof that Mandrel was effective. At the same time it was discovered that the Luftwaffe was using radiations from RAF IFF sets for long-range tracking. The simplest method of meeting this new danger would have been to have turned the equipment off, but it was difficult to persuade crews to do this and drastic action had to be taken by sealing the switches and prohibiting use other than in an emergency, and this measure was much more successful. Benito, which worked on the reception and transmission of an audio tone by individual German fighters, was dealt with by modifying an ABC transmitter. A suitable modulator was successfully designed to produce an audio note as near to the Benito note as possible. It was unfortunate that W/T transmissions could not be jammed as easily as R/T. Nonetheless, a successful countermeasure, Drumstick, was devised which came into operation on 21-22 January 1944, within a week of the first use of W/T for passing instructions to fighter aircraft. Fortunately for the British, VHF R/T had a comparatively short life. By modifying three ABC transmitters, a jamming signal was produced which, although not covering 31.2 Mcs completely, did enough to convince the Luftwaffe that future developments in this direction were simply not worth while. The use of MF beacons for passing details of main force was first noticed on 22-23 April 1944. Fortunately, No 80 Wing had previously [page break] 68 experienced these transmissions and thus the countermeasure Fidget was available and used on 27-28 April 1944. Early in 1944 it was noticeable that RAF fighters were experiencing less success with their Serrate equipment and the Ground Grocer monitoring watch was finding less German AI activity in the 490 Mcs band. The Luftwaffe, it was ascertained later, had been using SN2 successfully since October 1943. This was confirmed when a Ju 88 landed in the United Kingdom on 12-13 July 1944, with its SN2 in working order. Window type MB, which had been devised for the D-Day landings, covering the range 70-200 Mcs, was used on operations on 23-24 July 1944 with good results. Although Window proved to be successful against the Wurzburgs, this only operated when RAF bombers were present in the required concentration and thus could not protect stragglers or the Pathfinders. Carpet was designed to fill the gap and jam the Wurzburgs electrically, in the frequency range 530-580 Mcs. Somewhat bizarrely, the extensive and complicated services required of TRE for the D-Day landings were only called upon by SHAEF, at the last possible moment. Great thought, however, was then given to the use of radio countermeasures prior to, and during, the actual landings. Bomber Command's participation involved: in conjunction with the Royal Navy, the simulation of two convoys approaching the French coast between Cap Gris Nez and Le Havre (operations Taxable and Glimmer). a Mandrel Barrage and Screen to jam German early warning radar in the assault area. ABC jamming to protect the forces engaged in Taxable and Glimmer and the airborne assault. Simulation of attacks by airborne forces carrying out operations Titanic 1, 2. and 4. The RCM plan on D-Day worked well and beyond expectations. It contributed to the tactical surprise achieved and was responsible for the delay in bringing forward some of the German strategic reserves. Operations Glimmer, which received some unexpected support from allied ABC patrols, deceived the Wehrmacht and convinced it that the actual assault would be made in the Pas de Calais area. [page break] 69 The Radio Countermeasures used on D-Day were thus not only highly successful but, after the event, provided Bomber Command with a number of new devices to incorporate into their nightly bomber raids. In future Mandrel screens could be employed covering the approach of main force, or in unnecessarily and deliberately alerting the German defences. During major operations with an active Mandrel Screen, the Luftwaffe's valuable early warning time would be reduced or would divert the Luftwaffe Controllers' attentions elsewhere, especially if used in conjunction with a small diversionary force, dropping Window. Another development stemming from the D-Day operations, was the Window diversion. A small number of aircraft dispensing Window, MB MC or any of the M series, could be made to appear several times larger than it really was, on the screens of the German air defence radar. Thus feint diversions could be mounted in support of bomber operations or RCM flights on their own could cause unnecessary German fighter activity and wastage of effort. Hitler unleashed the first of his Vengeance weapons on 13 June 1944, when the UK experienced the arrival on London of the first of thousands of the Luftwaffe's developed V1 flying bombs. The German Army's V2 rocket arrived later the same year in September. The Fuhrer had planned to unleash both flying bomb and rocket together, in greater numbers, and there is little doubt that had he succeeded in his aim and targeted the embarkation ports and landing beaches, the whole of the allied assault could have been placed in jeopardy. He was thwarted, however, by massive allied bombing and sabotage, which not only resulted in the late arrival of the weapons themselves, but also resulted in far fewer numbers of flying bombs and rockets being available. As soon as the flying bombs started to arrive, Duncan Sandys who had been placed in charge of Crossbow matters (flying bomb and rocket) by the prime minister, ordered No 100 Group to send two of their best Intruder Squadrons, Nos 85 and 157, equipped with the latest A.I mark X radar equipment, to assist in the defence of the United Kingdom. This was not a popular move and may well have weakened the support provided by No. 100 Group to the Bomber force generally. In September, after the arrival of the first rockets on London, Duncan Sandys was instrumental in having No 223 Squadron formed, in order to bolster No 100 Group's resources in [page break] 70 finding and jamming the V2 launching sites in and around the area of The Hague, in Holland. The Ju 88, which landed at Woodbridge on 12-13 July 1944, was also fitted with Flensburg. This was found to be a homing device working on the same frequency as Monica. From the aircraft's crew, details were obtained of Naxos, which was said to be a homer on to H2S. Subsequent trials found that Window type MB was completely effective against SN2, and that with Flensburg fitted, it was possible for a Luftwaffe fighter to home into the RAF bomber stream and then select an individual aircraft and complete the interception. It was now quite clear, therefore, that any radar transmission made from a British bomber aircraft whilst over the Continent was a potential source of danger to it, and the accompanying bomber stream. Precisely the fears that Bomber Command had expressed at the beginning of the war, when doubts were first raised about the use of radio and radar devices for navigation and bombing purposes. Monica was instituted as a tail-warning device and a safety measure, precisely to avoid such situations arising, but experiments proved that it did not provide the benefits expected of it. A typical bomber aircraft in 1944 could expect Monica to provide a large number of warnings of the presence of neighbouring RAF aircraft. Limiting the range of Monica could reduce this number, but in the absence of any device that would recognise friendly aircraft, it was found impossible to jam the Luftwaffe's SN2 down to such a range. It was then discovered that there was no significant loss between aircraft fitted with Monica and those without. Flensburg had shown the dangers to the bomber stream as a whole, and consequently it was decided to withdraw Monica, and partial restrictions on its use were applied first in mid-August and a complete ban followed a month later. H2S was an aid to navigation that provided an electronic view of the ground, on which the success or failure of an attack might depend. It was realised that any hint of possible danger arising from its use was likely to lead to the full value of H2S as a navigational and blind bombing aid being placed in jeopardy. Moreover, the whole of the RCM effort directed against the German early warning system could be rendered useless by a few H2S transmissions from individual aircraft [page break] 71 It was thus recommended that H2S should not be switched on until the bomber force was within 40 miles of German held territory and this was adopted in principle, the actual areas in which radar silence was to be observed being decided as part of the planning for each attack The high-powered apparatus developed by TRE for the airborne jamming of German ground-to-air communications was Jostle IV, and it was first used operationally in July 1944. It could jam on any frequency in the HF and VHF bands used by the Luftwaffe to control its fighter aircraft. For VHF jamming, it was possible to cover the whole of the Luftwaffe's frequency with a barrage, and this was normally done. Against the HF range of frequencies, it was necessary to spot jam those in use. These were monitored by the RAF "Y" service and at first, the relevant frequencies were passed to an appropriate aircraft carrying the specialist equipment and operator. Electrical jamming of the Luftwaffe AI, the Lichtenstein SN2, was carried out by Piperack. This device had been developed from the American jammer Dinah, and was fitted to the 100 Group Fortresses of No 214 and the Liberators of No 223 Squadrons. By September 1944, allied ground forces had occupied the greater part of France and Belgium, and with this advance Germany lost much of its elaborate and effective system of early warning, No other single event in the war was responsible for such a reduction in bomber losses. This occurred just at a time when the techniques of deploying the Mandrel Screen, an electronic wall in the sky, which could not be penetrated by German radar, and using Window as a spoof raid were being perfected. From this time onwards until the end of hostilities, these two RCM devices helped to reduce the German night defences to a state of near impotence, from which it never fully recovered. [page break] 72 Chapter Seven: No 100 Group and the formation of No 223 Squadron RAF Oulton in Norfolk had been a satellite airfield for Horsham St Faith and Swanton Morley, when it became the home of No 88 Squadron of No. 2 Group. This formation, however, was transferred out of Bomber Command, in the spring of 1943, to form the nucleus of the new tactical air force, which was going to be required to support the army on the Continent. Oulton was thus available when the decision was taken to base No.214 there, along with an embryo RCM US Army unit. By February 1943, No 214 Squadron had been moved to Chedburgh where it operated with Short Stirlings employed in the conventional bombing role. In January 1944, however, it was taken out of the Order of Battle in order to re-equip with the American Flying Fortress, prior to commencing bomber support operations. This conversion was carried out under the direction of Group Captain T.C. Dickens, who subsequently became the first station commander at Oulton under No 100 group's auspices. It was fortuitous that a number of fully trained Coastal Command crews had returned from the Bahamas to the United Kingdom earlier in 1944. The German V2 rockets started to arrive on London in September, but their existence was already well known in intelligence circles.50 Duncan Sandys, placed in charge by the Prime Minister, of the flying bomb and rocket defences of United Kingdom, decided that a search should be made for the rocket's launching sites and, if possible, to jam any controlling signals. In order to expedite this decision, No. 100 Group was immediately reinforced by an additional four-engined squadron, impetus being given to his decision by the recent withdrawal, from RAF Oulton, of the US Army Air Force's Liberators which, until then, had been employed in the RCM role, generously supporting but learning from RAF RCM operations. Consequently, No 223 Squadron was formed on 23 August 1944 and equipped with B24 Liberators, joining the flying fortresses of No 214 Squadron.51 This then was the radio war which Roy was about to join, although he still felt a sense of anti-climax after the inactivity and depressing atmosphere of Harrogate, as he and his crew made their way by rail to Norfolk, he still could not get used to the idea of Bomber Command. After all, most of his flying had been carried out below 2,000 [page break] 73 feet and now, for the first time, he was to operate to nearer 20,000 feet. He had brought with him from No 25 Course, 111 OTU, Flying Officer Christopher Spicer as co-pilot, Flying Officer Leon (Soapy) Hudson as navigator, Warrant Officer F.M Watson as wireless operator, Sergeant Jim Brown as flight engineer, Sergeant Ches. Weston as mid-upper gunner and Sergeant Sydney Pienaar, a South African serving in the RAF, as tail-gunner. This still left the nose and waist gun positions vacant and of course the all-important special wireless operators, who were to join the crew at a later, date. The Air Ministry, however, had not forgotten the additional gunnery positions. Even so, it was quite by chance that No 96 course was then completing ten weeks of intensive training at No 10 AGS, RAF Walney Island, near Barrow-in-Furness. Towards the end of the previous July, some sixty of the potential air gunners had found themselves on a train from London bound for the northwest. It was a dull, overcast afternoon and conversation was at low ebb, even though they were pleased to be leaving St John's Wood, and London, which six days after D-Day had been subjected to attack by the Luftwaffe's flying bomb, the V1. All had volunteered for the air force in good faith some two years, or so, before when the RAF had gratefully accepted their offer to train as pilots, navigators or air bombers. After a reception process at the same St. John's Wood, they had been sent to Initial Training Wings situated around the United Kingdom for ground training, which was excellent and included such subjects as meteorology, principles of flight, signals and above all, navigation. At the end of three months, they were examined in the core subjects and, if successful, were rewarded by an increase in pay from 3/- to 7/9 per diem, although remaining in the rank of AC2. At the end of this phase of their training, the potential pilots were sent to a number of Elementary Flying Training Schools in the United Kingdom, where they received about twelve hours of dual instruction on Tiger Moths, whilst being assessed on their flying ability. It was unfortunate for them, therefore, that just at this time in 1944, the Air Council faced with an appalling wastage of aircrew at various stages of flying training syllabus, decided to dispense with the PNB system and replace it with a more general approach to aircrew recruitment and training. By raising future entry standards, it was hoped to reduce the chronic losses then being experienced in the later stages of flying training at Elementary Flying Training and Service Flying [page break] 74 Training Schools, much of it taking place abroad, under the auspices of the Commonwealth Air Training Plan. Until 1944, such had been the demand for aircrew, generated by a number of expansionist plans for the air force as a whole, and the level of operational casualties, that such a measure had not been possible. But by now the Commonwealth Air training Scheme had been in operation for some years, and with fewer casualties than had been anticipated, the Royal Air Force could now safely embark on such a fundamental change. Unfortunately for those affected, the educational psychologists involved in the decision paid scant heed of the effect on those individuals who had already started their training, and especially those who had soloed at Grading School. Nevertheless, all in the flying training system in the United Kingdom had to return to London for reassessment, alongside the new applicants just joining the service for the first time from civilian life.52 And so the re-grading continued. Many former PNB aircrew, against their better judgement, wishes and inclinations, were thus invited to became [sic] flight engineers, wireless operators and air gunners. Those who declined had to accept employment in a ground trade, or transfer to the army, or even became a Bevin Boy. At a stroke the Air Council lost the benefit of several years of training of a thousand or so potential aircrew and, more importantly, the confidence of the Air Training Corps, and its cadets. These volunteers had willingly given many hours of their time in order to fly for the RAF, and who subsequently had gone on to pass their ITW examinations. But with a surplus of manpower, the Air Council could afford to embark on such a fundamental change. Hopefully this new policy led to a reduction in the wastage rate in the flying training programmes. Not long after the start of No 96 air gunnery course at Walney Island, the full implications of the decision to discard the PNB Scheme was felt by these particular cadets, and they made their feelings known in no uncertain manner. The Station Commander, Group Captain L.R.S. Freestone OBE, felt that he had to intervene and tactfully pointed out that once on an operational squadron it would be possible to re-muster as a pilot, as he himself had done as an observer employed on air gunner's duties in World War One. This seemed to mollify those most upset and the course continued. Fortunately for those concerned, the training at No 10 AGS was good, as were the instructors. The simulated attacks carried out by Miles Martinet aircraft, [page break] 75 which were filmed by the cine-gun cameras of the student air gunners, in the Avro Ansons, whilst flying over the Lake District, were especially realistic. After ten weeks of instruction and about twenty hours of flying time, a stringent trade test was held which most of the students passed, one of whom was commissioned. The next step was for the newly qualified air gunners to attend one of the Operational Training Units. Here individuals were formed into crews before undergoing operational training on more advanced types of aircraft. At the time, however, most of the OTUs in the United Kingdom were full with existing courses, and so could not take them, thus indefinite leave was granted. Hardly had the necessary papers been issued however, when a call was made for some thirty-eight volunteers to step forward, who were required to serve on a special squadron, which was being formed in a hurry. With the prospect of indefinite leave, and mindful of the treatment recently meted out to them by the Royal Air Force, no one volunteered. The response from the staff at No 10 AGS was the usual one, using the results of the recently held trade test as a guide, the first thirty-eight names were selected and arbitrarily posted to No 223 Squadron, 100 group, Bomber Command. Disappointment at the loss of leave was to some extent offset by the prospect of an immediate flying appointment, although they were unaware of the full implications of No. 100 Group's part in the radio war. The status of Sergeant Air Gunner with its comparatively low rate of pay of 8/4 per day compared with over 13/- for a Sergeant in the PNB group, however, still rankled. Such was the haste to form the new unit, however, that the very next day the thirty-eight volunteers found themselves on a train bound for East Anglia. It turned out to be an overnight journey and involved changing stations at Peterborough, from North to East. It thus came about that one fine early morning in September, at about 0800 hours, the train pulled into the small station at Aylsham, where the heavy kit was taken to Oulton by motor transport. The aircrew party, accompanied by a lone instructor from Walney Island, marched the two-three miles to the airfield and within an hour or two they had breakfasted, received a welcome from the efficient squadron adjutant, Flight Lieutenant B. James, and were being introduced to their new crews. Roy Hastie and crew, late of Coastal Command, had acquired the necessary additional, albeit reluctant, air gunners, Sergeant R. Jones, Sergeant R.C. Lawrence and Sergeant P. Lovatt. The missing Special Radio Operators were to arrive at a later date. [page break] 76 Gradually No 223 Squadron started to take shape, although a few days were to elapse before the first Liberators arrived at Oulton, with all bomb racks having been removed to make way for the new secret radio countermeasure equipment, including the powerful 600-lb. Jostle IV jammer. Whilst awaiting the arrival of their aircraft, the RAF pilots and other aircrew of the squadron were given checks on their respective roles in the Liberator by members of the 803rd Liberator Squadron from Cheddington, by now an experienced USAAF RCM unit, which had previously been based at Oulton.53 Shortly, local flying commenced enabling individual crews to get used to their newly issued flying clothing and to familiarise themselves with the Norfolk countryside. All crews were then required to undergo the standard tests conducted in the decompression chamber, thus showing the effects of lack of oxygen. This was followed by an air-to-ground firing exercise over the Wash. On 13 September 1944, the entire Squadron participated in a 'Bull's Eye' exercise, or simulated attack, on Bristol, from a height of 20,000 feet. The Liberators were unheated and thus crews were issued with much needed electrically heated flying clothing. At about this time a decision was taken to dismantle most of the nose turret, which was considered to be unnecessary at night. This created a surplus amongst the newly arrived air gunners and one air gunner had to leave Hastie's crew. Sergeant R. Jones offered to go and he was posted to No 214 Squadron at Oulton, joining the Flying Fortress crew of Flt. Lt. Allies.* The first German Army managed V2 Rocket landed in the United Kingdom on 8 September 1944.54 It was believed by British intelligence to be controlled by radio and No 100 Group was ordered to confirm this point and jam any appropriate signals found. And so it came about, that on 11 October 1944, Roy Hastie and crew augmented by two Special Operators, Pilot Officer. B.S. Beecroft and Pilot Officer E.P. Youngs found themselves in broad daylight, on their first operational patrol with No 100 * Unfortunately, a month or two later Flt. Lt. Allies was lost on operations with all his crew. Ironically, a Sergeant D. Brockhurst joined Hastie's crew a little later on a temporary basis for Window dropping and other duties, and completed some sixteen sorties before moving to another crew, that of Fg. Off. N. Ayres. Sadly, this aircraft was shot down on the night 20 – 21 March, when the only survivor was a Special Operator. [page break] 77 Group, over the sea in the vicinity of The Hague in Holland, searching for rocket launchings, with orders to jam any radio signals heard.* On their second patrol, carried out three days later, a V2 rocket was indeed sighted and a brief German radio signal heard. The Special Operators with the aid of Jostle 1V promptly jammed this. The signal was intended to cut off the rocket's motor when the exact required velocity had been reached.55 Sometimes they were provided with a RAF fighter escort, but more often than not this arrangement fell through and the patrol was conducted in daylight, without escort, and in sight of the enemy occupied coastline. When this occurred, they all felt very naked indeed. Roy Hastie and crew completed four of these Special Duty or Big Ben patrols before the German Army changed the method of guidance for the V2 Rocket, replacing the radio signal, which in effect cut-off the fuel supply, with a more effective system of integrating accelerometers.56 Subsequently the airborne patrols were withdrawn with effect from 24 October 1944.57 Nevertheless the experience was useful. The crew had been given an opportunity to become used to wearing an oxygen mask, the first time for many of them, and breathing oxygen at 20,000 feet. It also provided an occasion to work as a team in operational conditions and overcome some of the difficulties, which arose from microphones becoming frozen and the ever-present danger of frostbite. * At OuIton there were never enough special operators for an allocation to be made to individual crews. Consequently, they had to fly with a number of different aircraft captains and crews. Nevertheless, Messrs Beecroft and Youngs contrived to fly with Hastie more often than not. [page break] 78 Chapter Eight: RAF Bomber Support Operations – 1944 Their first night operation proper occurred two nights later, when 100 Group operated in considerable strength in support of a small number of Lancaster minelayers of No. 1 Group, which were active in the area off Heligoland. To give the impression of a large raid to the German defences, the Mandrel Screen was positioned over the North Sea and Group Intruder aircraft were active over Holland, Denmark and Western Germany. Hastie formed part of the Special Window Force, which contrived to represent a bomber stream penetrating the Mandrel Screen and then setting course for an attack on Denmark. As a consequence to all this activity, the Luftwaffe indeed appeared to have expected a major bomber raid and four of their nightfighter patrols were heard to be active in the area. Unfortunately for the RAF, one of the minelayers failed to return.58 The remainder of October was taken up with live gunnery training and air testing of aircraft. It was during this period that the Air Ministry took the decision that all commissioned officers on operational squadrons, who were captains of four-engined aircraft, should wherever possible be appointed to the acting rank of Flight Lieutenant. Flying Officer R.M. Hastie fell into this category and the crew was pleased at this increase in their skipper's status when his name appeared as a Flight Lieutenant on the order of battle; at the same time RAF Oulton decided that, for reasons of maintaining moral and where practicable, pilots should be allocated the same aircraft for operations. Hastie and crew ended up with Liberator D.620. Thus it was that as a Flight Lieutenant, that Hastie was briefed to fly to Homburg, on 1 November 1944, as part of the No. 100 Group's Special Window Force, well to the south and in support of a main force raid on Oberhausen. Some 288 aircraft took part in the attack from Nos. 3 and 8 Groups. Unfortunately for the RAF, cloud covered the target area and the bombing was insufficiently concentrated. Nevertheless, the six Short Stirling aircraft comprising the airborne Mandrel screen, which on this occasion was positioned over the Continent to the north and East of Brussels, the Spoof raid on Cologne by Mosquitoes and the Special Window Force to Homburg, all combined to reduce the number of aircraft lost that night to three Halifaxes and one Lancaster.59 [page break] 79 The night 4-5 November 1944 was however different. Two raids were planned, the heaviest of 749 aircraft was scheduled to attack Bochum, while 174 Lancasters were directed back to the Dortmund-Ems Canal. Hastie was detailed to participate in the Special Window Force, which was required to simulate a large bomber stream by Windowing from the occupied coastline, towards the Dortmund-Ems canal, and cover both bombing attacks. The two raids were successful, although the Bochum raid lost twenty-three Halifaxes and five Halifaxes. German nightfighters causing most of the casualties. It is, perhaps, significant to add that the Special Window Force operated in the vicinity of the aircraft attacking the Dortmund-Ems canal, which lost three Lancasters.60 Hastie and crew did not fly again until 18 November 1944, during which time the crew enjoyed a week's leave, granted every six weeks without fail in Bomber Command to all crews on operations, when main force was ordered to attack the oil plant at Wanne-Eickel. Some 285 Lancasters and 24 Mosquitoes were involved from Nos. 1 and 8 Groups. The Mandrel Screen was positioned, this time to the south and east of Brussels. Meanwhile the Special Window Force accompanied the main bomber force through the Screen as far as Leige, before breaking off in a south-easterly direction, flying towards Frankfurt and starting Window operations, thereby simulating a second large bomber force, ostensibly proceeding to attack Hannover. The ploy must have worked, for the total loss for the night was 1 Lancaster aircraft. On the return leg, however, the weather worsened and most of main force aircraft and those of Number 100 Group, had to be diverted to one of the fog free emergency landing fields still open; in this a [sic] case the airfield at Manston in Kent. Manston was unique in that, at night, its vertical searchlights could be seen from France, and its three parallel runways were permanently open to receive any Allied and German aircraft in distress. By the time Hastie arrived at the airfield at 2210 hours, the fog had arrived and so had most of the Lancasters of main force. It was a large station, but even so it was crowded, and in the dense fog the Liberator crew not only had difficulty in finding somewhere to park their aircraft, but later finding their way to operations. They returned to base from Manston with the arrival of the better weather on 20 November 1944.61 [page break] 80 The following night they were required again. Bomber Command put out a large force of 1,345 sorties in order to destroy the local railway yards at Aschaffenburg, where fifty bombs fell in the railway area, but somehow left the main lines untouched; to attack the oil refinery at Castrop-Rauxel, which was severely damaged; to bomb the synthetic oil at Sterkrade which remained untouched; and to breach the Mittelland Canal, the canal banks of which were successfully breached and the Dortmund-Ems Canal, where the aqueduct was breached again and the water drained out of the canal. The Mandrel Screen was positioned over Belgium, but curved away to the south just to the west of Aachen. Eleven aircraft of Number 100 Group commenced Windowing from 1840-1915 hours, in a south-easterly direction towards Karlsruhe, with Hastie's aircraft operating VHF Jostle from 1834-1932 hours. In spite of No. 100 Group's best efforts, losses that night amounted to fourteen aircraft, or one per cent of the total force.62 A week later, on 28 November 1944, Hastie formed part of a Window force covering three hundred and sixteen aircraft, mainly Halifaxes, bombing the Krupp's works at Essen and 153 Lancasters attacking Neuss. The seventy-five Mosquitoes sent to Nuremberg helped to swell the number of sorties for the night to 623. The Window was deposited on a broad front covering the bomber routes immediately prior to the emergence of the main stream from the Mandrel Screen. The ploy worked and the losses for the night were reduced to one aircraft or point two per cent.63 On the last night of the month, Hastie formed part of another Window force covering a mixed force of five hundred and seventy-six aircraft, comprising Halifaxes, Lancasters and Mosquitoes attacking Duisburg. Unfortunately for the RAF, the target was completely covered by cloud, which led to the bombing being poorly concentrated. Little damage was caused to industrial buildings, but some loss was caused to housing. No. 100 Group contributed eighty-eight aircraft, helping to restrict the number of aircraft lost to four, or nought point five per cent64 On 2 December 1944 a major raid was planned against Hagen, with five hundred and four aircraft made up from Nos.1, 4, 6 and 8 Groups. The raid had a serious impact on industrial production in the town. No. 100 Group's strong Mandrel Screen, comprising twelve Stirlings and three Halifaxes, covered the approach of main force and the Special Window Force. Hastie helped to provide protection to the bombers with Jostle IV, Carpet and Piperack, with one other similarly equipped aircraft, from a [page break] 81 position of two thousand feet over the top of main force, continually circling the target for the duration of the attack. The total effort for the night amounted to 686 sorties, the Window spoof by 100 Group helping to restrict losses to four aircraft or nought point six per cent.65 Karlsruhe was selected for attack on the night 4 December 1944 with five hundred and thirty-five aircraft. The marking and bombing of the target were accurate and severe damage was caused to the city, especially to the important Durlacher machine-tool factory. Again Hastie was detailed, along with one other crew from the Squadron, to share the task of protecting main force, by encircling the target for the duration of the attack, normally each crew operating Jostle 1V [sic], Carpet and Piperack for fifteen minutes, or so, apiece. One Lancaster and one Mosquito were lost from this raid.66 Next, on 6 December 1944, Hastie was selected to provide similar protection to a force attacking the important synthetic oil-plant at Leuna, near Merseburg, in Eastern Germany, reputed to be protected by three hundred light flak guns and three hundred heavy ones. In the event, an hour or so into the flight, an oxygen leak developed which threatened the safety of the whole crew, as there simply would not have been enough oxygen left in the system for the mission to be completed safely. Reluctantly, they were forced to return to base. This incident, however, was examined very thoroughly the next day at Oulton, which included taking one of the ground engineers on an air test to 20,000 feet, but no leak was ever found. Six days later Roy was on the order of battle again, this time to support a heavy raid with 540 aircraft on the Krupp's works at Essen. The raid was unusually accurate and was accompanied by a forty-nine strong Mosquito diversion attack against Osnabruck. The Window Force was successful, in that it was mistaken for the main raid; strong No. 100 Group support, included forty-three RCM sorties and an equal number of Mosquito patrols. Out of the total of six hundred and seventy-five sorties that night, six aircraft were lost or nought point nine per cent of the entire force.67 Hastie was next briefed to protect main force over Ludwigshafen, the target selected to be attacked on 15 December 1944. It was hoped to bomb two important I.G. Farben chemical factories with three hundred and twenty-seven Lancasters and fourteen Mosquitoes from Nos. 6, 8 Groups. The marking was accurate and the raid [page break] 82 highly successful, although two aircraft were lost, representing a loss rate of nought point four per cent. Two nights later, Hastie was back with the Special Window Force supporting a raid on the old city of Ulm, the home of the large Maginius-Deutz and Kassbohrer lorry factories and other industries. Three hundred and seventeen Lancasters were involved, together with thirteen Mosquitoes from 1 and 8 Groups. This was Bomber Command's first and only raid on the city and it was completely successful. From 23,000 feet Hastie, dropped Window from 1845 – 2018 hours and Messrs Beecroft and Youngs operated VHF Jostle and Piperack from 1836 – 2030 hours, Carpet transmissions occurring between 1841 – 2100 hours. Two other attacks occurred that night, Duisburg was bombed by five hundred and twenty-three aircraft and Munich with two hundred and eighty Lancasters. Both targets were hit hard. No 100 Group's spoof raids by Mosquitoes, Window force and diversions helped to reduce losses to fourteen aircraft, or one point one per cent of the total force operating that night.68 On the 21 December 1944, two hundred and seven Lancasters attacked the synthetic-oil refinery at Politz, near Stettin. One hundred and thirty-six aircraft, Lancasters, Halifaxes and Mosquitoes from 4, 6, and 8 Groups attacked the Cologne/Nippes marshalling yards, which were being used to support the German Ardennes offensive, whilst ninety-seven Lancasters and seventeen Mosquitoes attacked railway targets in the Bonn area. Other diversions took place, along with a large Window force, which operated in the Ruhr area, in an attempt to draw fighters away from the last two mentioned bombing forces, which suffered no losses. Hastie participated in the Window spoof, dropping Window from 1741 – 1849 hours, whilst Messrs Beecroft and Youngs operated VHF Jostle from 1800 – 1923 hours, Carpet 1805 – 1917 hours, intermittently jamming nine frequencies, with Piperack in use from 1800 – 1925 hours. Unfortunately, on the return to Oulton, the weather was poor and Hastie was diverted to Banff in Scotland, a long, long way away for a crew to fly returning from a five-hour trip to the Ruhr. Banff was a Coastal Command Mosquito Strike station, commanded by Max Aitken, the son of Lord Beaverbrook.69 Any thoughts of having a quiet Christmas were soon dispelled, when Roy was placed on the Order of Battle for the night 24 December 1944. One hundred Lancasters were detailed to carry out an accurate attack against the Hangelar/Bonn airfield and ninety-seven Lancasters were ordered to bomb, with the aid of Oboe, the [page break] 83 Cologne/Nippes railway yards. A Mandrel screen was in operation that night with an extremely elaborate double Window Spoof, Hastie participating in the one towards Mannheim, dropping Window from 1742 – 1855 hours. Messrs Beecroft and Youngs operated VHF Jostle from 1753 – 1906 hours, Carpet from 1810 – 1853, jamming two frequencies; Piperack being operated from 1753 – 1906 hours. In spite of the feint attacks and a number of No. 100 Group high and low Mosquito intruders, six Lancasters were lost from the night's operations, one being lost from the airfield attack.70 This sortie brought to an end Hastie's operations for 1944. Armchair critics now believed the German Air Force was beaten, but just how accurate this assessment was will be seen from the reactions of the German night fighters to continuing attacks by Bomber Command in the New Year, 1945. [page break] 84 Chapter Nine: Bomber Support Operations – 1945 Hannover was the target selected for the night 5 January 1945. Two separate bombing raids were made, with a total of six hundred and sixty-four aircraft drawn from Nos. 1, 4, 6, and 8 Groups. Hastie, with one other aircraft from the squadron, was selected to provide support over the target for the duration of the attack. Hastie's Jostle operated from 1820 – 1940, jamming six frequencies, whilst orbiting over the target from 1925 – 1933 hours; Piperack was operated from 1820 – 2052 hours. Houffalize, the bottleneck in the German supply system during Hitler's offensive in the Ardennes, was also bombed with great accuracy. In spite of the RCM operations and a number of diversions, thirty-seven aircraft were lost or three point seven per cent of the force. Hastie next operated on the night 7 January 1945, when six hundred and forty-five Lancasters and nine Mosquitoes successfully carried out two attacks against Munich. Hastie formed part of the Window force, which accompanied the second attack, after the stream turned north-east to cross the Rhine in the direction of Stuttgart, before it turned Southeast to the target just short of Stuttgart. The Window force then continued on towards Nurnberg. Interestingly enough, a Mandrel screen was positioned over France, short of Metz, but not used by main force, in an attempt to double bluff the German night fighter controllers. In spite of the addition of a considerable number of separate Mosquito operations, eleven Lancasters were still lost that night due to the efficiency of the German night fighters and their radar organisation; so much for the view of the armchair strategists.71 Exactly a week later, on the night 14 January 1945, Roy Hastie was detailed to form part of a strong Window force to Mannheim, covering a two-phase five hundred and seventy-three Lancaster attack on the synthetic oil plant at Leuna, a one hundred and fifty-one aircraft attack on the railway yards at Grevenbroich and one hundred and fifteen aircraft attack on the Luftwaffe fuel storage depot at Dulmen. Maximum use was made of the Mandrel screen positioned over Belgium and France, and Hastie accompanied the first phase of main force through the screen towards Frankfurt and Leuna, when the Window force peeled off towards Mannheim. Window was dropped from 1903 – 1950 hours, VHF Jostle and Carpet being operated from 1905 – 2103 hours. Severe damage was caused to the synthetic oil plant at Leuna and out of a total [page break] 85 of one thousand and two hundred and fourteen sorties for the night, seventeen aircraft, or one point four per cent, were lost through German action.72 Two nights later, on 16 January 1945, Bomber Command attacked Magdeburg in strength, together with the synthetic oil plants at Zeitz and Brux and the benzol plant at Wanne-Eickel. This time two Mandrel screens was [sic] positioned, one over the North |Sea [sic] and the other over France and Belgium. The Window Force accompanied the Magdeburg raid, but somewhat unusually, separated from the main bombing stream before entering the Mandrel screen in an attempt to mislead the German controllers into thinking that an attack was about to take place on Kiel or Hamburg. Hastie dropped Window from 1951 – 2110 hours, and VHF Jostle was operated from 2013 – 2215 hours. Carpet jamming occurred from 2020 – 2130 on three frequencies, whilst Piperack was operated from 2014 – 2205 hours. The German controller was not to be deceived so easily, however. Out of a total of one thousand and two hundred and thirty-eight sorties that night, thirty aircraft, or two point four per cent of the force, were lost.73 Six days later Hastie and crew were briefed on 22 January 1945 for a Window raid supporting main force attacks on Duisburg and Gelsenkirchen. One hour into the flight, however, just off Dungeness, smoke fumes started to enter the aircraft. Fortunately for the crew, the smoke started to dissipate after the propeller of number two engine was feathered. In the circumstances the crew, reluctantly, decided to return to base. Better fortune attended them on 28 January 1945, when Roy was briefed to provide VHF Jostle support over the target, Stuttgart. Six hundred and two aircraft were involved from Nos.1, 4, 6, and 8 Groups. The raid was in two parts, with a three-hour interval between them. The target area was mostly cloud-covered and sky marking had to be used, the bombing was consequently scattered. Hastie's VHF Jostle was switched on at 1940 – 2135 hours with Messrs Beecroft and Youngs at the controls, and five German frequencies were jammed with Carpet in operation between 1940 – 2055 hours; Piperack was operated from 1940 – 2135 hours. In spite of this support and a host of minor operations and spoofs, twelve aircraft were lost or one point six per cent of the force.74 [page break] 86 On the first day of the new month, February 1945, Hastie was briefed to provide VHF Jostle support for the two hundred and eleven Lancasters scheduled to attack Siegen. Other targets for the night included Ludwigshafen and Mainz. Conditions were difficult and most bombing was carried out with the aid of sky markers. Messrs Beecroft and Youngs operated VHF Jostle between 1840 – 2030 hours and jammed four German frequencies with Carpet from 1840 – 950 [sic] . Piperack was used from 1910 – 1916 hours. Out of a total of one thousand and two and seventy-three sorties that night, ten aircraft or nought point eight per cent were lost.75 The very next night, Hastie participated in a Window patrol to Mannheim in support of a heavy attack against three targets, Weisbaden, Waune-Eickel and Karlsruhe, involving well over one thousand aircraft. The Window force penetrated the Window screen, positioned from Holland through Belgium to France, along with Weisbaden force but, shortly after entering Germany, flew south-east towards Mannheim. Window was dropped from 2316 – 0004 hours, whilst VHF Jostle was operated from 2306 – 0001 hours. Carpet was used to jam three German frequencies between 2325 – 2355 and Piperack was used from 2306 – 0001 hours. In addition there were forty-three Mosquito operations to Magdeburg, and twenty to Mannheim. The night's operations involved fifty-four RCM sorties and forty-four Mosquito intruder patrols. Out of one thousand and two hundred and fifty-two sorties, twenty-one aircraft were lost or one point seven per cent lost.76 Dresden and Bohlen were the targets selected to be attacked on the night 13-14 February 1945, with over a thousand aircraft. Dresden was attacked in two phases, separated by a period of three hours. Hastie formed part of the second phase of the main stream, the Window force leaving the Mandrel screen independently and making for Koblenz and Bonn, dropping Window from 0002 – 0028 hours and employing Piperack from 0005 – 0055 hours and Carpet from 0006 – 0044 hours. One thousand and four hundred and six sorties were mounted that night, out of which nine aircraft were lost at a rate of nought point six per cent77 The next night Hastie and crew were detailed for a Window patrol to Wiesbaden, in support of a heavy attack on Chemnitz and a smaller one on the oil refinery at Rositz. Hastie dropped Window from 2242 – 2336 hours, and the Special Operators jammed five frequencies with Carpet and used Piperack from 2250 – 0011 hours. Extensive diversions, minelaying and intruder patrols took place but out of one [page break] 87 thousand three hundred and sixteen sorties, twenty-three aircraft were lost or one point seven per cent.78 VHF Jostle support was called for on the night 20 February 1945 when over a thousand aircraft were ordered to attack Dortmund, Dusseldorf, Monheim and the Mittelland Canal. Two Window forces were involved, Roy and his crew being selected to provide protection for the attack on the canal near Gravenhorst. The Mandrel screen was positioned just short of the German border, in Holland. Belgium and France. Hastie shared the same track for a time as the Monheim force, but continued north-eastwards, turning to the West just South of Munster. The Master Bomber, however, abandoned the attack on the canal because of bad weather. Fortunately for the RAF, no aircraft were lost. The Commander-in-Chief, Air Chief Marshal Sir Arthur Harris, was unhappy at this turn of events and sent out a similar force the next night with orders to finish the job. Aircraft were thus sent to Duisburg, Worms and the Mittelland Canal. Hastie's VHF Jostle was operated from 1952 – 2056 hours and Piperack from 1952 – 2118 hours. The Special Operators jammed eleven frequencies with Carpet being switched on from 1954 – 2056 hours. The attack was successful and the canal was well and truly breached. Unfortunately for the RAF, thirty-four aircraft were lost or three point one per cent of the force.79 Hastie was next detailed to fly a Window mission in support of a three hundred and sixty-seven Lancaster attack on Pforzheim and minor Mosquito raids on Frankfurt, Darmstadt and Worms. Two Mandrel screens were positioned over Holland short of the German border and two Window forces emerged flying towards Neuss. Hastie's trip was uneventful until on the return journey they were intercepted by a Bf 110 night-fighter. It had been vectored to the general area by German GCI radar and then used its own airborne set to come up under the starboard wing of the Liberator, completely unseen by Syd. Piennar the rear gunner, or Chas. Weston the mid-upper. From the starboard waist position, Bob Lawrence reported to Hastie that the German aircraft was so close he doubted that he could open fire, adding that he could almost read the instruments on the night fighter's control panel. Instead of corkscrewing to starboard, the normal procedure in such circumstances, Hastie chose to sideslip the Liberator to port, with everyone keeping a watchful eye open. But the German pilot, who was probably inexperienced, had had enough. Realising that he had been spotted, he dived away to starboard and flew off as quickly as possible, thus [page break] 88 avoiding the fire power of six point five inch Browning machine guns and so living to fight another day, On the last day of the month, 28 February 1945, Hastie and crew were briefed to carry out a No.100 Group Window patrol to Frieburg, Lake Constance. Without any main force participation that night, this was a test to keep the German defences on their toes. Window was dropped from 2238 – 2347 hours, HF Jostle was operated from 2323 – 2345 hours, six frequencies were jammed with the aid Carpet and Piperack was switched on from 2245 – 2345 hours. No German night fighters were encountered however.80 The Bergkamen synthetic-oil refinery at Kamen was severely damaged by two hundred and thirty-four Halifaxes and Lancasters of No. 4 and 8 Groups, on the night 3 March 1945. In addition, the Ladbergen aqueduct over the Dortmund-Ems Canal was successfully attacked and a large number of support and minor operations mounted. A total of eight aircraft were lost over Germany from these operations. From a common Mandrel screen over Belgium and France, two separate Window patrols were ordered to commence dropping Window after leaving the screen, but before arriving at the German border, Hastie was briefed to fly the patrol in support of the Kamen attack. Unusually, he was not flying in 'D' Dog, his usual aircraft, but K 343, one of the slowest aircraft on the squadron. Window was dropped from 2120 – 2216 hours, and two frequencies were jammed with the aid of Carpet from 2140 – 2228 hours; Piperack being in operation from 2120 – 2245 hours. Returning to the United Kingdom via Dungeness, Soapy Hudson, the navigator, proposed that in view of the aircraft's slow speed, Reading, the normal turning point for returning Bomber Command aircraft, should be missed out and instead, and a direct course from the Kent coast, set for Oulton. After some discussion, the suggestion was agreed, and, strictly against orders, a direct course was set for Norfolk, taking the aircraft over the heavily defended gun area of the Thames estuary. With IFF switched on and flying just above the normal height set for barrage balloons, the Liberator negotiated the Thames area and in due course approached within R/T range of the airfield. Calling up for landing instructions, Chris Spicer, the co-pilot, was amazed to receive turn number one to land. This was the first and only time they were to receive such an instruction. As the aircraft, with its undercarriage lowered, approached the runway to land, all the airfield lighting suddenly went out and one word passed over the R/T – [page break] 89 Bandits.81 The Luftwaffe had mounted their long-planned Operation Gisella and had sent some two-hundred night-fighter aircraft to mingle with, and follow the bomber aircraft back to their bases. The move took the RAF by surprise and the Luftwaffe was able to shoot down twenty RAF aircraft, including one Fortress of No. 214 Squadron, over Oulton. Hastie and crew could only watch the events as they unfurled from the ground, and wonder what had made them choose to fly home on this occasion via the Thames estuary, thus enabling them to return to base early and so escape the attentions of the German intruders.82 Four days later they were briefed to fly a Window patrol to Munster, in support of a raid on Dessau, in Eastern Germany, comprising five hundred and twenty-six Lancasters of Nos. 1, 3, 6 and 8 Groups. Other targets attacked that night included the oil refineries at Hemmingstedt and Harburg. In spite of a Mandrel screen positioned just to the West of Cologne and a double Window feint to the north, which involved dropping Window from 2010 – 2108 hours, HF Jostle being operated from 2010 – 2107 hours, and nine frequencies being jammed by the Carpet and Piperack being used, eighteen Lancasters were lost, or three point four per cent.83 Oil was still the target on 13 March 1945, when one hundred and ninety-five Lancasters and thirty-two Mosquitoes of Nos 1 and 8 Groups attacked the Benzol plants at Herne and Gelsenkirchen. Extensive Window support was provided; Hastie dropped Window from 2004 – 2101 hours and jammed eight frequencies with Carpet and operated Piperack from 2015 – 2100 hours. The Gelsenkirchen attack was successful, although one Lancaster was lost.84 They did not fly again until 23 March 1945 when a Window patrol was ordered in support of a one hundred and ninety-five Lancaster attack on Wesel. Hastie dropped Window dropped [sic] from 2200 – 2225 hours and twelve frequencies were jammed with the aid of Carpet from 2227 – 2322 hours and Piperack was operated from 2206 – 2243 hours. No aircraft were lost.85 April was to prove the last month of the war for Hastie and crew. They carried out a successful Window patrol to Hamburg on 2 April 1945 and again on the night 8 April 1945 when four hundred and forty aircraft attacked the city's shipyards. Jostle support was provided to aircraft attacking the target, with VHF Jostle being operated from 2151 – 2243 hours; Carpet jammed seven frequencies between 2151 – 2243 [page break] 90 hours and Piperack was in use from 2151 – 2243 hours. Three Lancasters were lost. Coming home, however, the German flak around Hamburg was extremely accurate at 22,000 feet and hit Hastie's aircraft, severely damaging No 2 engine, the propeller of which had to be feathered. As this engine drove the pump transferring fuel from the tanks to all the engines, Roy Hastie realised the amount of fuel available for the return flight would be very limited. A debate was held whether or not to divert to a diversion airfield, Juvancourt in France, but this former German night fighter station was not exactly known for its standard of comfort and hospitality. In the end it was decided to try and make for base in the United Kingdom. Throwing as many of the guns, and as much ammunition overboard, as practicable and conserving fuel by using the leanest of mixtures, Hastie brought the aircraft back to Oulton, only to be diverted because of poor weather conditions. Despite protestation, they were sent to Barford St John, in Oxfordshire. This was not far away to be sure, but the extra journey certainly added to Roy Hastie's problems. Barford was a Mosquito training station and the Liberator arrived overhead with not a single light showing below. Firing a red Very cartridge or two provoked some reaction, and the airfield lights were switched on enabling Roy to land on the unfamiliar runway. As the aircraft taxied in to the nearest dispersal, the three working engines cut out, their fuel exhausted. The Liberator, G for George, never flew again. The crew returned to Oulton the following day. Hastie and crew returned to Barford in Liberator D 523 on 12 April, to retrieve aircraft and signals parts from the carcass of G-George. On leaving Roy could not resist putting on a low flying exhibition for the benefit of the Mosquito pilots, before setting course for Oulton. Some days later, a stinging signal came from the station commander at Barford, asking for disciplinary action to be taken against the Liberator pilot for low flying without authority. Roy and Soapy Hudson had to think hard about altimeter settings, which they offered in defence. Fortunately, nothing further was heard about the matter. On the 13 April Hastie was detailed to provide Window support for a raid against Kiel, when Window, Carpet and Piperack were all used to good effect. Their last trip of the war occurred on the night 15 April 1945, which was to provide a Window feint against Augsburg. Both occasions went well, the crew completing their final trip thankfully and with renewed respect for their skipper, Flight Lieutenant R.M. Hastie. [page break] 91 Chapter Ten: 1945 and The Post War Years Victory in Europe Day came and went and Roy, still on leave, began to get a little apprehensive, his release was still some way off and he wanted to fly right up to the last possible moment. In fact it was to be all of three months before he was airborne again, and even then it took a couple of letters to the C.O. of No 223 Squadron, Wg. Cdr. H.H. Burnell AFC, to get him a posting which turned out to be No 1688 Battle Defence Training Flight at Feltwell in Norfolk*. Of course, B.D.T.F. did not mean much to Roy, he was too pleased at the thought of a flying appointment to be much concerned about the meaning of the unit's title. The penny soon dropped, however, as he walked up the road towards the strange airfield and saw a number of parked Hurricanes and Spitfires. Fighter Affiliation, as it was then called, involved flying fighter aircraft and improving the tactical knowledge and skill of the pilots and crews involved. In spite of the thought of more unwanted leave, this was definitely not a job for Roy and he promptly requested a posting, suggesting Transport Command. Meanwhile he was expected to earn his keep at Feltwell and his first task was to fly an Airspeed Oxford to Croydon and back. Two days later he went solo in the unit Proctor and the day after in a Hurricane fighter. His first flight in a Spitfire came on 3 August and although he enjoyed flying all three aircraft very much indeed, he could not enthuse over the unit's general role. Fortunately, a posting soon materialised to No 1332 Heavy Conversion Unit, Riccal, near Selby, York where he was to instruct pilots converting on to the Liberator, which was now being used more extensively in the transport role than hitherto. He was so pleased with the idea that he asked for his release, set for September, to be deferred for a further six months at least. This was agreed. By this time however peacetime rules and regulations were beginning to be reintroduced and insisted upon and thus, albeit a little surprised, he readily agreed to undergo a formal course of training which would turn him officially into a fully qualified peace-time *Unfortunately, Wg. Cdr. H.H. Burnell DSO AFC was killed in a flying accident in Italy in November 1945, testing a Lancaster used to bring British prisoners of war home to the United kingdom. He is buried in Caserta War Cemetery, Grave viii. D,7. [page break] 92 flying instructor. He never did complete that course of instruction at Cranwell and the Bahamas tour was ignored. He was sent to No 7 Flying Instructor's School, Lulsgate Bottom, which is now Bristol Airport, where six week later he was awarded the all-essential piece of paper which officially turned him into a fully-fledged flying instructor. Towards the end of the course a telegram from No. 223 Squadron was sent to his home in Glasgow, informing him that he had been awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross. A little later a note arrived from Air Vice Marshal Addison congratulating him on his award. No wonder Roy enjoyed himself hugely at Lulsgate Bottom; he retained his coveted above average rating as a pilot, but was only graded average as an instructor. The Chief Flying Instructor had told him at the end of the course at Bristol: [italics] that as an Instructor he could with advantage take life and work a little more seriously. [/italics] Whilst at Lulsgate, the Heavy Conversion Unit had moved to Dishforth where Roy rejoined them, only to find a few days later that he was required to attend yet another course. This time it was to Prestwick to fly the radar range and to learn the talk-down procedures then employed by Transport Command. He returned to Dishforth in December and until the time came for his release from the service in March 1946, he put his heart into converting a number of pilots and crews on to the Liberator. His last recorded trip from Dishforth was to deliver a brand new shiny aluminium aircraft to the Maintenance Unit at Lichfield, in Staffordshire, and the scrap heap. Towards the end of March, Roy returned to Glasgow complete with his 'demob.' Suit and the small house he and Isa had purchased the previous January. He promptly set about to get this into shape, their first real home since their marriage three years ago. It was fortunate that he had remained on good terms with his former employers, Anderson Brothers, throughout the war, and thus there was little difficulty when he intimated that he hoped to return to work in a few weeks time. The business had been started in the previous century and was still being run as a family concern by three brothers. They were the main agents for Rootes Ltd, Scotland, having been the very first agents for Humber cars ever to be appointed, having started off with bicycles. To Roy the motor trade looked fair to expand after years of wartime austerity, but he was still in two minds about returning to it, flying still having a very strong [page break] 93 attraction. Perhaps Isa had the final word, or maybe it was his age. Whatever the reason, the motor trade won but he managed to keep his hand in the flying game by joining No 11 Reserve Flying School at Perth in 1947. He continued as an active member until the flying side of the RAFVR was drastically curtailed in 1952. This arrangement enabled him to fly Tiger Moth aircraft for three years until the Chipmunk, then considered to be quite an advanced trainer replaced these. He took pleasure in flying in an open cockpit again, well wrapped up in a Sidcot flying suit, especially on a nice day. The spirit among the volunteer reserve pilots was good, all were very experienced wartime fliers and the sense of well being which pervaded the crew room was fully shared with their instructors. One weekend he was sick after completing compulsory aerobatics, which he was never really keen on, much preferring larger aircraft. On another occasion he was in a Tiger Moth over the sea on his way to Donibristle when he was caught in fog. It was too late to attempt a forced landing, so he decided to fly up through it and this can be a disconcerting experience, especially without a full flying instrument panel. On his return he was firmly told that the Tiger Moth should not be taken into cloud. Reading the motor trade journals one day, Maurice Anderson and Roy decided that they would like to have a go at the Monte Carlo Rally, which was then due to restart in 1948. In the event, it was postponed for a further year and their entry was accepted for the following January. At the time new cars were hard to come by and thus they were extremely fortunate to acquire a brand new Hillman Minx. The rally today, is of course, entirely different but in those days competitors entered for the fun and interest, never perhaps believing that they stood a chance of winning – but always hoping. The car was duly prepared in their own workshops for a round journey of nearly 5,000 miles, 2,000 of which would be hard rally driving over three days and nights. Upon completion of these preparations, the Hillman was found to be four hundredweight heavier than its usual kerbside weight and this was to ask a lot of the 1300cc side valve engine. Of course, there was little one was allowed to alter to the actual design of the engine and car and all extras and spares had to be carried, such as an additional road wheel, tyre and chains. No change of tyres was permitted [page break] [Post Office crest] POST OFFICE TELEGRAM [postmark] 905 3.56 NC/T OHMS 25 F/LT HASTIE 245 GLADSMUIR ROAD GLASGOW SW 2 = CONGRATULATIONS FROM THE SQUADRON AND MYSELF ON YOUR AWARD OF THE DISTINGUISHED FLYING CROSS = OC NO 233 SQUADRON 245 SW 2 223 NC/T OHMS ++ [inserted] [underlined] By hand [/underlined] [underlined] 25.v.45 [/underlined] Dear Hastie Congratulations on your award of the D.F.C. Yours Sincerely. M Addison A.V.M. F/LT. R.M. Hastie DFC [/inserted] [page break] 94 On this the first of the post-war rallies, there were seven starting points on the Continent ranging from Oslo in the north and included such diverse places as Stockholm, The Hague, Prague, Florence, Lisbon and even Monte Carlo itself. Most of the United Kingdom competitors elected to start from Glasgow, where they easily the largest contingent with over one hundred entries. The entire British entry nearly came to grief when they were delayed at Boulogne because of poor unloading facilities but, having overcome this particular obstacle, they were then faced with a route which was to take them through Luxembourg, Venlo, Amsterdam, Brussels, Rheims, Paris, Lyon, and Digne to Monte Carlo which, in spite of all the odds, they reached on time. This was essential if they were to enter any further and local competitions associated with the rally itself. Maurice and Roy had their eyes on the 'Road Safety and Comfort Competition' in which they carried off first prize in class 2. Indeed, they proceeded to win it for the following five years. 1950 was to be an unlucky year for the British entry, as again they elected mainly to start from Glasgow. Heavy snow was falling as they left Nevers and not long after, they all came unstuck on a hill where the first cars had failed to make the gradient. Consequently, those following on just piled up behind. Eventually, however, they got clear and driving as quickly as possible as the snow and ice conditions permitted arrived in Monte Carlo with some minutes to spare. They were placed in 39th position overall. The following year they damaged their car for the first and last time in all of the six competitions in which they entered. It happened around 0200 hours on the third day when they hit another British competitor, on rounding a sharp bend in the mountains, who was trying to extricate himself from a ditch. To be fair, the snow and ice conditions were making driving difficult for both parties concerned. In 1954 they won their class and were also the overall winners, even surpassing Mike Couper in his Rolls Royce. Three years earlier, in 1951, Roy had elected to complete a week of his annual flying training with the RAFVR with Transair Ltd, flying from Croydon hauling freight with Avro Anson aircraft. The main outward bound cargo invariably seemed to consist of newspapers destined for Paris, Brussels and Jersey with a take-off time around midnight. Return trips were frequently eventful depending on the load. On one [page break] 95 occasion, so many carpets were brought back from Lille that pilot and co-pilot had to clamber into the aircraft through the cockpit windows. Another time they brought back sausages from Jersey which were still rarities in those days, rationing not ending until 1953. Roy finished the week by taking a trip to Paris just before midnight, returning to Croydon by 0500 hours the following morning. He then grabbed a quick two hours sleep and following a snatched breakfast drove 500 miles to Perth non-stop. He flew with the RAFVR for the last time on 23 May 1952, at the end of his annual training. Roy Hastie continued to work at Andersons until reaching normal retirement age, when he fully intended to find some sort of work just to keep busy. But after retirement he found himself sufficiently occupied around the house doing odd jobs, playing an occasional round of golf and attending a Coastal Command re-union or two at RAF Northwood. He disliked intensely the thought of growing old, made worse by increasing deafness brought on, no doubt, by excessive noise sustained in the days before ear defenders were worn, when not so much care was taken of individuals' hearing, especially the hearing of aviators. He need not have worried, for two years after retirement he died on 1 December 1979, while playing a round of golf on a course near his home. It is perhaps fitting that the last words should come from the Minister at Mount Florida Church, which he and Isa had attended for so much of their lives. [underlined] Tribute to Roy Hastie DFC AE RAFVR [/underlined] Mr Roy Hastie died suddenly on 1 December 1979. At the funeral service, Mr Neilson paid the following tribute to his life and work:’ Roy Hastie was a man who stood out among other men – and was recognised and respected for it. He combined a quiet dignity with a vital sense of fun and love of laughter. It is appropriate that the last memories of those who knew him best are the fun of his last hours. Roy was a man with a very large spirit. His war record with the RAF reveals the courage of the man, a quality that won him many decorations, among them the highly prized Distinguished Flying Cross. His adventurous spirit led him into driving in the Monte Carlo rallies and once again his efforts were crowned with success. Throughout his life he never lost his love of flying, or driving, and entered into the sportsman's life with typical zest. He was a deeply committed Christian, [page break] 96 whose devotion to the Church of Christ led him to give over thirty years' service on the Board of Management of Mount Florida Church and forty-two service in the choir where, he said, he spent some of the happiest days of his life. Of course it was in his own home that he gave and received so much that made him the man he was, and it is there that his fun-loving personality and his ever-ready practicality will be much missed. It is hard to grasp that such a full life has been stopped short. And yet the hope of Christ is that the fullest life is yet to be. For the Christian death is not the full stop at the end of the sentence of life, merely the comma where there is a moment's silence before beginning again. While we feel the full effect of that silence, we hear the words of Jesus saying: [italics] I am the Resurrection and the Life whoever believes in me, though he die, yet shall he live and whoever lives and believes in me shall never die.' [/italics] [page break] 97 Appendix One: Glossary ABC – Airborne Cigar. This was British equipment, which countered German VHF transmissions in the 38-42 Mcs band. ADI (Sc) – Assistant Director of Intelligence (Science). AI – Air interception by means of radar carried in fighter aircraft. ASV – Air to Surface Vessel. Coastal Command search radar. AVM – Air Vice Marshal. Benito – German navigation and bombing beam system in which range is determined by measuring the change in the modulation phase of the returning signal. Carpet – British airborne jammer used against German Wurzburgs. CH – Chain Home. Original UK Early Warning radar operating between 15 and 27 Mcs. CHL – Chain Home Low. UK search radar operating on 200 Mcs. Corona – A British measure designed to disrupt German R/T night-fighter control links, usually in the 2.5-6 Mcs band. Crossbow – A committee set up by the prime minister, Winston Churchill, in April 1943, under Duncan Sandys to evaluate intelligence of German preparations for rocket attacks against the United Kingdom, and make proposals for countermeasures. Dartboard – British ground measure designed to disrupt German GCI control channels, first used operationally on 6-7 December 1943. Dina – US airborne high power jammer. Drumstick – British ground measure designed to disrupt HF W/T transmissions in the 3-6 Mcs band. Fidget – A British ground measure designed to jam German MF R/T and W/T transmissions. Flensburg – German equipment used by night fighters for homing on to Monica Transmissions. Freya – German Early Warning ground radar, originally working on 125 Mcs but later modified to operate over the range 75 – 180 Mcs. Freya Halbe – German equipment for homing on to Mandrel, the British airborne Freya jammer [page break] 98 Gee – British navigation aid. Aircraft position is obtained from the intersection of two sets of hyperbolae, determined by three ground stations. Ground Cigar – A British measure designed to disrupt German night fighter control Channels in the 38-42 Mcs band. Ground Grocer – A British device designed to jam German Wurzburg GCI and gun-laying radars H2S – Airborne plan position equipment, which permitted identification of the ground. Originally used ten-centimetre wavelength. IFF – British identification friend or foe system Jostle – Airborne frequency modulated jammer used against German R/T. Lichtenstein – German AI which operated on 490 Mcs. Mandrel – British noise modulated Barrage jammer, used against the early warning Freyas. MB Window – Window, designed to cover 70-200 Mcs, Freya and FuG 220. Monica – RAF tail-warning airborne radar equipment. Naxos – German equipment used for homing on to RAF ten centimetre equipment Fitted to Bomber Command aircraft. Oboe – British blind bombing device, using accurate ground control. Piperack – British jamming equipment used against German AI, Lichtenstein SN2 RCM – Radio Countermeasures. Seetakt – German coast watching and seaborne gun-laying radar, using 370 Mcs. Serrate – RAF fighter homing equipment used against German AI. Shiver – A British device designed to jam German GCI and gun-laying radar in the Wurzburg 53 centimetre band. SN2 – German AI equipment in 90 Mcs band (later 36.2-120) SWF – No. 100 Group Special Window Force. TRE – Telecommunications Research Centre, latterly based at Malvern. Tinsel – RAF selective jammer of German night fighter R/T control link, on 3-6 Mcs. V1 – German flying bomb, developed by the Luftwaffe. V2 – German Army long-range rocket [page break] 99 Window – A British measure developed by TRE designed to disrupt German early Warning, Ground Controlled Interception, Gun Laying and Air Interception radars, by generating spurious responses therein with metal strips of paper. Wurzburg – Accurate German height finding radar, used with anti-aircraft artillery. X-Gerat – German navigational and bombing beam, operating in the range 65-75 Mcs. Y-Gerat – Advanced German navigational and bombing beam. [page break] 100 Appendix Two: The Last Hudson The RAF has taken over from Lockheed the last Hudson allotted to Coastal Command. This is an inevitable result of the progress and development of the Command, but few of those who know the Hudson will view its passing without some regrets. Although not a British machine it is in the great tradition of versatility which so many British types have established. It is difficult to think of any aspect of air warfare to which Hudsons have not been able to adapt themselves. They have been everywhere, seen everything and done everything. They have fought with fighters, bombed, depth-charged, patrolled, photographed, rescued, ferried and trained. On every front from Iceland to West Africa and from the Denmark Strait to the Bismarck Sea, Hudsons have been to the fore. Squadrons from Great Britain, Canada, the USA, Holland, Australia and other countries, have at various times been equipped with Hudsons, and their pilots and crews have grown to like and trust their machines. Their reliability was exceptional. Whether operating from the grass and mud of Bircham Newton, the deserts of North Africa or the mountains and valleys, which made up the old runways at Aldergrove, the Hudsons could stand the strain. Even the antics sometimes seen at Silloth did not seem to knock them unduly. They have struggled home with almost everything shot away; they have bounced off the sea, off rocks and off the masts of enemy ships. Their loads were steadily increased and gadgets hung all over them, so that their recent appearance with a complete lifeboat slung underneath occasioned no surprise. When first introduced into the service the Hudson was regarded with some suspicion. It was, people said, a dangerous aircraft, and could be entrusted only to pilots who had flown thousands of hours and who did not mind being the centre of an occasional bonfire. Gradually this prejudice, which may have had more than a touch of British insularity about it, was overcome. It was found with careful instruction pupils with less than 200 hours and a certain amount of intelligence could comfortably cope. Many Hudsons were in fact ferried safely across the Atlantic by crews drawn from Canadian training schools. The man who swung and collapsed his undercarriage, or forgot to change his fuel tanks would have done something similar on any other type of aircraft. Such difficulty or novelty as there was in flying the Hudson proved valuable experience when many [page break] 101 squadrons later converted to Fortresses and Liberators. Moreover, it is certain that the tacit agreement that it was permissible to do a "wheeler" was a great source of relief to many a pupil to whom the insistence on three-point landings seemed an unnecessary refinement. The Hudson was the first American aircraft to go into service with the RAF. It was an adaptation of the Lockheed B.14 civil airliner and was fitted with a British Boulton and Paul gun turret. The mission, which visited the USA in the spring of 1938, recommended the purchase and the name 'Hudson' was officially adopted in August. The aircraft began to arrive at the beginning of 1939, and the first squadron to receive them was No. 224, in the spring of that year. Two days before the outbreak of war Hudsons became operational. They now began to come across in a steady flow, until by the autumn of 1941, 11 Hudson squadrons were operational in Coastal Command. This was the greatest number at any one time. In all there have been six marks of Hudson: the first three with Wright Cyclone engines, and the last three with Pratt and Whitney Twin Wasps. Although pilots seem to have preferred the Mark 111 as an aircraft to fly the various types marked a general improvement. The main additions were the provision of self-sealing fuel tanks, fully feathered propellers, side and belly guns. To handle the Hudson is extremely pleasant. For a comparatively big and heavy aircraft it is very manoeuvrable- rudders, ailerons and elevators all being light and effective. This made the Hudson very suitable for low-level bomb or depth charge attacks. The view from the pilot's seat was good in all directions, and the clear view panel in the windscreen was invaluable in bad weather. The cockpit layout was comfortable and convenient, as is the case in most American aircraft. The landing speed was considered rather high and this, combined with the extremely effective flaps, made three-point landings difficult outside the OTUs, good, safe wheelers were the general rule. The original tendency to swing was largely overcome by the tail wheel lock. The Hudson's bomb-load was decidedly low, but this was somewhat offset by the large gun armament. All Hudson pilots have a particular cause to thank 'George' whose reliability and accuracy in this aircraft obviated much fatigue, and enabled pilots to spend much more time searching the sea or sky. [page break] 102 The early days of the war, so boring to so many, were full of activity for Hudson crews. Constant patrols, reconnaissance and escorts were flown over the North Sea, and a very large [sic] of the early air skirmishes were fought in these aircraft. Their opponents were usually Dornier flying boats and Heinkel 111's, with occasional brushes with Me.109's. From these battles the Luftwaffe gained considerable respect for the aggressiveness of the Hudson pilots and the capabilities of their aircraft. One Dornier lasted just 35 seconds against a Hudson's guns, and on another occasion eight Me.109s were insufficient to dispose of a Hudson which got home in spite of being seriously damaged. Many warships and convoys owed their personal survival to the activities of these East Coast Hudsons. The escort of the damaged destroyer Kelly, which they successfully defended against repeated attacks by Heinkels, and the discovery of the Altmark slipping along the Norwegian coast with 400 British prisoners, are only two of the exploits of these ubiquitous machines. It was at this time also that there began the intimate and unfriendly association between the Hudson and the German battle-cruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, which were shadowed, bombed and blockaded until their escape in bad weather from Brest in February 1942. The opening of the campaign in Norway brought more work for the Hudsons. On the morning of 9 April 1940, one of their wireless operators succumbed to the temptation of listening to the 8 o'clock news in preference to Group, and was able to tell the captain that the coast off which they were patrolling was well on the way to becoming enemy occupied territory. A Hudson thus became the first British aircraft to visit the new battleground. Henceforth the coastline was ceaselessly patrolled, and the bombing trip to Stavanger became a routine run. The versatility of the Hudson was beginning to be appreciated. The German attack on Holland and Belgium called for an all round effort. The usual eventful patrol off the Dutch territorial waters was abruptly transformed into a highly unsafe mission, which could, and frequently did, involve battles with Me.109s, night and day bombing, as well as escort and reconnaissance. The oil storage tanks at Rotterdam became as well known to the Hudson crews as the airfield at Stavanger. In all these operations the Hudsons were accompanied by other Coastal aircraft, as well as by Swordfish, Skuas, and Albacores of the Fleet Air Arm. Many are the stories of mutual aid and rescue. 15 Messerschmitts attacked one small force of Skuas and [page break] 103 Albacores, out of ammunition and running for home. The chase was seen by three patrolling Hudsons who drew off the fighters, shot one of them down, and enabled the naval machines to escape; the Hudsons too got safely home. As the attack on the Low Countries swiftly developed towards the evacuation from Dunkirk, an ever-increasing strain was laid on the aircraft of Coastal Command, and the Hudsons took their full share. They were constantly on patrol over the stream of shipping, fighting off bombers and dive-bombers, doing a job for which the pilots had not been trained, and for which the B 14 Lockheed airliner had most certainly not been designed. The 'Sands Patrol' became a daily routine, almost always involving an unequal battle. One patrol of three Hudsons attacked a formation of 40 German bombers heading for the ships. The formation was turned back with two of its number shot down and five badly damaged. The Hudsons then resumed their patrol. Drifting, bomb-shattered ships, struggling lifeboats and rafts were covered from the air and rescuers guided to their help. When the evacuation was completed Coastal Command's first American aircraft had played a worthy part. Filling in their time with bombing missions to the invasion ports, factories and installations on the long enemy coastline, as well as with their ever-lasting patrols, the Hudsons began to work up to the great anti-shipping offensive. To ease the strain on their overworked railways the Germans introduced coastal convoys between ports in Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium and France. This long line of communication was clearly asking to be hit. The Hudsons hit it. In company with Blenheims and Beauforts they harried the convoys day and night, at sea and in harbour. Increases in anti-aircraft armament and escort vessels failed to stop the Hudsons coming in from 50 feet, to plant their 250 pounders into the sides and decks of the enemy merchantmen. At least one pilot found on the wings of his Hudson small bits of wood, which the German had recently been using on one of their ship's masts. Sometimes losses were severe, but frequently the attackers would all arrive safely back at base – a great tribute not only to the crews, but also to the Lockheed designers and the men and women who built the aircraft. Incidentally these workers were not content with putting their best into the job during working hours, but even gave up their spare time to build a Hudson aircraft, which they presented to the RAF, and which the then A.O.C.-C., Coastal Command officially accepted in December 1940. [page break] 104 The climax of the Hudsons' anti-shipping activities came in the late Autumn of 1941, when British, Canadian, and Dutch Hudson squadrons were responsible for the brilliant attack on Aalesund, when five ships were hit, two factories set on fire, and a barracks and a W/T station bombed, all carried out unaided by nine aircraft. Meanwhile on the other side of the British Isles a less spectacular but equally vital battle was going on; the Battle of the Atlantic. It was natural for the Hudsons to play their part in this struggle also, and they did so with equal distinction. Instead of the comparatively short trips with plenty of excitement, the anti-submarine Hudsons had to undertake long trips over the ocean often through very bad weather. In this theatre their great reliability at once won the trust of all that flew them. Hour after hour their engines would perform faultlessly, whatever the conditions, and the majority of crews never experienced a failure. Their comfort and roominess was another asset in this type of work. Occasionally the Atlantic Hudsons were called upon for anti-aircraft as well as anti-submarine escort duties, and the battle between the Hudson and the Kurier, ending in the destruction of the latter in full view of the convoy it had come to bomb, is a well-known page in the history of the Hudson. The Kurier too was an adaptation of a civil machine, but apparently Lockheed's produced a better job. Perhaps the most famous exploit ever performed by a Hudson was in August 1941, when for the first time in history a submarine was captured by an aircraft. A Hudson depth-charged a German submarine, the U-570, forced her to the surface and received her surrender. Their patrols and escorts in the Atlantic took the Hudsons to a wide variety of climates, Iceland, Scotland, the Western Isles, Ireland, Cornwall and Gibraltar. North Africa and West Africa were normal Hudson bases, while at times of stress they operated from the USA and even Greenland. A [sic] in any weather, fly far out to sea and through thousands of feet s [sic] is usual with this type of work there few highlights or epic deeds. But it [sic] an important chapter in the story of the Hudson; a chapter which might indeed have been more exciting had the aircraft been less dependable. The high average of serviceability and the very large number of flying hours, which the A/S squadrons were able to keep up month after month, was an eloquent tribute to their aircraft. Ground crews and maintenance personnel grew very fond of their charges and took pride in keeping up their reputation for reliability. [page break] 105 For a long time Hudsons were the mainstay of the Meteorological Flights. Every day, almost without a break, they would take-off in any weather, fly far out to sea and through thousands of feet of cloud and ice, to bring back vital information. Air/Sea rescue is another important Hudson department; indeed, their reputation for saving life is as almost as great as for extinguishing it. It is not only in Coastal Command that the Hudsons have distinguished themselves, operating with Bomber Command, many Hudsons took part in the 1,000 bomber raids, and in the Mediterranean theatre their versatility was invaluable. They even reverted to their original civil purpose, and Generals have been photographed at ease in the cabin of a Hudson as it flew them comfortably across the Western desert. The year 1942 marked the beginning of the end of the Hudsons. In January one squadron began to re-equip with Fortresses, and heavy four-engined G.R. aircraft were delivered in increasing quantities. Many Hudsons, however, continued to operate successfully from Iceland, Gibraltar and elsewhere. The necessity of replacing the Hudsons is a measure of their success. On the West Coast they had so harried the U-boats that the enemy was forced to move out of their range. The number of submarines sighted or ships sunk within Hudson range of our coasts is negligible, if not nil. Further out the battle still rages, but the Hudsons cannot take part. On the East Coast the Hudsons, with other squadrons, have been so successful that the enemy was obliged to maintain a considerable force of his latest fighters in Norway and the Low Countries; to build a chain of radar stations all along his coasts; and to provide protection for his coastwise shipping a very heavy concentration of anti-aircraft guns and escort vessels. Against such defences the Hudsons have been forced to give way to aircraft which are better armed and faster. But they have done a magnificent job. Thousands of people on the ground at sea, and in the air will never forget the familiar tubby shape which so often meant protection and help, and which was the magnificent forerunner of the very many valuable machines, which have come from the other side of the Atlantic.86 [page break] 106 Appendix Three: No. 53 Squadron (United in Effort) When the first four squadrons, and almost only operational units, of the Royal Flying Corps were sent to France in 1914, it was thought at the time that the war would be over quickly and thus little heed was paid to reinforcements. Unfortunately, hostilities did not end by Christmas and, as the conflict continued, demands came for more and more squadrons. As a first step it was proposed to deploy thirty squadrons in the field, with a further five in reserve. With remarkable foresight, However, Lord Kitchener immediately doubled these figures. No. 53 Squadron came into existence as part of this expansion, forming at Catterick in Yorkshire on 15 May 1916, with FK3 aircraft. Towards the end of the year, it moved to the Royal Flying Corps depot at Farnborough for re-equipping with the Royal Aircraft factory's BE2C aircraft, before deploying to France, in December. They arrived safely at St Omer in France, then RFC headquarters, where they were allocated to 2nd Army's 1X [sic] Corps, moving to their new base at Bailleul after a few days. Here they were to spend a little over a year as a Corps or artillery co-operation unit. In April 1917 they were given another aircraft, the RE8, an aircraft then increasingly being used for this type of work. Their first real test came with the Battle of Messines, a necessary preliminary to the Ypres offensive. Messines was a success and with the defeat of the German counter attack on 8 June 1917, the main phase of the battle came to a close. Throughout the action the work of the Corps and other squadrons was invaluable, nevertheless Trenchard was careful to conserve the strength of the RFC for the major battles, which he knew, were to come. Next came the battles of Ypres, which themselves formed part of a larger Allied plan to re-occupy the Belgian coast, and involved the capture of Passchendale, Staden Ridge and subsequently the Roulers-Thourout railway. Responsibility was given to General Gough of 5th Army, then in the south and on the right of the British line. Arrangements, however, were made for him to reform 5th Army in the Flanders area, to which was allocated a number of additional squadrons. On 7 July 1917 Trenchard issued instructions for the employment of aircraft and the start of a limited air offensive on the 2nd and 5th Army fronts. Air activity was [page break] 107 intense from the 12th until the end of the month, when 5th Army reported a measure of local air superiority. Ypres was postponed twice, until at the end of the month the main attack was launched from the river Lys in the south to the inundated area near St. Janshock in the north. In spite of bad weather, limited gains were achieved by the end of the first day, helped in part by a number of low flying attacks carried out against German troops on the battlefield. The weather then deteriorated, enabling the German army to bring up reinforcements. In spite of the best efforts of 5th Army on 16 August 1917, the day was an overall failure. Preparations then went ahead for the resumption of the Ypres offensive about 20 September 1917 and these included the transfer of 11 Corps from the 5th to Plumer's 2nd Army. No. 53 played its full part in the battle, transmitting its share of calls for artillery support, which went out on the first day. Indeed, it was one of the [sic] to use air-to-ground wireless telephony for fire direction. By 4 October 1917, the army had advanced as far as Poelcappelle and Broodseinde, in deteriorating weather conditions. The troops then resumed their advance in appalling weather conditions. The Canadians captured Passchendaele on 6 November 1917 and four days later the bloody and costly battles of Ypres came to an end. The classic tank attack that occurred at Cambrai, in 3rd Army's area on 20 November 1917, brought remarkable successes, but later German counter attacks led to severe fighting, which after ten days threatened 3rd Army. Fighting continued until 7 December when the battle of Cambrai finally came to an end. Cambrai was significant in that it not only showed new tactics and surprise could be successful, but the German counter attacks on 20 November also disclosed a new opponent and a portent of things to come. Russia was now out of the war, freeing-up German divisions for the west together with vast quantities of captured guns and equipment. With an extended British line, Haig repeatedly asked for more men without success. He was thus forced to reduce the number of battalions in a division from twelve to nine, and adopt a more defensive strategy than hitherto. Germany could afford to think in terms of an offensive and indications to this effect were noted in February 1918. In January, commanding [page break] 108 officers of RFC squadrons were given an additional aircraft per squadron, enabling them, for the first time, to lead their units in the air. On 2 March 1918 it was accepted that a German attack would probably come in the area held by the 3rd and 5th Armies and a number of RFC squadrons were moved accordingly. No. 53 had already been moved to an airfield near Noyen, in the south, prior to being attached to 1X [sic] Corps. But before this attachment could take place the Germans started their offensive. This started on 21 March and No.53 was employed on line patrols along the length of 5th Army's front, bombing and machine gunning. In the face of superior numbers the British had to give ground and the Army's air squadrons were withdrawn to Fienvilers on the 24th and Boisingham the following day, finally reaching Abeele on 7 April 1918. Fog was intense until the 22nd, when pressure became intense along the whole of the battlefront. In spite of the German positions being bombed by night and day, the situation remained critical. On 4 April 1918, the Germans made their final thrust north and south of the Somme, but little ground was lost and they sustained disproportionate numbers of casualties. With the failure of the German attack on 5 April, the carnage of the Somme came to an end, although fighting continued for a little while longer. Disaster had only been averted by the narrowest of margins and whilst all this was occurring, the RFC and RNAS were merged on 1 April 1918 to form the Royal Air Force. Before this offensive had died down, however, air reconnaissance disclosed fresh German activity in the area of La Bassee. Ludendorff had realised the importance of Arras and the high ground adjacent to Lens, but had failed to take either on 28 March 1918. He thus turned his attentions to the weakened British line north of La Bassee and struck hard on 9 April after a bombardment the previous evening, when many of the shells contained mustard gas. No. 53 acted as a Corps squadron of 2nd Army, assisting artillery register main roads, lines of advance and bringing down destructive fire on known German batteries. Firm action on the flanks concentrated the German advance in the centre where, in spite of intense air support, the British line was forced to give way. The 12th day of the month was particularly critical, causing Haig to issue a much quoted Order of the Day. Bailleul fell to the Germans on the 15th, but three days later a lull came to the fighting. Kemmel Hill then fell but by now the German [page break] 109 offensive had lost much of its momentum and with allied resistance hardening, the Battle of Lys came to an end on 30 April 1918. The Squadron returned to the United Kingdom after the war ended and disbanded in October 1919. It reformed in June 1937 at Farnborough, as part of the re-armament programme, once again as an Army Co-operation Squadron, but equipped this time with Hawker Hector biplanes. By September 1939 the Squadron had been given Bristol Blenheims and was stationed at Odiham. It went to France on 18 September 1939, as part of the Air Component of the British Expeditionary Force, and made many reconnaissance flights, photographing strategic objectives in Germany, in spite of being seriously hampered by bad weather during the winter months that followed. When Germany invaded France and the Low Countries in May 1940, No. 53 Squadron was immediately engaged in reconnaissance over the front line and the reporting of German troop movements. As the British Army was pushed back the Squadron was obliged to withdraw to safer airfields, until it was eventually decided to evacuate the Air Component to the United Kingdom. Before it left, the Squadron's aircraft made their first bombing attacks of the war when German columns were bombed on roads in Belgium. From the United Kingdom, the Squadron continued to fly daily on reconnaissance missions, some of them over Dunkirk during the enforced evacuation of the BEF. In July 1940 the Squadron was transferred to Coastal Command, but somewhat unusually, continued to attack land targets in addition to its reconnaissance role. Invasion barges in the Channel ports were bombed and sunk, and the Squadron attacked larger ships in the docks. Among its regular targets were Boulogne and Calais, and the German North Sea port of Emden. During the Battle of Britain its Blenheims bombed German held airfields in northern France and Holland. Whilst all this was going on, Detling where the Squadron was based, was heavily attacked by the Luftwaffe on several occasions, causing casualties to personnel and damage to aircraft. More attacks were made on German held ports, especially Rotterdam and Flushing, and Brest, which was sheltering the [italics] Scharnhorst [/italics] and [italics] Gneisenau [/italics] at the time. [page break] 110 Early in 1941, the protection of convoys was added to the Squadron's tasks, which extended to bombing the French ports of Lorient and La Pallice in the Bay of Biscay, from where many of the U-boats operated. The squadron's Blenheims were exchanged for Lockheed Hudsons in August 1941, when further strikes were made against German and German controlled shipping at sea. Anti-submarine patrols were flown to protect British convoys in the North Sea and the English Channel, and later, whilst operating from Cornwall, the Squadron extended its patrols over the Bay of Biscay and the Eastern Atlantic. On several occasions U-boats were attacked but no sinkings were achieved at the time. In June 1942 No 53 was transferred to the United States, in order to demonstrate British anti-submarine tactics to the United States Navy. It carried out anti-submarine operations off the North American coast until August, when the Squadron was moved south to Trinidad and began a series of operations in the Caribbean. These included anti-submarine patrols and in November 1942, one of the Hudsons attacked and damaged a U-boat on the surface but was shot down in the process. On other occasions ships' lifeboats were found and rescue vessels directed towards them. On returning to the United Kingdom in December 1942, the Hudsons were replaced by Whitleys which, a few months on anti-submarine patrol duty, were replaced by the Consolidated Liberator. The Squadron was fully operational with its new aircraft by June 1943 and, flying from the south coast of England, scored its first confirmed success against the U-boats when one of its Liberators sank U-535 in the Bay of Biscay. Following this incident, several more attacks were made on U-boats, some of which put up strong opposition with anti-aircraft weapons. Long range German fighter aircraft also put in an appearance at this time and had to be contended with, with the result that several Ju 88s were shot down at this time by Squadron Liberators. On 13 September 1943 the Squadron sank its second U-boat in the Bay of Biscay, this time at night. In the same month, Squadron aircraft were instrumental in the interception and sinking of a German merchant ship attempting to run the blockade; they also helped the Royal Navy in the sinking of four German destroyers trying to protect the vessel. Early in 1944, the Squadron split into two parts for a short time, [page break] 111 one part operating from Cornwall and the other from an airfield in Northern Ireland from which it hunted submarines in the Western Approaches. As the year progressed more and more attacks were made on U-boats, and in August 1944 the Squadron's efforts were rewarded by its sharing directly with the Royal Navy in the sinking of two U-boats. Prior to this, in June 1944, No. 53 Squadron made its contribution to the allied landings in Normandy. By patrolling for the Western extremes of the Channel and its approaches several weeks, thus helping to prevent U-boats and German surface craft from attacking the vast armada of shipping carrying the Allied land forces for the invasion. In September 1944 the unit went to Iceland where it operated in the last months of the war. The Squadron was then transferred to Transport Command, tasked with flying troops out to India to reinforce the Army engaged in the war against the Japanese. Operating from St. Davids, it initially undertook practice flights over the route to India, and in August re-equipped with Liberators specially modified for transport operations. In September the Squadron moved to Merryfield and commenced operations in the full transport role on the first day of October, when trooping flights from the UK to India began. Subsequently the Squadron was disbanded and re-formed and by April 1947 was back in the transport business, which included the training of parachute troops and towing gliders. Scheduled services to and from the Middle East commenced in January 1948 and in July it participated in the Berlin airlift. Hastings aircraft were introduced in 1949. In November 1956 it took part in the Suez operation and in the following year moved to Lyneham where it was re-equipped with Beverleys. It then took part in a number of trials and operations in and around Aden and the Persian Gulf. It lost its identity in June 1963 but was re-formed at Brize Norton in November 1965 with the Belfast, the only heavy lift aircraft in the Royal Air Force. The Squadron was then employed in the withdrawal from Aden in 1967 supported the operations in Cyprus in 1974 and given many other tasks. Finally, in September 1976, the Squadron was disbanded as part of a programme of defence cuts.87 [page break] 112 Appendix Four: No. 223 Squadron (Alae Defendunt Africam) The allies landed at Salonika in October 1915, thus adding to the commitments already being shouldered by our naval and land forces in the Eastern Mediterranean. Three months later came the tragedy of Gallipoli and, after the evacuation, a reappraisal of tasks. Such was the position when Wing Captain F.R. Scarlett arrived on the scene in February 1916, to take command of RNAS units in the area. In future, the Royal navy was to watch the Dardenelles, safeguard those Greek Islands in allied occupation, maintain the blockade of the Central Powers, support the Army at Salonika and carry out anti-submarine patrols. Moreover, by conducting operations in Asia Minor, Turkish forces would be prevented from being deployed to other fronts. He quickly proposed an expansion of naval air activities, recommending that an additional air wing be formed without delay. After consideration, however, the Admiralty felt unable to agree but consented to maintain No 2 Wing at Imbros, at a strength of four flights, commanded by Wing Commander E.L. Gerrard. Their Lordships added that, as personnel and equipment became available, two additional flights would be allocated to the Eastern Mediterranean area. In addition to the formation already mentioned, there was an airship base at Mudros, two seaplane carriers and two balloon ships. Air operations in the Gulf of Smyrna, started against the Turks in March 1916, with the object of attracting artillery and other units in the area, thus effectively denying their use elsewhere. Next, with the help of an advanced base which had already been established on Long Island, a British naval force, assisted by French aircraft, started a series of bombardments against targets on the Turkish mainland. While this was in progress, reports were deliberately spread of an allied landing and, to lend credence to this, a French infantry division was sent to Mitylene together with a flight of aircraft. Here, an airfield was constructed at Thermi and, when the French aircraft were withdrawn, a small number of RNAS aircraft, known as 'B' Flight, were sent from Imbros to Mitylene, two of them being employed to Long Island. This handful of aircraft and men were destined to become ‘B' Squadron RNAS in January 1917 and, eventually on 1 April 1918, No. 223 Squadron Royal Air Force. Not surprisingly the [page break] 113 Turks reacted quite strongly to all this activity and, as a result, Long Island had to be evacuated, its detachment being transferred to Thermi. Two advanced landing grounds were then selected. The first at Thasos in April 1916 when it was learned that the Central Powers intended to establish a submarine base on the Bulgarian coast and a second, in June, on the Island of Kheos in order to support operations in the Smyrna area. In order to base aircraft within striking range of appropriate targets, there then followed a general re-distribution of naval aircraft. 'A’ flight was sent to Thasos at the end of May 1916 and it was from here, during the next two months, that the bombing of enemy communications in Southern Bulgaria gave way to attempts to set fire to ripening crops with incendiary bombs. Bomber units in general, however, were to be kept as mobile as possible. A new airfield was then considered necessary on Mudros for testing of aircraft and the instruction of crews, as well as acting as a departure point for bombing missions. Consequently, Marsh airfield was constructed and 'D' flight moved there on 2nd June 1916. At the end of August, however, 'D' flight was moved again, this time to Stavros on the mainland in order to work with No. 80 Brigade. This enabled 'A' flight at Thasos to extend its reconnaissance duties over the Bulgarian lines of communications and to take full advantage of opportunity targets. While these operations were in progress in the North, 'C' flight at Mudros and `B' flight at Mitylene were busy in the Dardenelles and Smyrna areas. Bombing attacks were mounted against Constantinople but in November 1916, perhaps by way of reprisal, the Central Powers retaliated by raiding Mudros. Throughout 1917 'B' Squadron, operating from its base at Thermi, carried out anti-submarine patrols in the Smyrna and Arvalik areas and bombed the Panderma-Smyrna railway, as well as other targets. At the end of February, however, a mobile German bomber unit appeared on the Dojran front in Macedonia, which gave cause for concern. Consequently, the RNAS was asked to help and the result was the formation of 'E' Squadron with four Sopwith one and half-strutter aircraft and one Sopwith Triplane. It was moved to Hadzi behind the Dojran front where it combined temporarily, with a RFC detachment to form the composite fighting Squadron. In [page break] 114 order to achieve this, however, and unfortunately for the RNAS, the necessary aircraft and personnel had to be taken from 'B' and 'C' Squadrons who were thereby reduced to half-strength. Meanwhile, 'A' Squadron continued its bombing from Thasos against the communications in Macedonia and especially the Xanthe-Drama railway. The last of the additional units was formed in April 1917 when 'F' Squadron, with Sopwith bombers and fighters, was deployed to the mainland at Amerkoj, and later Marian, for operations in the North of Salonika. In May, recently captured prisoners reported that the Central Powers had ordered the assembling of submarines at Kavalla. A naval bombardment was thus ordered against this new target, which was supported by the RNAS. 'A' Squadron from Thasos took part, together with the Mudros seaplanes, which directed the fire of the bombarding monitors and the [italics] Raglan [/italics] . 'E' and 'F' Squadrons then flew sorties against the ports at Kavalla from the airfield at Marian. Eight British aircraft were then lost at Marian after a mysterious explosion occurred, and as a result of this incident, personnel and aircraft of 'F' Squadron temporarily reinforced 'A' Squadron. 'E' and 'F' Squadrons were then merged into one unit and the new 'F' Squadron, after re-equipping at Mudros was sent to Thasos. From here, further attempts were made to burn crops in June 1917, after which the new unit was withdrawn for work elsewhere. 'D' Squadron, however, continued to operate from Stavros in support of naval personnel on the British right flank but, by the end of July, the Squadrons at Thasos and Stavros had become so short of aircraft that they had to be reorganised. Meanwhile 'B' Squadron at Thermi was well placed to undertake offensive action against the Panderma-Smyrna railway and many attacks were launched against this and other targets in the Smyrna area throughout 1917. The latter included airfields at Paradisos and Kassimir, ripening crops and granaries and shipping in Smyrna harbour. In October 'B' Squadron was ordered to move to a new base on the island of Mitylene at Kalloni, and while the move was actually in progress the Turks shelled the old airfield at Thermi, causing some damage. But by this time the unit had become so short of personnel, especially pilots that six squadron aircraft had to be sent back to [page break] 115 the depot at Mudros. When the two services were merged on 1 April 1918, \No. 223 Squadron was based at Mudros where it was to remain until disbanding in May 1919. This could have been the end of No. 223 Squadron, but for the emergence of a new German Chancellor in 1933 – Adolf Hitler. It thus came about that, as part of the RAF's expansion programme of 1936, No.223 Squadron was reformed from a flight of No. 45 Squadron, which was then based in Nairobi, and equipped with Fairey Gordon single-engined day bombers. By February 1937, these aircraft had given way to the Vickers Vincent 6, with the unit being employed in support of the British Colonial administration of Kenya and the Sudan. Within eighteen months No. 223 Squadron was making tours of British East Africa, including Rhodesia and Tanganyika, with Vickers Wellesley 1 and 2s, Gloucester Gladiator 2s and Bristol Blenheim 41s, and maintaining important links with the South African Air Force (SAAF). From August 1939 to June 1940 when Italy entered the war, personnel of the Squadron trained hard for the long struggle ahead. Some idea of the standard achieved may be judged by the fact that within twenty-four hours of Mussolini's declaration of war, No.223 Squadron, operating from its Summit base in the Sudan, made its first attack against the Italian airfield at Gura. It then continued to support General Platt's campaign to capture Eritrea and Abyssinia by bombing Italian positions in the vicinity of Kassala and Asmara, as well as the airfield at Tessenei, where hangars were damaged and a number of aircraft destroyed on the ground. Just how proficient No. 223 had become can be gleaned from the words of Denis Richards in Volume One of the History of the Royal Air Force 1939-1945, when writing about the temporary evacuation of British Somaliland in 1940. 'With this evacuation, carried out on 18 August, the Italian air force made only one serious attempt to interfere. For it was reluctant to attack as long as there was even a single British fighter in the offing, and it was more than upset by an incident which had occurred that morning. Starting from Perim Island to add a few more miles to their range, a detachment of five Wellesleys of No.223 Squadron- which Longmore, the Air Commander in the Middle East. had switched to Aden from the Sudan at the beginning of the offensive – had set off for Addis Ababa. The capital had thus far been [page break] 116 neither reconnoitred [sic] nor attacked. By a brilliant feat of navigation four of the aircraft now forced their way over wickedly mountainous country and through heavy cloud and ice to bomb the airfields outside the town. Despite severe damage from anti-aircraft fire and the opposition of one tenacious Cr 32, all four Wellesleys returned safely to base; so, too, did the fifth' Another detachment was sent to Khartoum in November, but rejoined the Squadron a month later at Wadi Gazouza in the Sudan, where No. 223 was to remain until April 1941. Communications and airfields in Somililand [sic] were also attacked and support provided to the Abysinian [sic] patriot forces. Eventually it became clear to the Italians that they were going to lose the campaign and, with it, their entire East African Empire. Consequently, some reduction in our air order of battle could now be considered and on 8 April 1941, No. 223 along with three other squadrons, were ordered to move north to Egypt where, with the arrival of general Rommel and the German Afrika Corps, the North African campaign was not going well for the Allies. Indeed, such was the position that reinforcements of all kinds were now urgently required for the decisive struggle, which was to be fought in the Western Desert. After its operational experience in the South, it probably came as a shock for No. 223 to become a temporary Operational Training Unit, for the Blenheim 1 and the new American Maryland, Boston and Baltimore aircraft. These were now beginning to arrive by sea and after being flown overland by the Takoradi route. Here in the unattractive desert at the wartime airfield of Shandur, aircrews were trained for Nos. 12, 21 and 24 (SAAF) Squadrons. In addition, from October, a strategic reconnaissance unit was maintained at Fuka with Maryland aircraft. Later on this invaluable unit was sent to other bases in the Western desert such as El Gubbi, Tmimi and Sidi Azeiz. About a year later, in April 1942, No. 223 its task completed, converted its crews on to the Baltimore and once again resumed the role of an operational squadron, moving West to Landing Ground 116, Maaten Baguish. The Kittyhawk fighter was then developed as a fighter-bomber, which freed the light bombers from low level work and enabled them to operate at more appropriate medium and higher altitudes. During the next two months a detachment was deployed to Baheira and it was from here that Wing Commander W.A. Wild led the Squadron's first attack, with their new aircraft, against shipping in Benghazi harbour. June brought a new Commanding [page break] 117 Officer, Wing Commander T.M. Morgan, and this month turned out to be one of almost continuous movement. As the Axis forces forced the Allies to retreat Eastwards No. 223 deployed firstly to Landing ground LG 99, Amiriya, with two detachments LGs 86 and 98 and then to LGY, Qassassin. By September they were back at LG 86 with further detachments at LG 'Y' and LG 209. Earlier in the war the British army under Wavell's guidance had successfully advanced against the Italians into Cyrenaica, reaching as far as El Agheila in the West by February 1941. At this high point the British forces in North Africa, however, were gravely weakened by the despatch [sic] of an expeditionary force to Greece. Erwin Rommel then appeared on the scene and with his Afrika Corps, assisted by the German Air Force, forced the British to retreat to Tobruk. This fell on 21 June 1941 and the next day Hitler promoted Rommel to the rank of Field Marshal, at forty-nine, the youngest in the German Army. AS the German offensive gathered momentum the light bombers became much in demand. It was unfortunate for the British that No. 223 Squadron had to be withdrawn temporarily, from the order of battle, just at this critical period because of rear turret problems. The other units however, the Bostons of the two South African Squadrons, 12 and 24, continued to operate and attack German and Italian columns advancing on El Adem. During the further retreat of the British army to El Alamein, all the light bomber forces attacked troop concentrations, transport columns, airfields and even merchant shipping which was bringing in vital supplies for Rommel's final assault, prior to the Axis forces entering Cairo and capturing Egypt. No. 223 carried out as many as five raids a day on several occasions, fortunately for the crews concerned, with the aid of a very necessary fighter escort. Nevertheless, Rommel who had by this time become a figure of awe, especially to the 8th Army, continued to advance successfully. Within a month, however, the land battle had stabilised around El Alamein, the front running down from the Mediterranean in the north, through the Ruweisal Ridge down to the Qattara Depression in the south. Air operations then became less intense, although attacks by allied aircraft against Axis positions and concentrations of mechanical transport were maintained, especially during the latter half of August and the beginning of September when Rommel renewed his attacks against the southern sector of the Alamein position at Alam Halfa. [page break] 118 With the arrival of General Montgomery earlier in August, however, had come a new spirit, which soon pervaded the whole of the 8th Army, providing it with the confidence so badly needed. Montgomery was indeed the man of the hour and the El Alamein position held. Rommel had been decisively stopped. The crucial British offensive opened on the night 23-24 October 1941. Understandably it was a time of maximum effort for No. 223 and its No. 3 South African Air Force Wing, No. 55 Squadron and the newcomers in the form of the 12th United States Army medium bombardment group. With the allied brake-out [sic] on 18 November 1941 came intense air activity and it was about this time that Lord Trenchard paid a visit to the squadron, accompanied by the AOC, Air Vice Marshal Coningham. This memorable occasion no doubt sustained air and ground crews alike during the subsequent round-the-clock bombing of retreating Axis forces, which the situation now demanded. By December the 8th Army had passed Benghazi and was fast approaching Mersa Breza when it was decided to give No. 223 a well-deserved rest from operations. They were moved temporarily to Iraq, less a detachment to the Western Desert by the end of the month. Meanwhile Montgomery continued his successful advance westward. In January 1942, Wing Commander T.M. Morgan led sixteen aircraft, without escort, to Crete for the first time where the harbour and installations at Suda Bay were successfully attacked. This was followed up by returning the same day, to bomb the Island's airfields, which were also attacked during subsequent visits. The Squadron was then honoured by a visit in February 1942 from the Emir of Transjordan, which month found Montgomery leaving Tripolitania and approaching Mareth, having taken the surrender of Tripoli on 23 January 1942. No. 223 was reunited at Sirtan West in Libya on 8 March and continued to operate by day and night against Axis transport and gun positions, often with as many as eighteen aircraft. The end of the North African Campaign was now in sight, but the Axis forces continued to fight just as hard as ever, as they proved at Kasserine in February and again at Medine and Mareth a month later. For No. 223 Squadron it was time to be on the move again. They arrived at Medenine on 2 April 1942 only to remain for less than two weeks before deploying to Le Fauconnerie. [page break] 119 At the beginning of May, Wing Commander (later Air Marshal) P. de L. le Cheminant took over the squadron in time for the 12th May when at 15.35 hours, No. 223 along with 55 squadron, led the last raid of the North African campaign – a precise bombing attack- against the German 90th light division who had refused to surrender their position eight miles north of Enfidville at Zaghouan. As the aircraft returned to base, the enemy finally surrendered and fighting in North Africa came to a close. With hardly a pause the unit then took part in saturation attacks against enemy gun positions on the heavily fortified island of Pantellaria. These were intensified during June, when No.223 came under command of the Tactical Bomber Force. Somewhat surprisingly, the island surrendered at 13.29 hours on the 11th month after the unit's last sortie The Squadron then ceased operations, withdrawing to the Tripoli area (Enfedawithe South and Regville) along with other units of the Desert Air Force and began to prepare for the invasion of Sicily, details of which were disclosed by Air Marshal A.M. Coningham when he visited No. 223 at the beginning of July. The subsequent invasion successfully took place on 9-10 July 1943 and made rapid progress, No 223 Squadron giving direct tactical support to ground forces and attacking railway centres. By 20 July 1943 a detachment of the squadron moved to Malta, which was being used as a temporary base for aircraft attacking targets situated at extreme range. Soon however, on 4 August 1943, the main party embarked on Landing Ships at La Mursa, Tunis for the three-day voyage to Licata, Sicily. Two days after arrival they moved to Monte Lungo landing ground, near Gela West, but on the 23rd of the month the Squadron advanced to Gerbini, Number 3 Landing ground at Sigonella, on the Catania Plains. Here followed several weeks of intensive operations against enemy gun and troop positions and concentrations of mechanical transport, which came to a climax with the enemy's evacuation of Sicily, which was completed by 17 August 1943. Italy was invaded on 3 September 1943 and the Squadron was established at Brindisi on the Italian mainland, on 27 September 1943, where operations were conducted against bridges and transport in an attempt to delay the enemy's retreat northwards. A rapid advance by the allies entailed No 223 having to move to Foggia, [page break] 120 No. 1 Landing Ground (Celone), towards the end of October in order to keep within range of the fighting and targets situated behind enemy lines. Principal targets were communications of all kinds, the town of Cassino being attacked by 223 for the first time on 11 October 1943. Soon, however, the German defences were strengthened and during the month one of the squadron's aircraft was badly hit by anti-aircraft fire causing it to crash. Fortunately the crew, which included a photographer, baled out successfully and later returned to the unit. Long periods of stand-down then followed because of bad weather but, for eight days at the end of November, it cleared sufficiently for concentrated bombing to take place against the Sangro line. No. 232 Wing relinquished operational and administrative control of No. 223 on 14 March 1944 when No. 3 South African Air Force Wing took over, main targets allocated during the month being the major railway stations. The same day the squadron moved to BiFurno Landing Ground – Compomarino – near Termoli and it from here that targets in Yugoslavia, in support of partisans, were attacked. May was the squadron's busiest month, its activities ranging from attacking ammunition dumps near Loretto, to enemy gun positions in support of combined attacks by the fifth and eighth armies. During a raid on Split harbour in June 1944, a squadron aircraft was hit by anti-aircraft fire and had to ditch off the island of Vis, the crew of four managing to return to base in spite of the pilot and navigator being dragged under water. By the end of the month another move occurred when No. 223 moved to Pescara, where further attacks were concentrated on roads and railway bridges. It was decided to amalgamate No. 223 with an Australian squadron in August and thus shortly thereafter it lost its identity as a Royal Air Force unit. Almost immediately however, its numberplate was allocated to a new squadron forming in the United Kingdom at RAF Station, Oulton in Norfolk.88 [page break] 121 Endnotes 1 – Correspondence Author – Hastie. 2 – Correspondence Author – Hastie. 3 – The Times, [italics] British War Production [/italics] (Printing House Square, 1945) p.2. 4 – Andrew Williams, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic [/italics] (BBC Worldwide Ltd, 2002) pp.16, 33. 5 – See Geoffrey Wellum, [italics] First Light, [/italics] (Penguin Books, 2003) who became a fighter pilot at the age of eighteen. 6 – Winston S. Churchill, The [italics] Second World War, [/italics] Vol.II (Cassell & Co Ltd, 1949) p.102. 7 – Denis Richards, [italics] Royal Air Force 1939-1945, [/italics] Vol.1 (HMSO, 1953) p.150. 8 – Winston S. Churchill, [italics] The Second World War, [/italics] Vol.II, p.125. 9 – Winston S. Churchill, [italics] The Second World War, [/italics] Vol.III, p.127. 10 – RAF Form 414, Pilot's Flying Log Book- F/O R.M. Hastie 11 – Central Office of Information, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic, [/italics] (HMSO, 1946) p.27. 12 – Ibid. p.30 13 – Sir Arthur Harris, [italics] Bomber Offensive [/italics] (Collins, 1947) p.27 14 – Letter to author from Harry Palmer 15 – Jock Manson, [italics] United in Effort [/italics] (Air-Britain Historians Ltd, Tunbridge Wells, 1997) p.39. 16 – Ibid. p.40. 17 – For a detailed account of George Binney's operations see Ralph Barker, [italics] The Blockade Busters (Chatto and Windus, [/italics] 1976). 18 – Air to Surface Vessel Radar. 53 Sqn was probably fitted with ASV mark II at RAF St. Athan in 1940, under the direction of the Telecommunications Research Establishment. See E.G. Bowen, [italics] Radar Days, [/italics] (Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1987) pp.94-95. 19 – Correspondence between author and Harry Palmer. 20 – Jock Manson, [italics] United in Effort, [/italics] p.41. 21 – Central Office of Information, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic [/italics] (HMSO, 1946) p.39; Werner Rahn, [italics] 'The War at Sea in the Atlantic and in the Arctic Ocean,'[/italics] in Research Institute for Military History, Potsdam, Germany (eds) Germany and the Second World War: vol. VI, The Global War (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 2001) p.302 22 – Winston, S Churchill. [italics] The Second World War [/italics] (The Reprint Society, 1953) p.113. 23 – Jock Manson, [italics] United in Effort [/italics] p.43. PRO Air 8/668. 24 – [italics] The Military Chest, [/italics] ed. by D.B. Picton-Phillips Volume 2 No 5 (Picton Print, Wiltshire, September/October 1983) pp.31-33. 25 – Correspondence Author – Hastie. 26 – Denis Richards, [italics] Royal Air Force 1939-1945, [/italics] Vol.1 (HMSO, 1953) p.405. 27 – For an interesting description of landing at Bluie-West-One, see Ernest K. Gann, [italics] Fate is the Hunter, [/italics] (Hodder, 1961) pp.152-164. [page break] 122 28 – Jock Manson, [italics] United in Effort, [/italics] p.43 29 – John Costello and Terry Hughes, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic, [/italics] (Collins, 1977) pp.200-201 30 – Ibid, p.202 31 – Probably Plt. Off. R. Guthrie and crew, see Jock Manson, [italics] United in Effort, [/italics] p.43. 32 – Central Office of Information, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic, [/italics] (HMSO, 1946). p.57. 33 – Jock Manson, [italics] United in Effort. [/italics] p.43. 34 – Possibly, the Henry R. Mallory, see John Slader, [italics] The Red Duster at War, [/italics] (William Kimber, 1988) p.242. 35 – Ministry of Information, [italics] Atlantic Bridge, [/italics] (HMSO, 1945) Chapter 4, pp.39-40. 36 – Michael Pye, [italics] The King over the Water, [/italics] (Hutchinson, 1981) p.15 37 – Michael Pye, [italics] The King over the Water, [/italics] pp.15, 107. 38 – RAF Form 414, Pilot's Flying Log Book- F/O R.M. Hastie. 39 – Ibid. 40 – Winston S. Churchill, [italics] The Hinge of Fate, [/italics] (The Reprint Society, 1953) p.494. 41 – Colin Latham and Anne Stobbs, [italics] Pioneers of Radar, [/italics] (Sutton Publishing, Stroud, Gloucestershire, 1999) p.61. 42 – E.G. Bowen, [italics] Radar Days, [/italics] p.109. 43 – Alfred Price, [italics] Instruments of Darkness, [/italics] (Macdonald and Jane’s, 1977) p.21. 44 – Ibid., pp.22-23 & 47-48. 45 – Ibid., pp 60-61 & 62-63. 46 – Colin Latham and Anne Stobbs, [italics] Pioneers of. Radar [/italics] p.253. 47 – Sir Arthur T. Harris, Despatch on War Operations 23 February 1942 to 8 May 1945 (Frank Cass, 1995) p.9. 48 – Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries, [/italics] (Viking, 1985) p.335. 49 – Mark Arnold-Foster, [italics] The World at War, [/italics] p.268. 50 – R.V. Jones, [italics] Most Secret War, [/italics] (Hamish Hamilton, 1978) p.430 51 – PRO Air 17/1376, No 223 Squadron's Operations Record Book, F.540 52 – Mark K. Wells, [italics] Courage and Air Warfare [/italics] (Frank Cass, 1955) pp.18-20 53 – Martin Streetly, [italics] Confound & Destroy, [/italics] (Jane's, 1978) p.79 54 – R.V. Jones, Most Secret War, pp.458-459 55 – David Irving, The Mare's Nest: The war Against Hitler's Secret 'Vengeance' Weapons (Panther Books, Granada Publishing Limited, 1964) p.115 56 – PRO Air 41/46, p.77; David Irving, [italics] The Mare's Nest, [/italics] p.141 and footnote. 57 – PRO Air 25/782, para.25. 58 – Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Record 1939-1945, [/italics] p.608 59 – PRO Air 24/782; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book, 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.612-613 [page break] 123 60 – PRO Air 24/782; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational record Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.613-614 61 – RAF Form 414, Pilot's Flying Log Book – Hastie; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp. 619-620 62 – PRO Air 24/303, Air 27/1376. Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.620-621 63 – PRO Air 24/782; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Record Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.623-624 64 – PRO Air 27/1376; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Record 1939-1945, [/italics] p.625 65 – PRO Air 24/301; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command war Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.625-626 66 – Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] p.627 67 – PRO Air 25/783, p.5; [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.630-631; PRO Air 27/1376 68 – PRO Air 27/1376; [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book, [/italics] pp.632-634 69 – PRO Air 27/1376 70 – PRO Air 24/303; PRO Air 27/1376 71 – Ibid 72 – PRO Air 24/303; PRO Air 27/1376 73 – Ibid 74 – PRO Air 27/1376 75 – Ibid 76 – PRO Air 24/307; PRO Air 27/1376 77 – Ibid 78 – PRO Air 27/1376; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] pp.666-668 79 – Ibid 80 – PRO Air 14/2894; PRO Air 27/1376 81 – PRO Air 24/311 82 – PRO Air 14/2894; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] p.674 83 – PRO Air 24/311; Martin Middlebrook and Chris Everitt, [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Reference Book 1939-1945, [/italics] p.676 84 – PRO Air 27/1376; PRO Air 14/2894 85 – Ibid 86 – Based on information kindly provided by the Air Historical Branch. 87 – Based on information kindly furnished by the Air Historical Branch. 88 – Based on information kindly furnished by the Air Historical Branch. [page break] 124 BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES. A – UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 1. Air Ministry Air 8 – Department of Chief of Air Staff Air 14 – Bomber Command. Air 14/2894. Air 20 – Unregistered Papers. Air 20/1962 Air 24 – Operational Record Books-Commands. Air 24/301, Air 24/303, Air 24/307, Air 24/311, Air 24/782. Air 25 – Operational Record Books-Groups. Air 25/782, Air 25/783. Air 27 – Operational Record Books-Squadrons. Air 27/1376. Air 41 – Air Historical Branch Monographs & Narratives. Air 41/46 Form 414, Pilot's Flying Logbook – F/O R.M. Hastie 2. Personal Correspondence Letters Roy Hastie – Author Letters Harry Palmer – Author PRIMARY SOURCES. B – PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 1. Official Histories, Diaries and Memoirs Air Historical Branch – Information. Central Office of Information, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic [/italics] (HMSO, 1946). [italics] Coastal Command's War Record 1939-1945. [/italics] Harris, Sir Arthur T., [italics] Despatch on War Operations [/italics] (Frank Cass, 1995) (This publication is identical to the actual Despatch to be found at the Public Record Office under the Reference Air 20/1962). Jones, R.V. [italics] Most Secret War [/italics] (Hamish Hamilton, 1978). Ministry of Information, [italics] Atlantic Bridge [/italics] (HMSO, 1945) Richards, Denis, [italics] Royal Air Force 1939-1945, [/italics] Vol.I (HMSO,1953) [page break] 125 SECONDARY SOURCES 1. Published Books Arnold-Foster, Mark, [italics] The World at War [/italics] (Collins, 1974) Barker, Ralph, [italics] The Blockade Busters [/italics] (Chatto and Windus, 1976) Bowen, E.G., [italics] Radar Days [/italics] (Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1987) Churchill, Winston, S. [italics] The Hinge of Fate [/italics] (The Reprint Society, 1953) Churchill, Winston, S. [italics] The Second World War, [/italics] Vol.II (Cassell & Co Ltd, 1949) Churchill, Winston, S. [italics] The Second World War, [/italics] Vol.III (Cassell & Co Ltd, 1950) Costello, John and Hughes, Terry, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic [/italics] (Collins, 1977) Gann, Ernest K., [italics] Fate is the Hunter [/italics] (Hodder, 1961) Gilbert, Martin, Winston S. Churchill: [italics] Finest Hour 1939-1941, [/italics] Vol.VI (Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1983) Harris, Sir Arthur, [italics] Bomber Offensive [/italics] (Collins, 1947) Irving, David, [italics] The Mare's Nest, The War Against Hitler's Secret 'Vengeance' Weapons [/italics] (Panther Books, Granada Publishing Limited 1964) Latham, Colin, and Stobbs, Anne, [italics] Pioneers of Radar [/italics] (Sutton Publishing, Stroud, 1999) Manson, Jock, [italics] United in Effort [/italics] (Air-Britain Historians Ltd, Tunbridge Wells, 1997) Middlebrook, Martin, and Everitt, Chris. [italics] The Bomber Command War Diaries: An Operational Record 1939-1945 [/italics] (Viking, 1985) Price, Alfred, [italics] Instruments of Darkness[/italics] (Macdonald and Jane's, 1977) Pritchard, David, [italics] The Radar War [/italics] (Patrick Stephens Ltd, Wellingborough, 1989) Pye, Michael, [italics] The King Over the Water [/italics] (Hutchinson, 1981) Rahn, Werner, 'The War at Sea in the Atlantic and in the Arctic Ocean' in Research Institute for Military History, Potsdam, Germany (eds.) Germany and the Second World War: Vol. VI [italics] The Global War [/italics] (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 2001) Slader, John, [italics] The Red Duster at War [/italics] (William Kimber, 1988) Streetly, Martin, [italics] Confound & Destroy [/italics] (Jane's 1978) Times, The, [italics] British War Production [/italics] (Printing House Square, 1945) Wells, Mark K. [italics] Courage and Air Warfare [/italics] (Frank Cass, 1955) Williams, Andrew, [italics] The Battle of the Atlantic [/italics] (BBC Worldwide Ltd, 2002) Wellum, Geoffrey, [italics] First Light [/italics] (Penguin Books, 2003) [page break] 126 2. Chronologies, Pamphlets, Journals and Proceedings Picton-Phillips, D.B. ed. [italics] The Military Chest, [/italics] Vol.2 No 5 (Picton Print, Wiltshire, September/October 1983) [page break] 127 Index 100-octane aviation fuel . . . 37 220 Squadron . . . 11 80 (Signals) Wing . . . 61, 63 87-octane aviation fuel . . . 37 Aachen . . . 80 Aberystwyth . . . 14 Admiral Doenitz . . . 58 Admiral King . . . 28, 30, 31 Admiral Ramsay . . . 13 Admiralty . . . 17, 27, 57, 60, 112 After Order . . . 56 Air Chief Marshal Sir Frederick Bowhill . . . 29 Air Component . . . 19, 109 Air Marshal Portal . . . 48 Air Ministry Research Establishment . . . 61 Air Training Corps . . . 24, 74 Air Vice Marshal Addison . . . 66, 92 Airborne Cigar . . . 64, 66, 97 Airborne interception . . . 62 Airspeed Oxford . . . 15, 91 Alcatraz . . . 31 Alcock and Brown . . . 28 Aldergrove . . . 28, 100 Allan Glen's School . . . 9 [italics] Altmark [/italics] . . . 11, 102 Ameland . . . 23,25 AMM3c Harry Boots . . . 36, 58 Amsterdam . . . 94 Anderson Brothers . . . 10, 92 AOC-in-C . . . 4, 18, 25, 61 Appleton . . . 60 Archangel . . . 18 Ardennes offensive . . . 82 Aruba . . . 28 Aschaffenburg . . . 80 ASV . . . 22, 23, 27, 28, 43, 97, 121 Atlantic Ferry Organisation . . . 29 Avro Anson . . . 75, 94 Avro Tutor . . . 16 Babbacombe . . . 14 Bahamas . . . 4, 5, 46, 47, 49, 50, 55, 72, 92 Ball bearing industry . . . 22 Baltic . . . 22 Banff . . . 82 Bannerman Town . . . 54 Barford St John . . . 90 Barnett . . . 60 Battle of Britain . . . 14, 27, 61, 109 Battle of the Atlantic . . . 3, 5, 57, 58, 104, 121, 122, 124, 125 Battlefield School . . . 9 Bay of Biscay . . . 26, 110 Beatty draft . . . 45 Beaufort . . . 24 Beecroft . . . 77, 82, 83, 85, 86 Belgium. . . . 13, 71, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 102, 103, 109 Benito . . . 60, 67, 97 Bergkamen . . . 88 Binnie . . . 51 [italics] Bismarck [/italics] . . . 17, 100 Blackpool . . . 12, 14. 17, 45 Blenheims . . . 19, 103, 109, 110 Bletchley . . . 57, 61 Bluie West . . . 29, 40, 42 Bob Lawrence . . . 87 Bochum . . . 79 Bohlen . . . 86 Bomber Command . . . 2, 5, 18, 22, 23, 27, 28, 58, 59, 62, 63, 66, 68, 69, 70, 72, 75, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 88, 98, 105, 122, 123, 124, 125 Bonn . . . 82, 86 Boston Harbour . . . 47 Boulogne . . . 94, 109 Bournemouth . . . 21 Boys' Brigade . . . 9 Braun . . . 60 Brest . . . 17, 102, 109 Bret . . . 60 Bristol Channel . . . 27 British Embassy . . . 37 British Expeditionary Force . . . 13, 19, 109 British Institute of Engineering Technology . . . 10 Brussels . . . 78, 79, 94 Brux . . . 85 Bull's Eye . . . 76 Caimanera . . . 33 Canada . . . 17, 28, 39, 45, 55, 100 Cape Hatteras . . . 28 Cape of Good Hope . . . 34, 38 [page break] 128 Captain Lilly . . . 39 Caribbean . . . 2, 4, 28, 32, 34, 45, 48, 49, 50, 110 Carpet . . . 68, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 97 Castrop-Rauxel . . . 80 Catfoss . . . 45 Cathcart . . . 9, 12 Catterick . . . 19, 106 Centrimetric radar . . . 57 Chain Home (CH) . . . 61 Channel Islands . . . 21 Cheddington . . . 76 Chemnitz . . . 86 Cherry Point . . . 32 Chipmunk . . . 93 Church of St. Andrews . . . 51 Coastal Command . . . 1, 2, 4, 5, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 25, 26,27, 28, 34, 45, 48, 50, 55, 58, 72, 75, 82, 95, 97, 100, 101, 103, 105, 109, 124 Cologne . . . 27, 78, 83, 89 Cologne/Nippes marshalling yards . . . 82 Commissioned as a Pilot Officer . . . 54 Convoy system . . . 32 Convoy, TM1 . . . 34 Cornwall . . . 19, 104, 110, 111 Corona . . . 66, 97 Cranwell . . . 92 Crossbow . . . 69, 97 Croydon . . . 91, 94 Cuba . . . 32, 34 Curacao . . . 28 D.C.T. Bennett . . . 28, 30 Dakota . . . 29 Darmstadt . . . 87 Dartboard . . . 66, 97 D-Day . . . 66, 68, 69, 73 Denmark . . . 22, 78, 103 Denmark Strait . . . 100 Dessau . . . 89 DH 82 . . . 7 Digne . . . 94 Dinah . . . 71 Dishforth . . . 92 Distinguished Flying Cross . . . 92, 95 Donibristle . . . 93 Donitz . . . 28 Donna Nook . . . 23 Dortmund . . . 79, 80, 87 Dortmund-Ems Canal . . . 79, 80, 88 Dorval . . . 29, 30, 39 Dover . . . 13 Dr Hans Plendl . . . 60 Dr R.V. Jones . . . 61 Dr Schaht . . . 59 Dr Yagi . . . 60 Dresden . . . 86 Drumstick . . . 67, 97 Duisburg . . . 80, 82, 85, 87 Duke of Windsor . . . 3, 5, 48, 49 Dulmen . . . 84 Duncan Sandys . . . 69, 72, 97 Dungeness . . . 85, 88 Dunwich . . . 63 Durlacher . . . 81 Dusseldorf . . . 87 Dutch Guyana . . . 32 E-Boat . . . 16 Edinburgh Field . . . 33, 35 El Alamein . . . 57, 117, 118 Eleuthera . . . 5, 53, 54 Empire Air Training Scheme . . . 12, 46 Empire State Building . . . 38 English Channel . . . 16, 22, 110 Enigma . . . 57 Escort Carrier . . . 57 Essen . . . 62, 80, 81 Exuma Sound . . . 53 Faraday . . . 60 Farnborough . . . 19, 106, 109 Feltwell . . . 91 Ferry Command . . . 29, 39 Fidget . . . 68, 97 Fighter Affiliation . . . 91 Fleet Air Arm . . . 37, 102 Flensburg . . . 70, 97 Flight Lieutenant B. James . . . 75 Flight Lieutenant Hughes . . . 7 Florence . . . 94 Florida . . . 32, 95, 96 Flt. Lt. Allies . . . 76 Flying badge . . . 15 Flying instructor . . . 4, 5, 16, 92 Flying Officer Christopher Spicer . . . 5, 73, 88, Flying Officer Leon (Soapy) Hudson . . . 73 Flying Officer Moyer . . . 23 Food rationing . . . 11, 38 [page break] 129 Fort Hamilton . . . 47 Fort Montagu Hotel . . . 48 Fort Montague . . . 54 France . . . 11, 13, 19, 27, 49, 71, 79, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 103, 106, 109 Frankfurt . . . 79, 84, 87 Freya . . . 60, 63, 97, 98 Freya-Halbe . . . 64 Frieburg . . . 88 Frisians . . . 21 Gander . . . 28, 55 Gee . . . 62, 98 Gelsenkirchen . . . 85, 89 General Arnold . . . 47 General Montgomery . . . 57, 118 General Rommel . . . 57 General Strike . . . 9 George Cole . . . 51 George Washington Bridge . . . 38 German Army . . . 13, 69, 76, 77, 98, 117 Gibraltar . . . 34, 104, 105 Glasgow . . . 3, 8, 9, 11, 12, 31, 35, 41, 44, 45, 46, 51, 58, 92, 94 [italics] Gneisenau [/italics] . . . 17, 20, 102, 109 Goldfish Club . . . 3, 54 Goose Bay . . . 29, 30, 39 Government Code and Cipher School . . . 61 [italics] Graf Spee [/italics] . . . 11, 60 Grand Central Station . . . 31, 38 Grantham . . . 14 Gravenhorst . . . 87 Greenland . . . 17, 29, 30, 36, 39, 40, 42, 104 Grevenbroich . . . 84 Grimsby . . . 24 Ground Cigar . . . 64, 66, 98 Ground Controlled Interception . . . 62, 99 Ground Grocer . . . 63, 64, 66, 68, 98 Group Captain L.R.S. Freestone OBE . . . 74 Group Captain R.N. Waite RAF . . . 48 Group Captain T.C. Dickens . . . 72 Guantanamo Bay . . . 32 Gulf of Mexico . . . 32 Gulf of Venezuela . . . 28 H2S . . . 62, 70, 71, 98 Hagen . . . 80 Hamburg . . . 62, 65, 85, 89 Hampton Roads . . . 28 Hangelar/Bonn . . . 82 Hannover . . . 79, 84 Hans von Seeckt . . . 59 Harry Palmer . . . 1, 18, 21, 24, 25, 35, 121, 124 Harvard . . . 32 Heligoland . . . 25, 78 Hemmingstedt and Harburg . . . 89 Herne . . . 89 Hertz . . . 60 Hillman Minx . . . 93 Hitler . . . 4, 11, 16, 20, 23, 58, 59, 69, 84, 115, 117, 122, 125 HMS [italics] Curacao [/italics] . . . 47 HMS [italics] Hood [/italics] . . . 17 HMS [italics] Royal Oak [/italics] . . . 10 Holland . . . 13, 19, 70, 77, 78, 86, 87, 100, 102, 103, 109 Homburg . . . 78 Homing torpedo . . . 58 HQ No 18 Group . . . 21 Hudson, Lockheed . . . 2, 3, 4, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29, 32, 36, 37, 39, 42, 43, 44, 88, 90, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105 Hudson River . . . 31, 47 Hulsmeyer . . . 60 Humber-Hillmans . . . 10 Hurricane . . . 91 Iceland . . . 17, 29, 42, 100, 104, 105, 111 IFF . . . 67, 88, 98 Integrated air defence system . . . 61 Isa Hastie . . . 35, 44, 45, 51, 58, 92, 93, 95 ITW . . . 14, 74 Jack Badger . . . 24, 27 Jamaica . . . 37 Jersey . . . 94 John Hastie . . . 9 John Randall . . . 58 John Searby . . . 28 Jostle IV . . . 71, 76, 80 Juvancourt . . . 90 Kaiser . . . 59 Kamen . . . 88 Karlsruhe . . . 80, 81, 86 Kassbohrer . . . 82 Kattegat . . . 22 Kiel . . . 85, 90 Kingston . . . 37 Knickebein . . . 60, 61 [page break] 130 Koblenz . . . 86 Kuhnhold . . . 60 La Brea . . . 33 Labrador . . . 30, 39 Leicester . . . 45 Leige . . . 79 Lend Lease . . . 14 Leuchars . . . 21 Leuna . . . 81, 84 Lewis . . . 43 Liberator . . . 5, 17, 29, 48, 49, 50, 55, 57, 76, 79, 87, 88, 90. 91, 92, 110 Liberator D.620 . . . 78 Liberator, G for George . . . 90 Lichfield . . . 92 Lichtenstein B.C . . . 67 Lieutenant Prien . . . 10 Lille . . . 95 Limavady . . . 19, 22, 43 Lindesnaes . . . 22 Lisbon . . . 49, 94 Loch Foyle . . . 43 Lord Beaverbrook . . . 82 Lorenz beam . . . 60 Lorenz Company . . . 60 Lough Foyle . . . 20 Lubeck . . . 22 Ludwigshafen . . . 81, 86 Luftwaffe . . . 13, 15, 22, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 73, 78, 84, 89, 98, 102, 109 Lulsgate Bottom . . . 92 Lundy Island . . . 27 Luxembourg . . . 13, 94 Lyon . . . 94 Magdeburg . . . 85, 86 Maginius-Deutz . . . 82 Mainz . . . 86 Malin Head . . . 43 Mandrel . . . 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 78, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 97, 98 Mandrel Screen . . . 69, 78 Mannheim . . . 83, 84, 86 Manston . . . 79 Master Bomber . . . 87 Maurice Anderson . . . 93 Max Aitken . . . 82 Maxwell . . . 60 McLaughlins . . . 35 Merchant Aircraft Carriers . . . 39 Metz . . . 84 Miami . . . 4, 32, 36, 37, 47, 54, 55 Mike Couper . . . 94 Miles Martinet aircraft . . . 74 Mittelland Canal . . . 80, 87 Monheim . . . 87 Monica . . . 70, 97, 98 Monte Carlo . . . 6, 93, 94, 95 Monte Carlo Rally . . . 93 Montego Bay . . . 37 Montreal . . . 30, 32, 38, 39, 55 Morrison Field . . . 32 Motor Vessel [italics] Inge [/italics] . . . 25 Mount Florida Church . . . 45 Mr and Mrs Dynes . . . 38 Mr and Mrs Wallis . . . 39 Mr Neilson . . . 95 Mrs Margaret Beveridge . . . 31 Munich . . . 82, 84 Munster . . . 87, 89 Murmansk . . . 18 Nassau . . . 4, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55 Nassau Radio . . . 51 National Service . . . 10 Naxos . . . 70, 98 Neuss . . . 80, 87 Nevers . . . 94 Neville Chamberlain . . . 10 New Providence Island . . . 48 New York . . . 4, 31, 32, 38, 46, 48, 54 Newfoundland . . . 30, 38, 55 No 1 Group . . . 64 No 10 AGS . . . 73, 74, 75 No 100 Group . . . 2, 66, 69, 72, 76, 82 No 11 Elementary Flying Training School . . . 7, 14 No 11 Reserve Flying School . . . 93 No 111 (General Reconnaissance) Operational Training Unit . . . 47, 50 No 1332 Heavy Conversion Unit . . . 91 No 1688 Battle Defence Training Flight . . . 91 No 214 Squadron . . . 72, 76 No 223 Squadron . . . 2, 69, 72, 75, 76, 91, 119, 122 No 3 Flying Training School . . . 15 No 3 School of General Reconnaissance . . . 17 No 6 (Coastal) OTU . . . 18 [page break] 131 No 7 Flying Instructor's School . . . 92 No. 53 Squadron . . . 2, 4, 19, 28, 33, 106, 109, 111 North Africa . . . 38, 57, 100, 104, 117, 119 North American B25 Mitchell . . . 5, 48, 49, 50, 52 North Carolina . . . 28, 37 North Coates . . . 20, 21, 23, 24 Northern Ireland . . . 19, 20, 28, 111 Norway . . . 11, 20, 21, 23, 102, 103, 105 Nova Scotia . . . 55 Number 25 Course . . . 55 Nuremberg . . . 80 Nurnberg . . . 84 Oakes Airfield . . . 48 Oberhausen . . . 78 Oboe . . . 62, 82, 98 Odiham . . . 19, 109 Operation Dynamo . . . 13 Operation Gisella . . . 89 Operation Torch . . . 38, 57 Oslo . . . 61, 94 Oslo Report . . . 61 Padgate . . . 12 Paris . . . 94 Parramaribo . . . 36 Pas de Calais . . . 68 Pearl Harbour . . . 27 Perth . . . 7, 8, 14, 93, 95 Pfieffer . . . 31 Pforzheim . . . 87 Pilot Officer Davey . . . 53 Pilot Officer E.P. Youngs . . . 76 Pilot Officer Jones . . . 52 Pilot Officer Risbey . . . 36 Pilot Officer. B.S. Beecroft . . . 76 Piperack . . . 71, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98 Pleasantville Construction Incorporated . . . 48 PNB . . . 73, 74, 75 Politz . . . 82 Prague . . . 94 President Hindenburg . . . 59 President Roosevelt . . . 33 Prestwick . . . 29, 42, 43, 44, 55, 92 Princeton Club . . . 3, 38 [italics] Prinz Eugen [/italics] . . . 17 Proctor . . . 91 Professor Oliphant . . . 57 Propaganda leaflets . . . 16 Providence . . . 5, 30, 31, 37, 47, 50, 51, 54 Puerto Rico . . . 32, 35 QGH . . . 20 Quonset Point . . . 4, 29, 30, 38 Radar . . . 17, 22, 27, 28, 43, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 84, 87, 92, 97, 98, 99, 105 Radio countermeasures . . . 63, 68 Radio direction finding . . . 60 RAF Catfoss . . . 45 RAF Cheadle . . . 61 RAF Cranwell . . . 16 RAF Delegation . . . 48 RAF Docking . . . 44 RAF Northwood . . . 95 RAF Oulton . . . 5, 72, 78 RAF Padgate . . . 12 RAF Walney Island . . . 73 RAF Y Service . . . 61 RCAF Lachine . . . 39 RCM plan on D-Day . . . 68 Reefer Patrol . . . 21 Reichwehr . . . 59 Reverend John Ramsay . . . 45 Reykjavik . . . 29, 42 Rheims . . . 94 Rhode Island . . . 4, 29, 30, 39 Riccal . . . 91 River Clyde . . . 47 River Plate . . . 11 Rockefeller Centre . . . 38 Rootes Ltd . . . 92 Rositz . . . 86 Rotterdam . . . 25, 102, 109 Rover Patrol . . . 24 Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve . . . 1, 6, 11, 15, 54, 93, 94, 95 Royal Life Saving Society's Bronze Medallion . . . 9 Ruhr . . . 82 Russia . . . 16, 18, 57, 107 San Juan . . . 32, 33, 36 Scapa Flow . . . 10 [italics] Scharnhorst [/italics] . . . 17, 20, 102, 109 Schnorkel . . . 58 Scone . . . 14 Scottish Motor Transport . . . 10 Sea Frontiers . . . 28 Sergeant R.C. Lawrence . . . 75 [page break] 132 Seetakt . . . 17, 60, 98 Sergeant Allan . . . 54 Sergeant Ches. Weston . . . 73 Sergeant Dan Poitven . . . 27 Sergeant Jim Brown . . . 73 Sergeant P. Lovatt . . . 75 Sergeant Palmer . . . 18, 23 Sergeant Penfold . . . 18 Sergeant R. Jones . . . 75, 76 Sergeant Sydney Pienaar . . . 73 Serrate . . . 68, 98 Shell Group . . . 34 Shipping losses . . . 11, 17, 30 Shiver . . . 63, 98 Short Stirling . . . 78 Siegen . . . 86 Silver Meteor . . . 55 Sir Arthur Harris . . . 18, 22, 62, 87, 121 Sir Charles Dundas . . . 49 Sir Hugh Dowding . . . 61 SN2 . . . 68, 70, 71, 98 South Cerney . . . 15, 16 South of Ireland . . . 16 Special Tinsel . . . 65, 66 Special Window Force . . . 78, 79, 82 Spiral . . . 52 Spitfire . . . 91 Sqn Ldr Lindsay . . . 16 Squadron Leader Rands . . . 40 Squire's Gate . . . 17, 18 SS [italics] Athenia [/italics] . . . 10 SS [italics] Lady Somers [/italics] . . . 49 SS [italics] Normandy [/italics] . . . 47 SS [italics] Queen Elizabeth [/italics] . . . 4, 46 SS [italics] Queen Mary [/italics] . . . 47, 48 St Eval . . . 19, 25, 29, 36 St John's Wood . . . 73 St Malo . . . 21, 22 St Mungo Halls . . . 8, 11 St Lawrence River . . . 32 Sterkrade . . . 80 Stornoway . . . 42, 43 Stow College . . . 10 Stuttgart . . . 66, 84, 85 Suez Canal . . . 57 Sweden . . . 22 Tatzs Place . . . 33 Taxable, Operation . . . 68 Taxable and Glimmer, Operations . . . 68 Telecommunications Research Establishment . . . 61, 121 The Hague . . . 70, 77, 94 Thornaby . . . 18 Thorney Island . . . 21 Tiger Moth . . . 7, 15, 93 Tinsel . . . 63, 65, 66, 98 [italics] Tirpitz [/italics] . . . 23 Transair Ltd . . . 94 Transport Command . . . 55, 91, 92, 111 Trinidad . . . 4, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 110 Tuve . . . 60 [italics] U108 [/italics] . . . 35 [italics] U116 [/italics] . . . 34 [italics] U134 [/italics] . . . 34 [italics] U217 [/italics] . . . 35 [italics] U332 [/italics] . . . 35 [italics] U459 [/italics] . . . 34 [italics] U460 [/italics] . . . 34 [italics] U509 [/italics] . . . 34 [italics] U512 [/italics] . . . 35 U-boats . . . 4, 5, 10, 16, 17, 20, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 46, 57, 58, 105, 110, 111 Ulm . . . 82 V1 . . . 69, 73, 98 V2 . . . 69, 70, 72, 76, 77, 98 Vengeance weapons . . . 69 Venlo . . . 94 Virginia . . . 32, 37 WAAF . . . 42 Waller Field . . . 33 Wanne-Eickel . . . 79, 85, 86 Warrant Officer F.M Watson . . . 73 Warrington . . . 12, 13 Weimar . . . 59 Weisbaden . . . 86 Wesel . . . 89 West Kingsdown . . . 65, 66 Western Approaches . . . 20, 111 Western Motor Company . . . 10 Wg. Cdr. H.H. Burnell . . . 91 Wg. Cdr. Jimmy Leggate . . . 35 Wiesbaden . . . 86 Window . . . 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 99 Windrush . . . 15 Windsor Field . . . 48, 50 [page break] 133 Wing Commander E.B. Addison . . . 61 Winston Churchill . . . 14, 28, 33, 97 Worms . . . 87 Wurzburg . . . 60, 62, 63, 65, 98, 99 X-Gerät . . . 60 Y-Gerät . . . 60 Youngs . . . 77, 82, 83, 85, 86 Yucatan Channel . . . 34 Zeitz . . . 85 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hastie DFC: The Life and Times of a Wartime Pilot Description An account of the resource A biography of Roy Hastie. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Peter Lovatt Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2003-10 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. United States Rhode Island--Quonset Point Naval Air Station Bahamas--Nassau New York (State)--New York Bahamas--New Providence Island Great Britain England--Harrogate Scotland--Perth Scotland--Glasgow England--Warrington England--Blackpool Luxembourg France Belgium Netherlands France--Dunkerque England--Dover England--Grantham England--Torquay Wales--Aberystwyth Iceland Greenland Sierra Leone Russia (Federation)--Murmansk Singapore France--Saint-Malo Denmark Sweden Germany--Lübeck Netherlands--Ameland Island England--Grimsby Germany--Helgoland Netherlands--Rotterdam Atlantic Ocean--Bay of Biscay England--Lundy Island Germany--Cologne North Carolina North Carolina--Cape Hatteras Aruba Curaçao Iceland--Reykjavík Greenland--Narsarssuak Canada Québec--Montréal Rhode Island New York (State)--Buffalo Gulf of Mexico Caribbean Sea Virginia Florida--Miami Cuba--Guantánamo Bay Naval Base Puerto Rico--San Juan Cuba Florida--West Palm Beach Cuba--Caimanera India Sierra Leone--Freetown Jamaica Jamaica--Kingston Jamaica--Montego Bay Virginia--Norfolk Washington (D.C.) 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It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 142 printed sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BLovattPHastieRv2 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke Peter Bradbury 1 Group 100 Group 101 Squadron 157 Squadron 2 Group 214 Squadron 223 Squadron 3 Group 4 Group 6 Group 8 Group 85 Squadron 88 Squadron air gunner aircrew anti-aircraft fire B-17 B-24 B-25 bale out Beaufighter Bismarck Botha C-47 Chamberlain, Neville (1869-1940) Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) crash crewing up Distinguished Flying Cross entertainment evacuation Flying Training School Gee Gneisenau Goldfish Club ground personnel H2S Halifax Harris, Arthur Travers (1892-1984) Harvard He 111 Heavy Conversion Unit Hitler, Adolf (1889-1945) Hudson Hurricane Initial Training Wing Ju 88 Lancaster love and romance Martinet Me 109 Me 110 mine laying Mosquito Mussolini, Benito (1883-1945) navigator Nissen hut Oboe Operational Training Unit Oxford Pathfinders pilot Prinz Eugen Proctor radar RAF Banff RAF Catfoss RAF Catterick RAF Chedburgh RAF Cranwell RAF Dishforth RAF Farnborough RAF Horsham St Faith RAF Kinloss RAF Leuchars RAF Lichfield RAF Lyneham RAF Manston RAF North Coates RAF Oulton RAF Padgate RAF Prestwick RAF Riccall RAF Silloth RAF South Cerney RAF St Eval RAF Thornaby RAF Thorney Island RAF Windrush RAF Woodbridge Roosevelt, Franklin Delano (1882-1945) Scharnhorst Spitfire sport Stirling Swordfish Tiger Moth Tirpitz training V-1 V-2 V-weapon Whitley Window wireless operator Women’s Auxiliary Air Force https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1560/35630/BMillingtonRWestonFv1.pdf 8f0a70969cd59c55fef62f5a0d5a383d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Weston, Fred F Weston Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016-11-13 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Weston, F Description An account of the resource 20 items. The collection concerns Fred Weston DFC (1916 - 2012, 126909 Royal Air Force) and contains documents and photographs. He flew operations as an air gunner with 101 and 620 Squadrons. The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Catherine Millington and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Air Gunner Based around the WWII service of Fred Weston DFC RAFVR Description An account of the resource A biography of Fred. In addition it includes histories of aircraft and squadrons he served in, Details are included of airfields he served at. Additionally there are biographies of various servicemen associated with Fred's squadrons and service. At the end there is a biography of the officer in charge of Arnhem, Lt-Gen Sir Frederick Browning and his wife Daphne du Maurier. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roger Millington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005-01 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Cambridge England--Letchworth Wales--Bridgend Egypt--Heliopolis (Extinct city) Singapore France--Cherbourg Netherlands--Eindhoven France--Brest France--Boulogne-sur-Mer France--Dunkerque Germany--Wilhelmshaven France--Brest Netherlands--Rotterdam Germany--Cologne Germany--Hamburg Germany--Berlin Italy--Turin Germany--Düsseldorf Germany--Frankfurt am Main France--L'Isle-Adam France--Quiberon France--Boulogne-Billancourt Germany--Essen France--Le Creusot Germany--Leverkusen France--Caen Netherlands--Arnhem Norway Germany--Wesel (North Rhine-Westphalia) Belgium--Brussels England--Rochester (Kent) Northern Ireland--Belfast England--Longbridge France--Arras England--Darlington Italy--Genoa England--Longbridge Yemen (Republic)--Aden Europe--Frisian Islands Germany--Peenemünde Germany--Nuremberg Italy--Sicily France--Normandy Netherlands--Arnhem Netherlands--Eindhoven Netherlands--Nijmegen Wales--Pwllheli England--Yorkshire England--Leicester England--Sunderland (Tyne and Wear) Scotland--Edinburgh England--Rochford England--London England--Cornwall (County) Scotland--Ayr England--Friston (East Sussex) England--Gravesend (Kent) England--Hailsham England--Yelverton (Devon) England--Bentwaters NATO Air Base England--Great Dunmow England--Heacham England--Weybridge Wales--Hawarden England--Blackpool England--Old Sarum (Extinct city) England--Kent England--Folkestone England--Hambleton (North Yorkshire) England--York Scotland--Scottish Borders England--Cambridge England--Thurleigh England--Darlington England--Hitchin England--Lancashire Italy France Egypt Germany Belgium Netherlands Great Britain Yemen (Republic) Germany--Ruhr (Region) England--Bedfordshire England--Cambridgeshire England--Devon England--Durham (County) England--Sussex England--Essex England--Herefordshire England--Norfolk England--Suffolk England--Surrey England--Wiltshire England--Worcestershire England--Leicestershire England--Swindon (Wiltshire) France--Pas-de-Calais North Africa Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Royal Air Force. Coastal Command Royal Air Force. Fighter Command British Army Wehrmacht. Luftwaffe Royal Canadian Air Force Royal New Zealand Air Force Free French Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Personal research Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 85 sheets Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BMillingtonRWestonFv1 1 Group 100 Group 101 Squadron 103 Squadron 105 Squadron 114 Squadron 139 Squadron 141 Squadron 148 Squadron 149 Squadron 162 Squadron 1657 HCU 1665 HCU 18 Squadron 180 Squadron 2 Group 208 Squadron 214 Squadron 239 Squadron 3 Group 301 Squadron 304 Squadron 342 Squadron 6 Group 6 Squadron 620 Squadron 7 Squadron 75 Squadron 8 Group 9 Squadron 90 Squadron 97 Squadron 99 Squadron Advanced Flying Unit air gunner aircrew B-17 B-24 B-25 bale out Beaufighter Blenheim bombing Bombing and Gunnery School Boston Caterpillar Club Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) crash Distinguished Flying Cross Distinguished Flying Medal ditching evading final resting place Gee Gneisenau H2S Halifax Harris, Arthur Travers (1892-1984) Harvard Heavy Conversion Unit Hitler, Adolf (1889-1945) Horsa Hurricane Ju 87 killed in action Lancaster Lysander Manchester Me 109 Meteor mid-air collision mine laying Mosquito navigator Oboe Operational Training Unit P-51 Pathfinders prisoner of war propaganda radar RAF Bicester RAF Biggin Hill RAF Boscombe Down RAF Bottesford RAF Bourn RAF Bradwell Bay RAF Bramcote RAF Chedburgh RAF Chipping Warden RAF Coltishall RAF Drem RAF Driffield RAF Duxford RAF Elsham Wolds RAF Evanton RAF Fairford RAF Finningley RAF Great Massingham RAF Halfpenny Green RAF Harrowbeer RAF Harwell RAF Hendon RAF Holme-on-Spalding Moor RAF Honington RAF Hornchurch RAF Horsham St Faith RAF Kenley RAF Lakenheath RAF Leconfield RAF Leuchars RAF Linton on Ouse RAF Little Snoring RAF Ludford Magna RAF Manston RAF Marham RAF Martlesham Heath RAF Mildenhall RAF Newmarket RAF Newton RAF North Luffenham RAF Oakington RAF Penrhos RAF Pershore RAF Ridgewell RAF Shepherds Grove RAF Sleap RAF Stradishall RAF Tangmere RAF Tempsford RAF Tilstock RAF Tuddenham RAF Waterbeach RAF West Raynham RAF Woodbridge RAF Wratting Common RAF Wyton Resistance Scharnhorst Special Operations Executive Spitfire Stirling target indicator Tiger force training Typhoon V-1 V-2 V-weapon Wellington https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2097/34661/BBrindKJBrindKJv1.pdf b8c765f6e18d169a6bc660eb824a7028 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brind, Kenneth John Brind, K J Description An account of the resource Two items. The collection concerns Kenneth John Brind (b. 1922 Royal Air Force) and contains his memoir and transcript of the ceremony awarding him the Légion d'Honneur. He flew operations as a navigator with 626 Squadron. The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Angela Way and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018-04-30 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. Some items have not been published in order to protect the privacy of third parties, to comply with intellectual property regulations, or have been assessed as medium or low priority according to the IBCC Digital Archive collection policy and will therefore be published at a later stage. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal, https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collection-policy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Brind, KJ Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document [Royal Air Force 626 Squadron crest] A Year In The Life By K.J. Brind [page break] To My Beloved MARY, our children and grandchildren I wish to express my appreciation to "The Wickenby Register" and in particular to its president Don Wells and archivist Jim MacDonald who, as well as flying on many of the operations described here, researched and provided me with much of the factual information in this book. i [page break] A Year In The Life By Kenneth Brind In the village of Aldbourne on October 17th 1922, Ken was born to William and Emily Brind, the oldest of their three sons. Educated at St. Michael's School and Marlborough Grammar School, he entered the Royal Air Force shortly after the outbreak of World War II. Trained as an Air Navigator, he flew a tour of operations with 626 Squadron Bomber Command, was commissioned and continued to serve in the RAF after the war as a navigation instructor, fighter controller and administrative officer. He transferred to the RCAF in 1955 and served in a similar capacity until his retirement from military service in 1968. This book is a description of the events which took place between his 21st and 22nd birthdays. iii [page break] [photographs] Kenneth John Brind CD C de G [photograph] Able Two iv [page break] Prelude To Action I'm not quite sure where to begin this narrative, but I suppose the R.A.F. Hospital Rauceby, Lincs. would be as good a place as any. I was there because of a pilonoidal sinus which was operated on and refused to heal so I spent a fairly lengthy period from early October 1943 to January 1944 (including my 21st Birthday on October 17th) out of action. It was my wife, Mary, who insisted I get treatment so I suppose, in a way, I owe her my life. I had trained as a navigator and, after graduation from #10 Observers Advanced Flying Unit, Dumfries Scotland, had spent much of 1943 with a crew captained by Sgt. Geoff Clark. Geoff and I had met at No. 18 Operational Training Unit, Finningley, in May 1943, and taking an instant liking to each other, decided to throw in our lot together and jointly invited other crew members, bomb aimer, wireless operator and air gunner, to join us. During the summer we learned to operate as a crew on Wellington aircraft and completed our first operational sortie, which was an O.T.U. training exercise, on July 25th to Alencon, France, dropping leaflets inviting the Germans to surrender! On August 4th we moved on to No. 1656 Conversion Unit at Lindholme, picked up a flight engineer and second air gunner and learned to operate the Avro Lancaster Bomber. During the conversion process we had one very unfortunate experience. We were at the end of the runway one very dark night in the middle of September when another Lancaster taxiing behind us collided with our rear turret. One engine of the following aircraft smashed into the turret with Graham Uttley inside. Both pilots switched off all engines immediately and we managed to extricate Graham, but he was dead before the ambulance arrived. Another rear gunner immediately joined us and by the end of September the crew of Sgt. Clark, Pilot; Sgt. Brind, Navigator; Sgt. Naylor, Bomb Aimer; Sgt. Parkinson, Flight Engineer; Sgt. Whitmarsh, Wireless Operator; Sgt. Sugden and Sgt. Walker, Air Gunners was considered competent and ready to join a squadron, and were duly posted to No. 625 Squadron, Kelstern. With our training now completed it seemed a good time to get the very minor surgery required to fix my pilonoidal sinus so I reported to the hospital. What we didn't know was that my recovery would take much longer than expected and that Geoff and the boys would not be able to await my return. They were forced to commence operations without me and were shot down over Berlin two days before Christmas, on December 23rd, 1943. They were all killed. I never met my replacement as Navigator, but I have always had guilt feelings that I should have been with them. Had I been there things might have been different. One thing is certain, they were a group of dedicated, enthusiastic, well trained young men. Following my discharge from hospital I went on sick leave and it was not until April 1944 that the doctors certified me ready to crew up again and return to the war. In the meantime Mary had become pregnant and gone to Aldbourne where she would be safe. She had been with me during my O.T.U. and Conversion Unit Training. I met Flying Officer Hicks and his crew at No. 1662 Conversion Unit, Blyton on May 14th. So many Lancasters had been lost during the winter of 1943/44 that they had been withdrawn 1 [page break] [photograph] The Wellington Crew No. 18 O.T.U. Finningley July 1943 Sgt. G. Uttley Sgt. W.E. Whitmarsh Sgt. K.J. Brind Sgt. G.E. Clark Sgt. R.A. Naylor from the heavy conversion units and replaced by Halifaxes. So crews converted on to the Halifax, then to the Lancaster at No. 1 Lancaster Finishing School, Hemswell. I did 3 cross country exercises (1 day and 2 night) with my new crew on the Halifax followed by a short conversion at No.! L.F.S. on to the Lancaster (with which I was very familiar from my time spent with my former crew) and then to No.626 Squadron, Wickenby on June 5th, 1944. I should mention some of the characteristics of the Lancaster which by now had become the preeminent bomber aircraft of the Royal Air Force. It had a wingspan of 102 feet with a 2 [page break] [photograph] The Lancaster Crew No. 626 Sqdn. Wickenby July 1944 F/S J. Saletto F/S K.J. Brind F/L.A.C. Hicks F/O C. Bursey F/O P.M. Graves Sgt. A.B. Jones Sgt. S.G. King length of 69 feet and maximum height of 20 feet 6 inches. Powered by four Rolls Royce Merlin engines each developing 1,460 horsepower it had a maximum speed of 240 knots at 15,000 feet fully loaded and a cruising speed of 175 knots. The range varied with the load carried being 2,200 nautical miles with a 7,000 lb load, and 1350 nautical miles with a 22,000 lb load. Maximum fuel capacity was 2,154 gallons. Maximum bomb load varied with modifications which were made but essentially the main force carried not more than 15,000 lbs. Service ceiling was 19,000 – 20,000 feet depending on load and maximum ceiling was 24,000 feet. Take off distance loaded was 1,550 yards and the rate of climb was 250 ft/minute. Landing distance was approximately 1,000 yards. Maximum take off weight was 72,000 lbs. The aircraft carried a 3 [page break] defensive armament of 3 gun turrets, the front carrying 2 x .303 machine guns, the mid upper the same and the rear turret 4 x .303's. Later the mid upper and rear turret were equipped with 2 x .5's. The primary navigation system was "GEE" by which the navigator could calculate the position of his aircraft by observing the time taken to receive pulse signals from three different ground stations. By now the enemy was aware of frequencies, etc., and jammed the signals before one reached the European coast. The other radar navigation system was "H2S". Here the aircraft transmitted signals which were reflected back from the terrain over which it was flying by providing a map of coastlines, islands, rivers, etc. But because the aircraft was transmitting it became vulnerable to interception by enemy fighters or prediction by anti aircraft guns. So it had to be used with discretion. The crew required to man this aircraft was seven as I have already mentioned. My new crew was quite different from my previous one. Here 3 of the 7 were officers and Arthur Hicks himself was ten years older than I. He had done most of his flying training in the U.S.A., at Pensacola, Florida, and wore a silver bracelet proclaiming his proficiency. The other officers in the crew were Peter Graves, a burly London policeman, the bomb aimer and Bill Bursey, strangely enough the rear gunner, both were Flying Officers. The other N.C.O.s were Jack Saletto, an Australian and sole survivor of a 460 squadron crew, the wireless operator, Stan King, a youngster from London, the flight engineer, and Bert Jones the mid upper gunner. We were welcomed by the Squadron Commander, Wing Commander Rodney, in his office and advised of two things; one was that a crew had just completed a tour of operations (the first to do so for some time) and the second was that the invasion (Operation Overlord) was to take place tomorrow, so we had arrived at a good time. We were then allocated to "A" Flight with whom we would remain for the duration of our tour with the squadron. We settled into our quarters but this crew, being mixed, officers and N.C.O.s, did not all share the same accommodation. The officers went to their quarters and the N.C.O.s to theirs. The next few days saw us getting acclimatized, going through the various administrative procedures to ensure we would be paid and fed and generally getting to know our way around. On June 13th an aircraft was made available for us to demonstrate that we were ready to operate so we took it on a 5 1/2 hour night cross country. On our return we were debriefed and our logs and charts were analyzed and checked. We passed muster. 4 [page break] Operation No. 1 Rheims The invasion of Europe (Operation Overlord) had commenced on June 6th 1944 and the allied armies were struggling to establish a bridgehead in Normandy. The Germans were trying to reinforce their defences so railway marshalling yards became prime targets. So it was that our first operation was against the railway yards at Rheims, France. It was June 22nd. Our route took us from Wickenby to Gravesend then south to cross the English coast near Hastings, across the channel to a point on the French coast just east of Dieppe then south east directly towards the target. After bombing we headed west to a point just west of Dieppe then north back across the channel to make a landfall near Brighton, thence to Reading and back to base. The bombload was 9,000 lbs consisting of eighteen 500 lb high explosive bombs which Peter Graves dispatched without difficulty. The aiming point was marked with cascading yellow target indicators (TI's) at H-5 and H-4 (H being the Time on Target of the first wave of bombers) and backed up with green TIs. The initial markers were scattered and short of the target but the Master Bomber backed up with red spot fires. The weather called for patchy clouds enroute increasing to 9/10's clouds with tops at 6,000 feet. As the main force was at 18 – 20,000 feet some crews could not see the reds so bombed the glow of the markers through the clouds. The weight of the attack fell on the sorting sidings cutting every line and destroying 61 rail cars. Ground defences were not heavy but there was heavy flak (anti-aircraft fire) and searchlights in the Abbville area. We were coned in searchlights for several minutes which is always a hair-raising experience but Hicky put the nose down and we eventually dived clear and resumed our homeward course. We returned to base without further incident and landed at approximately 0240 having been airborne for four hours and forty minutes. Of the 19 aircraft of 626 Squadron which had started out one developed an engine fire, aborted the mission and returned to base, and one (Sgt. Woolley and crew) was shot down and all on board were killed. Bomber Command always kept statistics and on this night our squadron loss was 5.26%. Statistically if we continued at this rate we would last for twenty missions and our tour called for 30. We ate our eggs and bacon and went to bed. 5 [page break] Operation No. 2 Les Hayons In the summer of 1944 the Germans had developed their "ultimate weapons" the V1 and V2 and were using them indiscriminately against London and Southern England. The V1 was a winged bomb with a jet propelled engine which flew until it ran out of fuel then crashed and exploded. The V2 was a rocket propelled bomb which left the ground on a high trajectory, crossed the channel and came almost straight down on to it's target. There was some defence against the V1 in that it could be shot down by ground fire or by a fighter aircraft. There was no defence against the V2. The launching sites for both were in the Pas de Calais area of Northern France and in the low countries so the obvious way to eliminate the problem was to destroy the launching sites and storage sheds on the ground. A job for Bomber Command. Our first attack against a launching site followed two days after our trip to Rheims, on June 24th, and the target chosen for 626 Squadron was Les Hayons in the Pas de Calais. These operations were not considered difficult as they were fairly short with not too much time over enemy territory. Our squadron's contribution of 17 aircraft included the squadron commander. We took off at 1535 hours with a bomb load of 9,000 lbs (18 x 500 lb bombs) and climbed enroute to our bombing height of 18,000 feet. There were scattered patches of cloud between 3 and 8,000 feet, but the target area was clear with good visibility. Our route took us again to Gravesend (but this time in daylight), to Hastings where we crossed enroute outbound, then straight to the target crossing the French coast near Calais. Calais was heavily defended and we came under a heavy and accurate flak attack on our approach to the target area, but fortunately we did not see any enemy aircraft. The aiming point was marked by red TIs but they were not dropped until after several of us had already bombed the target. Visibility was good and we were able to identify the launch ramps and storage buildings visually and attack them. We came under attack again as we crossed the French coast on our way home. We returned via Reading and arrived at Wickenby having been airborne 3 hours and 40 minutes. Two of our squadron aircraft sustained damage from the flak attack but no one was injured. 6 [page break] Operation No. 3 Ligescourt The next day we were at it again. This time our target was the flying bomb site at Ligescourt just a few miles from Les Hayons which we visited yesterday. But now we were going in the early morning rather than late afternoon. Twice in less than 24 hours. Take off commenced at 0722 hours and our aircraft, A2 (Able Two) was airborne at 0730. The 626 squadron force was again 17 aircraft each carrying 18 x 500 lb bombs. The weather again was cloudy over England clearing over the channel with no cloud and excellent visibility in the target area. The target marking of cascading red and yellow TIs was carried out by Mosquito aircraft. The red TIs were 2 minutes late and were slightly north east of the target but visibility was so good that the bomb aimers were able to visually identify and attack the target. For some reason we did not come under the accurate flak attack which we experienced yesterday. Except for a few bursts at Berck sur Mer we were trouble free. A lone German fighter was sighted over the channel and was promptly shot down by spitfires of No. 11 Group who were providing fighter cover for us. The squadron sustained no losses and there were no reports of damage to our aircraft. We again returned via Reading and at 1045 hours landed at Wickenby. At this period of the war everyone avoided flying over London so as not to impede those defending the city against flying bombs, so we were routed east or west of London depending on the location of the target. 7 [page break] Operation No. 4 Sirracourt It was now June 29th and operations scheduled for the 27th and 28th had been cancelled because of poor weather. There was now a slight improvement with a forecast of fair to cloudy with light showers. At 1000 hours we were advised that the daylight operation planned for yesterday was to be put on at once. Lots of rushing around getting everything ready, bombs, fuel, briefing, etc. The target was another flying bomb launching site, this time at Sirracourt, a few miles south of Les Hayons and Ligescourt. For this operation we were joined by aircraft of 12 squadron which shared Wickenby with us. The force consisted of 29 Lancasters, 15 from 626 and 14 from 12 squadron. We were part of a concentrated attack on flying bomb launching sites by 286 Lancasters and 19 Mosquitoes of Bomber Command. Our bomb load for this operation was a mixture of 1,000 lb and 500 lb high explosive for a total of 13,000 lbs per aircraft. Fuel load was 1,450 gallons. We always knew from the fuel and bomb loads, even before being given the target at briefing, whether we were going on a short or long trip. The maximum fuel load for a Lancaster was 2,154 gallons. We knew if full fuel load was called for the trip would be long and the bomb load smaller to remain within the maximum takeoff weight of 72,000 lbs. Conversely on shorter trips we carried less fuel and more bombs. Getting 29 Lancasters off one runway takes a little time but we had got it to a fine art. Number one started rolling and when he was halfway down the runway number two started. By the time number one became airborne number two was halfway along and number three started so there were always 3 aircraft on or just leaving the runway. It was very efficient so long as there were no problems. The first aircraft took off at 1151 and we were airborne at 1210 hours. Our route to the target was again via Gravesend and Dungeness and the weather was good to within a few miles of the target, then the cloud thickened to about 7/10s with tops at about 14,000 feet which meant that Peter Graves could not visually identify the target so we reduced height to bomb at 12,500 ft. We were above the clouds but came under intense and accurate heavy flak from the French coast to the target. We were again escorted by 11 Group Spitfires and saw no enemy fighters. The target marking was by red TIs cascading from 4,000 feet on to the Master Bomber's yellow TIs cascading from 3,000 feet. Unfortunately, the Master Bomber was shot down while dropping his yellow TIs. This resulted in scattered bombing particularly in the early stages of the attack. Because of the weather it was difficult to assess the results of the attack but at 1402 hours a large explosion was reported with smoke rising to 4,000 feet. We again returned via Reading and arrived back at Wickenby at 1540 hours. Four of Wickenby's aircraft were hit by flak, two from each squadron and one from 12 Squadron (P/O Underwood) was lost. It was on fire and abandoned in the air and crashed at Troisvaux. The pilot, navigator and rear gunner were killed while the wireless operator, bomb aimer, flight engineer and mid upper gunner were all taken prisoner of war. The Wickenby loss rate was 3.45%. 8 [page break] Operation No. 5 Vierzon Vierzon is a town some 120 miles south of Paris. It was a major rail and transportation centre for German troops and supplied on their way to the front some 160 miles to the north west. It was our "target for tonight" on June 30th and 31 Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed for the mission. Twelve Squadron supplied 13 and 626 Squadron 18. Take off commenced at 2151 hours and our aircraft became airborne at 2155 with a bomb load of 13,000 lbs, mixed 1,000 and 500 lb high explosive and 1,450 gallons of fuel. We climbed towards Reading, the assembly point, and reached our operational altitude earlier than normal as we were briefed for 8 - 10,000 feet instead of our usual 18 - 20,000 feet. We were aware that disruption of rail traffic was vital to stop German troops and supplies reaching the beachhead in Normandy. We were also aware that inaccurate bombing would kill innocent French civilians. Targets were, therefore, brilliantly lit with chandelier flares and to ensure accuracy we flew at less than half our normal bombing height. From Reading we headed to a point midway across the channel then crossed the French coast between Dieppe and Le Havre and headed south towards the target. On arrival in the target area we found the aiming point illuminated with flares and marked with impact yellow TIs backed up by red spot fires. The TIs fell to the north east of the yards but the reds were accurate and the bombing was concentrated on them. The Master Bomber instructed the main force to bomb between two sets of TIs. At 0119 hours a broadcast was heard on the radio telephone (RT), not the Master Bomber's voice but using his call sign, instructing the main force to cease bombing and go home. No code word for "stop bombing" was used so the broadcast was ignored. Shortly after a Canadian voice interjected over the RT telling the German, in the most ungentlemanly fashion, what to do. In spite of everything the bombing appeared to be extremely accurate and results showed that all through lines were cut, much of the rolling stock and two thirds of the locomotive depot was destroyed. Regretfully residential and business property to the east of the target was severely damaged. There was some light flak in the target area and because of our reduced altitude, it was exploding at our height but the one searchlight was shot out by the first marker. The fighters were initially confused as to our location but after we had been over enemy territory for 54 minutes they were ordered to Orleans and, having identified our target, they attacked with considerable ferocity. They made contact by moonlight and held the bomber stream for 80 miles on the return route when most of our losses occurred. This was the deepest penetration my crew had made so far and in spite of all the activity going on around us we were able to fly home unscathed and arrived back at Wickenby at 0325 hours having been airborne for 5 1/2 hours. Of Wickenby's aircraft on this night one from 626 Squadron aborted the mission with an electrical failure and one from 12 Squadron was damaged by light flak. Four combats with fighter were reported, 3 by 12 Squadron aircraft and one from 626. Of the 30 Wickenby aircraft 9 [page break] to reach the target 4 were lost, two from each squadron. 12 Squadron lost P/O Honor and P/O Pollard, and both crews were killed. 626 lost P/O Pocock who was killed together with his whole crew on their very first operation, and P/O Orr who was killed together with his flight engineer and both gunners while his navigator, bomb aimer and wireless operator managed to bail out. The navigator and bomb aimer were both wounded and taken prisoner but the wireless operator evaded capture. Bomber Command loss rate for this operation was 11.86% while that for Wickenby was 12.9%. We had paid the price for operating a lower level than normal. 626 Squadron had lost 2 aircraft out of 18, a loss rate of 11.1%, the highest we had experienced since starting our tour. It was now 9 days since we started operational flying and we had already flown on 5 operations. And so we reached the end of June 1944. On July 1st the weather was cloudy but becoming fair with showers – 23 Lancasters were detailed for a night attack which was cancelled. "Salute the Soldier Week" was held from July 1st to 8th with a target of £2000. Whether the target was reached is not known. A discipline notice on the bulletin board read "Airmen with cycles in their charge fitted with "rat trap" pedals are to ensure that all sharp points liable to damage footwear are filed off". 10 [page break] Operation No. 6 Domleger On July 2nd the weather was cloudy becoming fair with showers later. Twenty five Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed against a flying bomb site at Domleger. We were part of a force of 286 Lancasters and Mosquitoes attacking 2 flying bomb sites. 626 Squadron provided 14 aircraft. Domleger was in the vicinity of the other flying bomb sites we had already attacked. Our bomb load was 13,000 lbs mixed 500 and 1,000 lbs high explosive. We were the first aircraft to takeoff and were airborne at 1215 hours and climbed to our normal bombing height of 18,000 feet enroute to Gravesend. The weather as we progressed was 8 - 10/10s cloud with tops between 7 and 10,000 feet. As we approached the target area the Master Bomber instructed all crews to bomb on DF (Direction Finding) radar or radio then 3 minutes before H hour these instructions were cancelled and we were instructed to bomb the TIs. In the meantime we reduced height to 14,000 feet, the cloud layer broke, and a large hole enabled us to bomb visually at 1415 hours. As with all visual bombing the concentration was good with smoke rising to 5,000 feet. There was a minimal amount of light flak in the target area but considerable heavy flak in the Abbville area on the homeward route. No enemy fighters were seen, fighter cover again being provided by 11 Group. Our losses were nil and only one of our aircraft was hit by flak with no casualties. We returned to Wickenby 3 1/2 hours after we left. On July 4th twenty-two Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed as part of a force of 151 plus 6 markers against the railway yards at Les Aubrais near Orleans. 626 Squadron's effort was 11 aircraft. Take off commenced at 2147 with our aircraft becoming airborne at 2200 hours. All went well until we were over France and, as we thought, heading in the direction of the target. But at H hour when the target should have been in view, or at least the TIs should have appeared ahead of us, there was nothing to be seen. We were flying over an unbroken layer of cloud and were certainly not where we were supposed to be. As the navigator it was my responsibility to know where we were at all times. Something had gone wrong and I was not certain what it was. We could not go on to the target, we didn't even know where it was, so Hicky made the only decision possible. We would head for home. It is a rather scary position to be in – flying around over enemy territory with 9,000 lbs of bombs on board – knowing you are somewhere between your base and your target, but not knowing how to get to either and with navigational equipment which is unserviceable. Under such conditions you revert to basics. I stuck my head into the astrodome and located Polaris – the North Star, and directed Hicky to fly north, using the star to steer by. We knew that by flying north we would cross the French coast and eventually the English channel but at this point did not know where or when. Once we had settled on course I was able to assess what had happened. The Distant Reading (DR) compass had become destabilized and was slowly rotating so that we had not been steady on any course but going round in a huge circle. We were alone and 11 [page break] at the mercy of any defences we might encounter. In the meantime, Hicky, Peter Graves and Stan King were all looking ahead searching for any sign of the French coast. Bert Jones and Bill Bursey in the gunners turrets were searching the black skies for anything approaching us while Jack Saletto and I were working feverishly for any bearings or any radar fix which would help us locate our position. Then it happened! Heavy flak appeared before us and about the same time the H2S told me we were approaching Le Havre, one of the most heavily defended ports on the coast. We had no choice but to fly through the defences which we proceeded to do weaving gently to try and prevent the anti aircraft prediction radar getting a "lock on" to us, and we were lucky enough to get through unscathed and headed out over the channel. We still had our 9,000 lbs of high explosive just beneath where we were sitting and the prospect of landing with it still on board, in the dark, was not a pleasant one so, discretion being the better part of valour, it was decided to jettison our bomb load over the channel. We were back within GEE range by now so I selected a spot well away from the shipping lanes which were very busy between southern England and the Normandy beachhead and Peter dropped them safe, i.e. not fused, into the English Channel. We returned home without further incident after almost 6 hours and had to report that we had aborted the mission. The log showed the reason as "DR compass unserviceable". So for us this counted for naught and our number was still 6 completed operations. For the rest of the squadron the night had been successful. The assessment of the attack was that all through rail lines were cut and a large quantity of rolling stock destroyed or damaged. 626 Squadron reported one aircraft damaged and one combat with a JU88. 12 Squadron lost one aircraft with the pilot (F/S Turner), bomb aimer and flight engineer taken prisoner and the other four crew members killed. 12 [page break] Operation No. 7 Dijon On July 5th the weather was fair to cloudy with moderate visibility. I had our instrument technicians working on the DR compass and had the master unit replaced and swung. Hopefully it will be O.K. for tonight we go to Dijon. Twenty two Lancasters from Wickenby, 12 from 12 and 10 from 626 Squadron were part of a force of 154 detailed against the marshalling yards at Dijon, a city some 160 miles south east of Paris and about 60 miles from the Swiss border. Because of the distance involved the fuel load and bomb loads were adjusted and we carried 9,500 lbs (8 x 1,000 lb and 3 x 500 lb). We took off at 2000 hrs in daylight and were gradually wrapped in darkness as we headed towards France. Our route took us south west from Wickenby to Bridport crossing the English coast just west of Weymouth. We then headed south to a point near the Channel Islands before turning south east towards France. We had deliberately kept clear of the European battlefield and now crossed the coast at a point some 35 miles north of Rennes and moved in a series of zig zags towards the target area. A tactic used by Bomber Command was to try not to indicate to the enemy until the last minute where the actual target was, so we finally headed to a point north west of Dijon then made a sudden turn south east for a relatively short bombing run over the marshalling yards before turning west and heading for home. The weather over England was 10/10 cloud with tops to 7,000 feet so we soon climbed through it and were in the clear above. The cloud layer dispersed by mid channel and visibility was perfect from then on. Perfect visibility is a two edged sword though, not only can you see where you are going and who is with you, but you can also be seen by the enemy fighters and anit aircraft defences. Visibility was so good that the Swiss Alps were clearly visible from a distance of one hundred miles or so. It was worth the trip just to see Mont Blanc at 15,780 feet glistening in the moonlight. There was a good deal of light flak in the target area which considerably troubled the Master Bomber. Initial yellow TIs were dropped by using radar and were found to be one mile north west of the target. The Deputy Master Bomber arrived in the target area ahead of the Master Bomber and dropped one red and one yellow TI within 50 yards of the aiming point. Bombing was accurate though some crews bombed the early markers. Photographic reconnaissance assessed that all the through rail lines were cut and the locomotive round house and workshops destroyed. There was some night fighter activity over the target and as far as Tours on the way home. Four of 626 Squadron crews reported combat with night fighters and one of our aircraft was damaged. We returned home on a reciprocal route and arrived back at Wickenby at 0440 hours after a flight of 8 hours 40 minutes and the furthest penetration yet into Fortress Europe. There were no losses. Until now our operations were against flying bomb sites to reduce these attacks on Southern England, and railway marshalling yards and communication centres in France to try 13 [page break] [map] [underlined] DIJON [underlined]. [underlined] 5/6 JULY 1944 [underlined]. [page break] to prevent German reinforcements from reaching the battle area. Now we were going to use bomber aircraft as heavy artillery in direct support of the forces on the ground. The Allied armies had established a beachhead in Normandy but were experiencing difficulty in breaking out and advancing. Particularly troubling was Caen where German resistance was especially stubborn. 15 [page break] Operation No. 8 Caen On July 7th a Bomber Command force of 283 Lancasters, 164 Halifaxes and 20 Mosquitoes were detailed against troops and armour at Caen. Wickenby's contribution was 30 Lancasters, 13 from 12 Squadron and 17 from 626. The weather was cloudy with intermittent rain in the morning, fair later. The operation was scheduled for evening. The bomb load was 13,000 lbs, mixed 1,000 and 500 lbs high explosive. Takeoff commenced at 1910 hours and we became airborne at 1930. The enroute weather was 7 – 8/10's cloud with a base at 5,000 feet and tops at 12,000 feet until nearing the French coast then clearing to small amounts of broken cloud only. Target marking with red and yellow TIs was on time and accurate which made the work of the bomb aimer that much easier. However, there was intense heavy and light flak in the target area. After all we were attacking an army on the ground who were well trained and well equipped and who were going to defend themselves. As we flew through the target area there was smoke, exploding shells, exploding bombs and aircraft everywhere. A very confusing scene. However, the bombs straddled the markers and it was apparent that a raid of outstanding success was achieved. Photo reconnaissance showed the bulk of the bombing fell within a radius of 450 yards with very few isolated sticks of bombs. A message from 2nd Army Headquarters read "The heavy bombing that took place this evening was a wonderfully impressive show. The 2nd Army would like appreciation and thanks passed to all crews". One of 626 Squadron's aircraft aborted with an unserviceable port inner engine. Three of 12 Squadron and 3 of 626 Squadron aircraft were damaged. Among them was ours. We were hit by flak in the mid upper turret and the front windscreen over the target but fortunately none of us was injured though Bert Jones obviously had a close call. 626 Squadron lost one aircraft (P/O Oram) which was hit in the target area and subsequently became uncontrollable. The crew abandoned over the channel and 5 of them were rescued from the sea and returned to fly again. Unfortunately, both air gunners were killed. The squadron loss rate was 5.9%. 16 [page break] Operation No. 9 Tours Thirty-four Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed against Tours on July 12th as part of a force of 378 Lancasters and 7 Mosquitoes attacking railway targets. This was a continuation of the attacks against marshalling yards and communication centres in France in support of Operation Overlord. Dijon, Orleans, Vierzon and Rheims were previous targets. 626 Squadron's contribution was 18 aircraft. As with previous attacks of this type the bomb load consisted of 1,000 and 500 lb high explosive. On this occasion it was again 13,000 lbs with 2,000 gallons of fuel. Again, we headed southwest from Wickenby to Bridport and crossed the English coast near Weymouth then south east to the French coast and the target. After the attack we returned to Bridport via the Channel Islands then back to Wickenby. The weather was clear enroute except for some broken patches of medium cloud. There was some thin cloud between 4 – 6,000 feet north of the target area but it cleared before we arrived and all that remained in the target area was some haze. The first TIs undershot the aiming point by 500 yards, but the Master Bomber was able to direct the main force to overshoot the markers. As the target was clear the marshalling yards were visible and bombing was concentrated on the target though smoke rising to 9,000 feet eventually obscured it. Photo reconnaissance confirmed the target to be completely covered in craters with all railway tracks cut, the bridge collapsed and embankment roads obliterated. The storage sidings and railcars were so covered with close packed craters an estimation of railcars destroyed could not be made. Some light flak and sporadic heavy flak was experienced and fighters were active on the homeward journey. A diversionary raid to the low countries drew many night fighters from the main raid. One of our aircraft sustained flak damage while in the target area and one of 12 Squadron reported an engagement with a JU88. There were no losses. 17 [page break] Operation No. 10 Caen On July 18th an early morning raid in direct support of the British Second Army against troops and armour east of Caen was ordered. This was the second occasion we were used as heavy artillery prior to a ground attack against enemy troops. The allied armies at this stage of Overlord were experiencing very stubborn resistance all along the front and even though we had helped by bombing Caen on July 7th resistance east of Caen was still very strong, and a major attack was required. Bomber Command's force was 667 Lancasters, 260 Halifaxes and 15 Mosquitoes – over 900 aircraft in all. 38 of the Lancasters were from Wickenby with 626 Squadron providing 20. The bomb load was again 13,000 lbs with 11 x 1,000 lbs and 4 x 500 lbs. Whereas our raid on July 7th was in the evening, on this occasion takeoff commenced at 0300 hours so that we were over the target at first light. The enroute weather consisted of low cloud over England with thick haze at the English coast. It cleared as we crossed the channel and the target area was clear with excellent visibility. The marking was by low bursting red TIs from H-5 to H-1 then by yellow TIs bursting at 4,000 feet leaving a trail of white smoke. Markers were accurate and punctual except for one which the Master Bomber identified as being 100 yds south. Accurate marking and bombing was essential as we were attacking the enemy a short distance ahead of our own troops, a fact we were all well aware of. Bombing commenced one minute early and excellent concentration was achieved. The aiming point was soon obscured by dust and smoke but the TIs were still visible. Flak was negligible in the target area but accurate predicted heavy flak was encountered as we left. No enemy fighters were seen as cover was again provided by No. 11 Group. Three of 12 Squadron and 3 of 626 Squadron aircraft were hit by flak, including ours, but fortunately no one was injured. One of 626 Squadron found a live 1,000 lb bomb rolling on the closed bomb bay doors after leaving the target area. I had failed to release with the rest of the bomb load but was safely jettisoned over the channel. We arrived back at Wickenby at about 0700 to debrief, breakfast and bed. 18 [page break] Operation No. 11 Courtrai Courtrai was a rail centre and marshalling yard some 50 mile west of Brussels, the Belgian capital, through which supplies, reinforcements and equipment passed on their way from Germany to the front. It was our first target not in France and received the attention of 302 Lancasters and 15 Mosquitoes on the night of July 20th. 35 Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed as part of this force and 626 Squadron's contribution was 18. The bomb load was again 13,000 lbs with the usual mixture of 1,000 and 500 lbs high explosives. Our route took us south east to Orfordness, across the North Sea to the Belgian coast west of Ostend then to the target. We took off at 2330 and climbed in darkness towards the coast. We passed through a 10/10th layer of cloud over England which cleared as we crossed the North Sea. As we approached the Belgian coast we were startled to see a streak of light from the ground rush vertically past us at tremendous velocity and disappear above us. It was a rocket propelled V2 on it's way to London. One launching site down there somewhere which needed to be dealt with, or perhaps it had been and was already repaired. We were aware, of course, that the German war machine, with it's huge quantity of slave labour, worked to repair everything which we damaged as soon as possible. In the target area there was no cloud but some haze with fair visibility. As we were climbing out Hicky was having some trouble with the Constant Speed Unit (CSU) on the port outer engine which he and Stan King were unable to stabilize but we carried on with them nursing the problem as this was not a very long trip. As we approached the target Mosquitoes marked the aiming point with red TI's at H-8. Other pathfinders dropped flares and red and green TIs. The marking was on time and accurate and resulted in bombing being well concentrated on the target. Peter Graves released our bombs at 0156 hours. Photo reconnaissance reported that reception, forwarding and sorting sidings were utterly destroyed. A large water tank was hurled from the centre of the track to property outside the yard. The main loco sheds, passenger station, and a bridge carrying 5 tracks across a road were all virtually destroyed. Flak defences were light but fighters were extremely active in the light of our marker flares (we could be seen from above silhouetted against them) and near Ostend and over the sea on our way home. The result was predictable, 5 of 626 and 2 of 12 Squadron crews reported combat but the only damage to returning aircraft came from a 626 and 12 Squadron aircraft which collided in circuit over the aerodrome on return. Both landed safely but the incident emphasised the importance of proper height and distance separation in the landing pattern particularly when returning a large number of aircraft in a short space of time. After returning from any operation everyone is stressed and tired and anxious to land as soon as possible. However, we did suffer major casualties. One of 626 Squadron (F/O Wilson) and one of 12 Squadron (P/O Hagarty) were lost and both crews were killed, and another of 626 Squadron (F/O Bowen) was shot down over the target. The rear gunner was killed but all others either evaded or were taken prisoner. 19 [page break] [map] [underlined]COURTRAI. [/underlined]. [underlined] 20/21 JULY 1944 [/underlined]. [page break] The Wickenby loss rate was 8.57% while Bomber Command's was 2.84%. 626 Squadron lost 2 of 18 – 11.1%. Hicky nursed A2 back home and we landed at Wickenby after being airborne 3 hours 15 minutes. I should mention here that we have now completed 11 operations, 6 by day and 5 by night (and aborted one) and have been hit by flak only twice and so far never attacked by an enemy aircraft. The navigation section at Wickenby had a sign on the wall which read, "KEEP ON TRACK, KEEP ON TIME, KEEP ON LIVING". A Bomber Command operation was always a concentration in time and space with literally scores of aircraft crossing a target every minute. If you could stay on track and on time you were assured of being somewhere in the centre of a huge gaggle of aircraft. It was generally the stragglers or those who wandered off course who were attacked by fighters. My crew maintained that my ability as a navigator kept us close to the middle of the pack and minimized the risk, but I like to think that it was a crew effort. Everything that went on outside the aircraft around us even if it seemed inconsequential was reported and if necessary acted upon. Weather on the 21st and 22nd of July was cloudy with drizzle and moderate visibility. On the 21st 28 Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed against Dortmund but the operation was cancelled and on the 22nd 36 were detailed for a daylight operation which was also cancelled. On the 21st we took advantage of the cancellation to carry out some fighter affiliation exercises to keep the gunners sharp. They had not yet had to fire their guns in self defence. On July 23rd the weather was cloudy but visibility was good and our target was announced as Kiel naval base. 21 [page break] Operation No. 12 Kiel A force of 519 Lancasters, 100 Halifaxes, and 10 Mosquitoes were detailed against Kiel and Wickenby's contribution was 33 with 15 of these from 626 Squadron. This was our first attack against a target in Germany and our first purely strategic attack, so we were both excited and apprehensive. Kiel was a port city on the Baltic Sea with shipyards, a naval base and manufacturing facilities known to be well defended. We took off at 2100 hours on July 23rd and climbed through a layer of cloud with tops about 5,000 feet into the clear with good visibility. We carried 9,000 lb of bombs (18 x 500 lbs). Our route took us to Mablethorpe then across the North Sea to a point west of the North Frisian Islands then east into Germany proper and on to a southerly heading for the bomb run. This route gave me a good opportunity to use the H2S equipment to fix our position accurately before entering enemy territory. H2S was the radar equipment which transmitted a signal from the aircraft to the ground and the returns showed features such as islands, coastlines, etc. So we were on track and on time as we crossed the German coast and headed for Kiel and our target at 21,000 ft. The target marking was by sticks of flares which were dropped at H-6 followed by Path Finder Force (PFF) marking the aiming point with mixed red and green TIs. The marking was punctual, reasonably accurate but scattered in the early stages. As we were above cloud and the markers were only visible by glowing through the clouds Peter bombed what he could see, as did all the other bomb aimers. So we were unable to access the accuracy of the bombing until later when photo recce showed that severe damage was caused to the north east portion of the shipyards, buildings and hangars of the airfield and seaplane base were partially destroyed and considerable damage was caused to a large barracks and other buildings in the marine depot. As we left the target area we could see the glow of the fires reflecting on the clouds for a hundred miles. We experienced heavy flak and some light flak in the target area, some of which appeared to come from ships in the harbour. There were a few searchlights. There was some fighter activity over the target and on the homeward route for distance of about 100 miles. Two of 12 Squadron's aircraft reported combat and one of 626 Squadron engaged an ME 110 on two occasions some two minutes apart at 16,000 feet. No damage was reported and no casualties. I have no report on Bomber Command losses for this operation but Wickenby and 626 Squadron had none. I should mention that F/O Hicks was promoted to F/Lt and I was promoted to F/Sgt during July. These were the only promotions my crew received during our tour. 22 [page break] [map] [underlined] KIEL [/underlined]. [underlined] 23/24 JULY 1944 [underlined]. [page break] Operation No. 13 Stuttgart On July 25th the weather was fair becoming cloudy with intermittent rain when Bomber Command decided to send a force of 412 Lancasters and 138 Halifaxes against Stuttgart, a large manufacturing city in southern Germany. 25 of the Lancasters were from Wickenby with 626 Squadron providing 12 of them. The bomb load was fairly typical for operations against major German targets being 1 x 2,000 lb high explosive bomb and 12 incendiary clusters. For a mission to southern Germany full fuel tanks of 2,154 gallons were required. Takeoff commenced at 2058 and seven minutes later we roared down the runway and off for our longest trip so far to a German target. The route took us a long way south before turning east towards the target area. We went to Reading then south across the channel and turned east after we were well south of Paris. We then went almost to the Swiss border before turning north east towards the major centres in that general area in the hope of confusing the defences. Our target could have been any one of half a dozen cities, including Frankfurt, Russelheim, Mannheim, Karlsruhe or Stuttgart. We made our final turn on to the bomb run between Karlsruhe and Stuttgart. The weather enroute was cloudy and in the target area there was 10/10th thin cloud with a base about 16,000. At 20,000 feet we were above this layer. Sticks of flares and red TIs were dropped at H-6, P.F.F. then marked the aiming point with mixed red and green TIs. Release point flares of green and yellow stars were also dropped. The result of all this was that the bombing was scattered as several separate groups of markers each attracted concentrated bombing. Many fires were observed taking hold well and the glow from these was visible for 150 miles on the homeward route. This was the first occasion we had carried incendiary bombs which were designed to create damage by fire as opposed to damage by high explosive. In spite of our efforts to conceal our route and target the enemy guessed we were going to Stuttgart some 30 minutes before H hour and elements of 14 night fighter Gruppen were deployed against us. Numerous combats were reported but flak was light to moderate over the target itself. Our route home was also circuitous and was, in general, a reciprocal of our outbound flight. We came back via Reading and let down to arrive over Wickenby and land again after 8 hours 35 minutes of flying time. Two of 626 aircraft failed to reach the target for quite different reasons. On one the navigator was sick so they returned early and the second was attacked before reaching the target, the bomb doors were damaged and would not open so they were forced to return with their bomb load still on board. They landed safely despite a flat tire[sic] caused by the enemy action. Two other 626 aircraft were damaged by flak as was one of 12 Squadron. Combat with night fighters was reported by 2 of 12 Squadron and 3 of 626 Squadron. There were no losses. 24 [page break] Operation No. 14 Stuttgart We returned from our long haul against Stuttgart in the early morning of July 26th, had a day off on the 27th and were detailed for the same target again on the 28th. Whilst we appreciated the necessity to follow up raids on some targets for a variety of strategic reasons those of us who were called upon to make the trip were not too enthusiastic. You may get away with bearding the lion in his den once but not twice in 3 days so we expected strenuous opposition. The 22 Lancasters from Wickenby were part of a Bomber Command force of 494 Lancasters and 2 Mosquitoes. 626 Squadron's contribution was 10 aircraft. Our route out and back was very similar to three nights ago with Reading the assembly point. Wickenby takeoff commenced at 2115 hours and again we were amongst the first to go taking off at 2120 hours. The weather had changed somewhat since the 25th. Now we encountered strata cumulus on the outward route with 10/10th low cloud with some slight breaks in the target area. The target was marked with long sticks of flares and red TIs were dropped at H-6. P.F.F. then marked the aiming point with green and red TIs. Release point flares with green and yellow stars were also dropped so for the main force the marking for both the Stuttgart raids was very similar. Bombing was well concentrated on the markers but because they were scattered so was the bombing. Three groups of fires and 3 large explosions were seen. Photo recce later reported that many parts of the old city were devastated, the main railway station being damaged. It became apparent to myself and my crew that the further we had to travel to reach a target the more scattered the bombing became, and the less likely we were to achieve good concentration. Thus the importance of keeping on track and keeping on time became imperative. There was moderate flak in the target area but there was intense fighter activity from south west of Paris all the way to and over the target but things were pretty quiet on the way home. Two of 626 Squadron aircraft were damaged, both by fighter attack. One of 12 Squadron and 3 of 626 reported combats, and two of 12 Squadron (F/O Downing and F/O White, and one of 626 Squadron (F/Sgt Ryan) were shot down. Everyone in all 3 aircraft were killed except F/Sgt Ryan's navigator who became a prisoner. It was F/O Downing's 28th operation – two short of completing his tour. The loss rate for Bomber Command was 7.86%, for Wickenby 13.64%, and for 626 Squadron 10%. German records for this night show that F/Sgt Ryan's aircraft was engaged in an air battle with a night fighter flown by Martin Becker which had taken off from Nurenburg. Becker's report shows that the Lancaster 626/Y2 was destroyed with serious burning to the starboard wing. "Parts fell off" reads the radio operator's log book. Only the navigator was saved by parachute. All other crew members were interred in a joint grave at Vachinger and in 1948 re-interred in a special cemetery for allied airmen at Durnbach near Munich. 626/Y2 was one of 4 British aircraft destroyed by Martin Becker that night. He was credited with destroying 58 aircraft during the war. 25 [page break] We flew unmolested back to Wickenby, landed at 0515 hours, debriefed, had some sleep and went home for a few days leave. We did not know until we returned from leave that we had sustained a good sized hole in the starboard tailplane. It was repaired while we were away. We had now completed almost half of our operational tour without any major problem and while we were unscathed through 14 operations between June 22nd and July 28th, our squadron, 626, had lost 7 aircraft as had 12 Squadron. So it averaged out to one Lancaster lost on each operation we had flown. In terms of crews the record shows that 77 crew members were killed and 12 taken prisoner. I must emphasize that this was the casualty figure for the operations on which I personally flew. There were others taking place when my crew was on stand down and I do not have the figures for these. I mentioned earlier that I had taken Mary to Aldbourne while I was flying with the squadron. Just about all of the crew members who had wives and families preferred them to be away from the base. Fighting a war from a base in Britain and getting back to that base after each foray against the enemy was a radical departure from the accepted norm but it was the official opinion of the Air Force and the opinion of the combatants that they preferred their loved ones to be somewhere away where they would not be in day to day contact with what was going on. Can you imagine saying to your wife "Oh by the way dear I shall be late tonight I have to go and bomb Germany". The lady's nerves would be shattered after a week or two of this. When I was at O.T.U. Mary had given me a rag doll which looked rather like a gremlin (those of us who have seen gremlins know what they look like). This one was long and skinny with a green jacket and pants and a pointed cap. It was a good luck charm which I carried with me on every operation suspended over my navigation table. It never let me down. So it was good to head for Aldbourne to see Mary and my family for a few days. Mary was by now about 6 1/2 months pregnant with Keith, our first child, and was in the longing way for sharp tasting fruit. She had already stripped the gooseberries from my mother's bushes and was waiting for apples to ripen a bit. She told me that she and my mother listened to the radio every morning to hear what Bomber Command had been up to the night before and to hear what losses we had sustained, then they waited hoping there would not be a telegram. If they hadn't heard by noon they figured I was still safe. This is certainly not the way to go through a pregnancy and thank goodness it was the only one she had to undergo in this way. My leave was over and I returned to Wickenby on August 6th but not until after a tearful farewell. Mary and my mother did not know if they would ever see me again so it was a poignant departure. I arrived back to typical summer weather for Britain, cloudy with intermittent light rain or showers and occasional sunny periods. 26 [page break] Operation No. 15 Air-sur-Lys On August 8th the weather was fair in the morning and afternoon with a build up of thunderstorms in the evening. I have not yet mentioned the American 8th Air Force who by now had been in Britain for some time and were operating by daylight only. Their tactics were different to ours – where we tried to sneak in under cover of darkness and escape without detection, they flew in huge formations and tried to fight their way in and out. Their bomber aircraft, B17s and B24s primarily, were much more heavily armed than we were but carried a significantly smaller bomb load. During this period of the war we were able to dovetail our operations with theirs with considerable success. They would visit a target by day, and we would repeat the effort by night. On this occasion we were to attack oil storage facilities at Air-sur-Lys in the morning but deferred to the 8th Air Force as they wished to attack the same target. So we were somewhat surprised when we were told that the U.S.A.F. had bombed the wrong target and we were going anyway. Bomber Command detailed a force of 170 Lancasters and 10 Mosquitoes to attack two oil storage targets. Wickenby supplied 25 aircraft, 13 from 12 Squadron and 12 from 626. I mentioned the forecast was for thunderstorms in the evening and as takeoff commenced at 2150 large thunderstorms lay across our intended track east of Lincoln. We climbed through the cumulo nimbus clouds but conditions were very difficult and numerous course alterations were necessary to avoid the worst of the weather. Once clear of the storm we were able to head for Orfordness, the assembly point. We were carrying our usual bomb load for this type of operation, 13,000 lbs of 1,000 and 500 lbs high explosive. After leaving Orfordness weather improved and by the time we reached the target there was no cloud and visibility was moderate to good. Mosquitoes marked the aiming point at H-4 with red TIs. Other pathfinders backed up with green TIs. The reds were scattered but the greens were accurate so crews bombed the greens which resulted in accurate bombing. A large orange explosion at 2334 was followed by a dense column of black smoke indicating a direct hit on an oil storage tank. The glow of fires was visible for 75 miles. Photo recce showed many bombs in the target area; all the building[s] had their roofs stripped and there were hits on the canal wharf and rail tracks. There was some flak and some fighter opposition was experienced. The fighters appeared to be using searchlights as assembly points but the tactic was not very successful. We got back to Wickenby after a relatively short flight of 2 hours 55 minutes. One of 12 Squadron's aircraft was hit by flak and sustained some damage but no casualties. Another of 12 Squadron reported an engagement with a "Fishpond" radar indicator in which the rear gunner fired a burst but no enemy was seen. We suffered our worst problems from the weather. Three aircraft, 2 from 12 and 1 from 626, aborted the operation. One was unable to get out of the Cu Nim and another dropped 12,000 feet in a Cu Nim. Not only are there violent currents and downdraughts in these clouds but also severe icing under certain conditions. The third aircraft to abort had it's starboard outer Constant 27 [page break] Speed Unit (CSU) unserviceable so returned to base. Interestingly enough we had the same problem on our operation No. 11 to Courtrai, but elected to press on. There were no losses on this night and we have now reached the halfway mark of our tour of operations. I wonder if the second half will be any more difficult than the first. Our gunners still have not fired their guns in anger. Let's keep our fingers crossed. On August 9th the weather was not good and we were stood down for the day. 28 [page break] Operation No. 16 Ferme du Forestal On August 10th 15 of Wickenby's Lancasters were detailed, as part of a Bomber Command force of 60 Lancasters and 20 Mosquitoes, against flying bomb sites. Our target was Ferme du Forestal in the Pas de Calais area of Northern France. This was a morning operation with takeoff commencing at 1045 hours. The enroute weather was cloudy, breaking up over the English Channel but thickening again from the French coast. Over the target was a 10/10th layer with a base about 2,000 feet. We carried our normal 13,000 lbs of bombs. The Mosquitoes marked the aiming point with red TIs cascading from 5,000 feet and leaving smoke trails but because of the cloud in the target area we descended from our bombing height of 10,000 to try and get below the cloud layer and bomb visually. Our aircraft was successful in identifying the target and Peter bombed the launching ramp which he could see clearly. We were then supposed to climb back to 10,000 feet for the return journey but chose to continue down to treetop level and return "on the deck". As we flew across fields and houses at rooftop level we could clearly see the local inhabitants waving a friendly greeting though I expect some of them were startled to hear a heavy bomber roar overhead. A short distance from the coast we passed near a military rifle range and as we flew past first Peter from the front turret, then successively Bert Jones and Bill Bursey all fired a few rounds in the general direction of the targets. This was much more fun than stooging back at 10,000 feet. As we approached the coast we were fired upon by the local defenders but they didn't expect to see the enemy approach them from the rear so by the time they had us in their sights we were safely out to sea. We climbed back to 10,000 feet over the channel and returned home, after a flight of 3 hours 35 minutes, as briefed. One of 626 Squadron aircraft aborted the mission as he could not find the target, and one was hit by flak and damaged, but no one was hurt. Bomber Command did not sustain any losses. 29 [page break] Operation No. 17 Falaise On August 12th 626 Squadron participated in two attacks against widely divergent targets, one in support of the invasion forces in northern France and the other against a strategic target, Brunswick, Germany, some 120 miles west of Berlin. I guess we were lucky on this occasion as we were selected with two other crews for the shorter mission to Falaise. We were part of a force of 91 Lancasters, 36 Halifaxes, 12 Stirlings and 5 Mosquitoes detailed for this target. We took off at 2336 hours and climbed towards Reading on a clear summer night with no cloud. From Reading we headed to Selsey Bill on the English south coast (a place I used to visit as a child on Sunday school outings from Aldbourne) thence across the channel to the target. As we approached the French coast the cloud thickened until over the target it was 10/10th with tops about 8 – 10,000 feet. The target marking was by flares and red TIs backed up by green TIs. They were plentiful and accurate and in spite of the cloud layer we were able to bomb accurately laying our 13,000 lbs of HE across the target. The bombing was well concentrated and extensive damage was done. The German army used Falaise as a hardened position from which they were determined not to fall back, so the allies were left with no alternative but to attack it. There was some flak, both heavy and light, and some fighter activity in the target area, but the Bomber Command loss rate was nil. We returned back to Wickenby via Reading and landed safely after a trip of just over 3 hours. In the meantime 22 Lancasters, 11 each from 12 Squadron, and 626 Squadron, were detailed as part of a force of 242 Lancasters and 137 Halifaxes against Brunswick. They commenced their takeoff at 2116 hours so we were able to watch them go before we departed ourselves. They experienced clear weather until 50 miles from the target when it clouded over to 10/10th in the target area. They carried a bomb load of 1 x 2,000 lbs and 12 clusters of incendiaries, the typical bomb load for strategic targets. There was no marking carried out on this target so crews bombed using their H2S equipment. H2S shows a differentiation between land and water, but it was much more difficult to differentiate between land and built up areas so bombing was not concentrated and not very effective though scattered damage was seen with hits on the power station and gas works. Both light and heavy flak were experienced and there was considerable fighter activity particularly from the target back to the North Sea. One 626 aircraft reported several combats but no damage. One 12 Squadron aircraft (F/O Hancox) was shot down and all on board, except the wireless operator and mid upper gunner were killed, and one 626 Squadron (F/O Bennett) was attacked by a fighter and set on fire. The crew bailed out and 4 were taken prisoner. The wireless operator, mid upper gunner and rear gunner were all killed. Wickenby's loss rate was 9.09% while that of Bomber Command was 7.12%. 30 [page break] Operation No. 18 Falaise By August 14th the allied armies had managed to push forward on both sides of Falaise and had effectively trapped a very large force of the enemy in a pocket extending from Falaise to Posigny. To save allied lives on the ground we were asked to bomb them into surrender. So 16 Lancasters from Wickenby were part of a force of 411 Lancasters, 352 Halifaxes, and 42 Mosquitoes detailed against this target, which would be our last operation in direct support of the invasion armies. 626 Squadron's contribution was 10 aircraft. We took off at 1207 carrying a bomb load of 13,000 lbs high explosive and climbed towards Reading, our assembly point, then south to the coast and across the channel. We did not climb to our normal height but levelled out at 7,000 feet as we were briefed to choose our own bombing height depending on weather in the target area. We flew above a cloud layer until we reached the English coast then the cloud thinned as we crossed the channel and the target area was clear. With some 800 aircraft all heading in the same direction it seemed the sky was full, a huge gaggle stretching from the French coast all the way back to the English coast. Fighter aircraft from 11 Group provided cover and could be seen above us. As we approached the target, and wishing to bomb as accurately as possible, we reduced height to 3,000 feet. We knew that our own troops were within 2,000 years of the aiming point which was marked with green TIs, but which quickly became obscured by smoke. There was considerable fire from the ground as the enemy fought back. Peter released the bombs and we turned away to clear the target area for those behind and as we did so the aircraft received a sudden violent pounding. We had been hit but at this point did not know with what or by whom. Then Bill Bursey's voice from the rear turret, "Skipper I've been hit, and I'm bleeding". The aircraft was still flying so we knew it had not sustained fatal damage. Peter Graves, having dropped his bombs was now free to assist Bill and went to the back of the aircraft. As he made his way he reported flak damage all the way to the rear turret. By now Bert Jones had left the mid upper turret to assist and between them they got Bill out of his turret and forward to the rest bed where they lay him down and administered morphine from the first aid kit carried on all aircraft. Peter then applied field dressings to Bill's wounds and made him as comfortable as possible. The important thing now was to get Bill to a hospital as soon as possible so Hicky and I discussed our options. We elected to go for Boscombe Down which we knew could handle a Lancaster and was close to a major hospital in Salisbury (I knew the area well as Mary and I had been stationed at Old Sarum, next door, some 3 years before). I calculated a course for Boscombe Down and we were on our way. Over the channel Hicky wanted to check that the aircraft would not do any unusual manoeuvres when placed in the landing configuration so we climbed above a suitable patch of cloud and he and Stan King carried out a practice approach on the cloud including reducing power and speed, lowering the undercarriage, applying full flap and stalling on to the cloud patch as though landing on it. Satisfied that all systems were O.K. we continued to Boscombe Down. We called Boscombe on the emergency frequency and were given permission to land our 31 [page break] wounded rear gunner. We were met by an ambulance, doctor and medical team. Bill was removed from the rest bed and transferred by ambulance to the American General Hospital, Salisbury. We had the aircraft checked by the engineering and technical people at Boscombe to make sure we could take it off again, took a look at all the shrapnel [sic] holes, climbed aboard and headed back to Wickenby, arriving in time for supper. We were the only Wickenby aircraft to sustain damage but 12 Squadron had one aircraft abort the mission. It was forced to abandon over the target when the electrical supply to the bomb release mechanism failed. He brought his bombs back. Photo recce assessed that every street in Falaise was blocked by craters or rubble and whole sections of the town were completely devastated. The German troops surrendered shortly after their bombardment. We later discovered that Bill Bursey had received a gunshot wound to the right leg and a shrapnel wound to the right thigh with a fractured femur. The Americans came round the hospital next day and offered him a "Purple Heart" for shedding blood against the enemy. Bill declined with thanks. He did not return to the squadron and never flew with us again. The next day we were joined by Sgt. Stott, his replacement, who was also a sole survivor from another crew. So now out of the seven crew members, 3 of us were sole survivors, Saletto, Stott and I. 32 [page break] Operation No. 19 Stettin On the night of August 16th 461 Lancasters of Bomber Command were detailed against Stettin. Wickenby's contribution was 24 aircraft shared equally between the two squadrons. Stettin was a major city on the Baltic and some 120 miles north east of Berlin. It is now part of Poland. It was a long, long way from Wickenby and entailed a crossing of the North Sea from Mablethorpe to a point near the Danish coast at 5600N 0800E then due east across Denmark to Longitude 1045E, then south east across the Kattegat, the Danish island passing west of Copenhagen, and the Baltic Sea to the target. Much of the time we expected to be under enemy attack as Denmark had been occupied by German troops for some time. We took off at 2041 hours carrying 1 x 2,000 lb and 12 incendiary clusters, rendezvoused at Mablethorpe and headed across the North Sea climbing as high as we could get with a full fuel and bomb load. The weather enroute was clear across the North Sea and Denmark building up to 10/10th cloud with tops at 17,000 feet over Germany but cleared just short of the target which was free of cloud. Our outward trip was long but relatively uneventful. On these long North Sea crossings I always attempted to get as many accurate GEE fixes as possible prior to losing it to the enemy jamming. It was very important to get an appreciation of the wind, to compare it to that forecast and to calculate a correction to be applied to courses and speeds once we were out of range of GEE. So I always attempted to get a fix and calculate the wind every 6 minutes. This gave me a good understanding of what was happening with regard to the weather, which always stood us in good stead when I had to navigate on DR (Dead Reckoning) as we became further away from England. There was light to moderate flak at isolated points on route and some fighter activity. Because there were good coastline responses on the H2S I was able to navigate without difficulty to the target. Flares and green TIs were dropped at H-6 and P.F.F. marked the aiming point with mixed red and green salvoes backed by red TIs. There were so many markers and decoys operated by the enemy that Peter had difficulty identifying which one he should bomb. In the confusion of aircraft, flak, tracer fire and target markers we overshot and rather than bomb the wrong target went round again. With everyone keeping a sharp eye out for other aircraft in our vicinity Hicky closed the bomb doors and made a gentle turn to the left and eventually a complete 360 degree turn and we came over the target a second time. This time Peter selected the proper target marker and the bombs were duly released. We were all glad to leave the target area. Going across the target and being shot at once is dangerous enough but twice? Phew!! We left the area with relief and headed north west to cross Denmark then south west across the North Sea back home. There was some flak and isolated fighter activity on the way home but Wickenby did not sustain any losses. However, 2 of 12 Squadron reported combat where the gunners fired but were not fired upon and 3 aircraft, 2 from 12, and 1 from 626 were hit by flak. There were no casualties. Bomber Command losses were 5 aircraft – 1.08%. The attack was considered successful with fires in the centre and south east of the city though considerable bombing was attracted by the decoys or wrong marking. Photo recce 33 [page break] showed severe damage to shipbuilders Oderwerke A.G., sugar refinery and naval fitting out yard. Also a large area of devastation in the town centre. This operation took us 8 1/2 hours from takeoff to landing back at Wickenby and the crew becomes very tired particularly on a long stooge home across the sea. Once clear of the Danish coast we are reasonably safe from enemy attack so Hicky put the aircraft on auto pilot and everyone relaxes. I am sure there were periods when I was the only one awake and the only reason for this was that it was my job to get us back home. 34 [page break] Operation No. 20 Russeheim [sic] On August 25th a force of 412 Lancasters were ordered against the Opel Works at Russelheim [sic]. Among them were 18 aircraft from each of Wickenby's two squadrons: a maximum effort. On July 25th and 28th we had paid visits to Stuttgart which together with Russelheim, Frankfurt, Mannheim and Karlsruhe form a heavily defended portion of southern Germany. Our trip to Stuttgrat [sic] on July 28th had not been a happy one for Wickenby aircraft so we approached Russelheim with some trepidation. We carried a full fuel load of 2,154 gallons and a bomb load of 1 x 4,000 lb (Cookie) and 12 clusters of 4lb incendiaries. Our route was quite similar to that used previously for this area. Reading was the assembly point then south across the channel to a point S.W. of Paris, then east north east in a series of zig zags to the target. The weather was good all the way and the target area was clear with slight haze. Takeoff commenced at 1957 hours. The target was well marked following sticks of flares dropped at H-7. The aiming point was then marked with mixed red and green TIs and backed up by red TIs. The bombing was well concentrated and the fires could be seen for 150 miles. Photo recce showed severe damage to the plant with all the major units hit, including assembly shops, research labs, drop forge, machine shop and aircraft engine shop. The target area was, as expected, well defended with intense heavy flak and very active fighters which made contact with the bomber stream in the target area and well into the return journey. One of 12 Squadron aborted the mission with a sick navigator. Seven of 12 Squadron's aircraft reported combat with night fighters and one was so badly damaged that it crash landed on return and was written off. The only casualty in this aircraft was the navigator who suffered superficial wounds. One other 12 Squadron aircraft was hit by flak. One 626 Squadron aircraft suffered damage caused, it was believed, by an unusual incident. Shortly after bombing the aircraft was thrown out of control by a nearby explosion. All four engines cut but the pilot and engineer managed to get them restarted and flew home safely. It is believed the explosion was another aircraft blowing up. It is interesting that while 7 of 12 Squadron reported combat none of 626 did. However, 626 did lose two aircraft. F/O Harris who, together with 3 members of his crew were taken prisoner, the other 3 were killed and F/O Whetton who was killed together with all of his crew except the bomb aimer who was taken prisoner. The Bomber Command loss rate for this operation was 3.64%, that for Wickenby 5.56%, while that for 626 Squadron, 11.1%. 35 [page break] [map] [underlined] RUSSELHEIM. [/underlined] [underlined] 25/26 AUGUST 1944. [/underlined] [page break] Operation No. 21 Stettin We had visited Stettin on August 16th and had been briefed several times between the 16th and 29th but weather had forced cancellations. So here we are on August 29th poised to go once again. The crews involved were concerned that our intentions may already have been communicated to the enemy and the element of surprise lost. So we expected a difficult time. The total force consisted of 402 Lancasters and one Mosquito. For Wickenby the contribution was 31 aircraft. For 626 Squadron it was again a maximum effort of 18 aircraft. We were of course carrying a maximum fuel load of 2,154 gallons and our bomb load on this occasion was a total of 8,440 lbs - 1 x 4,000 lb H.E., 660 x 4 lb incendiaries and 60 x 30 lb incendiaries. If you add in 7 men, thousands of rounds of ammunition and the various other stores we carried such as bundles of "window" we were very close to our maximum takeoff weight of 72,000 lbs. Window was the code name for specially designed metal strips which, when dropped from an aircraft, gave a similar radar response to the aircraft itself. We dropped them by the thousands when in an area of high enemy defensive activity to confuse the defenses. We were among the first to takeoff and on this occasion were followed down the runway by F/O "Lofty" Lofthouse whose crew shared our Nissen hut. As we left the ground and climbed away Lofty was moving along the runway when his feet slipped on the rudder pedal and he "ground looped" the aircraft. A ground loop is a rotation in the horizontal plane and inevitably tears off the undercarriage as it did on this occasion, the story was that Lofty required wooden blocks attached to the rudder pedals to reach them properly and his feet had slipped while pumping the pedals to keep the aircraft straight under full power. Sgt. Stott from his observation point in our rear turret looked right down on this incident and yelled to warn us all. In the few seconds it took for the rest of us to have a look every door and hatch on Lofty's aircraft had opened and seven bodies were running in every direction. Fortunately for everyone his bombs did not explode. Had they done so not only would his crew have been killed but we would have been blown out of the sky as we were very close. A fully laden aircraft now lay in the centre of the runway so it could no longer be used. We were O.K. as we were already airborne but there was a delay on the ground while the whole matter was sorted out, the runway changed and the departure of the rest of the force reorganized. I have spoken recently with Ernie Peressini, the bomb aimer in Lofty's crew, who now lives in Victoria, and he remembers the incident vividly even after 50 years. We rendezvoused at Mablethorpe and set course north east across the North Sea but remained below a layer of cloud with tops at 5,000 feet to stay below the enemy's radar warning system. We were routed further north than on our last visit to Stettin passing over northern Denmark before heading south east towards the target. We were so far north that to get to the target we had to fly over Sweden which was a neutral country. This was deliberate and we were briefed to head for Sweden if we were unable to get home for any reason. Better to land in a neutral country than to be taken prisoner of war. We stayed low across the sea until approaching the Danish coast then climbed to our operational altitude and remained there until near the target. Below us were layers of thin cloud with tops at 17,000 feet. 37 [page break] The target marking was punctual and accurate. At H-7 the target was illuminated by long sticks of flares followed by red and green TIs on the aiming point. We experienced some light flak over Denmark but the serious problem on this night was fighters. The main force was plotted over the Danish coast and interceptions commenced immediately and continued to the target with a few on the return from the target. There was heavy flak in the target area, some bursts being so large they could only have come from high calibre naval guns. Searchlights were also very active. As we were approaching above the clouds in moonlight it was not difficult to see or be seen. As we neared the target the Master Bomber called us down below the cloud layer which was between about 12 and 14,000 feet. We let down and bombed at 12,000 feet. The results of the bombing were good because we could see the markers as visibility was clear below the cloud layer. As well as high explosive we were all carrying large quantities of incendiaries and very soon fierce fires were burning with smoke almost to our bombing altitude. P.R.U. reported that buildings in Stettiner Oderwerke Shipbuilding A.G. were gutted, Labelsdorf Bahnhof Gasworks destroyed, telegraph office and five factories severely damaged. Three merchant vessels were sunk in the port. We turned north west after bombing to head back to northern Denmark before returning across the North Sea. The fighter activity decreased as we left the target largely because a well timed force of Mosquitoes attacked Berlin and this drew them away from us. Letting down in the target area involves risks which are not normally there when all aircraft fly over at their predetermined altitude. In this case we were below someone else who did not reduce as low as we and released his bombs while above us. The consequence was that we were hit in the port wing by an incendiary bomb dropped from above. Fortunately for us it smashed right through the wing without damaging vital controls or control surfaces and did not set us on fire. We were very fortunate. Two of Wickenby's aircraft aborted this operation. I have already mentioned F/O Lofthouse. The second abort was a 12 Squadron aircraft which started out but the wireless operator lost his nerve after setting course so the crew returned. Incidents of nerve failure on the part of crew members were not very frequent, fortunately, but I am sure there were times when we all felt like this poor wireless operator. I think what prevented more of it was the fact that everyone felt an overwhelming loyalty to their crew and would not do anything to let the crew down. On the rare occasion when it did happen the victim left the squadron immediately and was posted to a unit on the Isle of Sheppey in the Thames estuary, east of London for disposal. The R.A.F. used the term L.M.F., Lack of Moral Fibre, to describe these unfortunate souls and their hasty removal from the squadron was to ensure that their inability to cope did not spread. After all, we were all living on the edge wondering each time whether we would return. Four of 626 Squadron crews reported combat with night fighters, two on the outward trip, one over the target and one on the return. Five of our aircraft sustained damage, including ours, being holed in the port wing, but others were more severe and one had to land at Dunholme Lodge being unable to get back to Wickenby. 38 [page break] One of 12 Squadron (F/O Spurrs) was shot down over the target. Everyone who managed to bail out was taken prisoner but the two gunners were killed. One of 626 Squadron (F/O Hawkes) was attacked over the Kattegat on the way towards the target and he was able to maintain control only long enough to allow the crew to bail out, but they were close enough to Sweden that they all landed there and were interned. They were carrying a second pilot along for experience so there were 8 instead of the usual 7 aboard. The advice to head for Sweden if possible was sound. F/O Hawkes later reported "On September 1st we were taken to Falun and kept for 2 days in an interment [sic] camp. On September 3rd we were billeted in the Solliden Pensionat Hotel, where we stayed until October 24th. On that day we were taken to Stockholm and stayed at the Continental Hotel until October 27th when we were sent by air to the U.K." On August 31st, 2 days after they were shot down, the squadron received the news that they were safe. We left the target area and headed north west passing over Malmo, Sweden which, being neutral, was well lit. We climbed across the Baltic to 20,000 feet as we still had to cross Denmark which was defended. We were glad we did as the squadron aircraft which was attacked by a night fighter in this area was flying at only 14,000 feet. We successfully negotiated our crossing of Denmark and proceeded out to sea before commencing a gradual let down towards the English coast. At 10,000 feet we took off our oxygen masks and breathed normally for the first time for several hours. Hicky, as was his wont, lit his pipe and the rest of us in the cabin enjoyed a cigarette. We came back into GEE range so I was able to fix our position accurately and get us safely home. We landed at Wickenby without further incident having been airborne 9 hours 35 minutes which turned out to be the longest of our 30 operations. Wickenby loss rate was 6.45% while that of Bomber Command was 5.71%. 626 Squadron's loss rate was 5.55%, one out of the 18 which were detailed to go, or 5.88% one out of the 17 which actually went, but in this particular incident the crew, having landed safely in Sweden, were all returned to the squadron. 39 [page break] [map] [underlined] STETTIN. [/underlined] [underlined] 29/30 AUGUST 1944. [/underlined] [page break] Operation No. 22 St. Requier We had not arrived back from Stettin until the early morning of August 30th (about 0630) so by the time we had debriefed, had a meal and got to bed the sun was high in the sky. We did not fly again that day but on the following day August 31st we carried out another attack against a V2 rocket store at St. Requier. Twenty Lancasters from Wickenby were detailed as part of a Bomber Command force of 418 Lancasters, 147 Halifaxes and 36 Mosquitoes raiding 9 rocket storage sites. There were 10 from each squadron. St. Requier was the most southerly of the Pas de Calais targets. We took off at 1325 hours carrying 15,000 lbs of H.E. (13 x 1,000 and 4 x 500 lb) and climbed towards Reading our assembly point, climbing through a cloud layer with tops at 17,000 feet. We encountered severe icing as we passed through the clouds. Ice builds up on leading edges of aerofoils and on the propellers. Leading edges were always de-iced if we knew we would be experiencing icing, to try and prevent build up reaching dangerous proportions. It was always reassuring to know that it was not building up on the propellers when you could hear the chunks of ice hitting the side of the fuselage as it flew off. Disconcerting at first, but reassuring as one got used to it. We cleared the tops and flew towards the target at 18,000 feet. The cloud formation changed to broken as we crossed the channel and approached the target. The aiming point was marked by red TIs which were backed up with green and yellow throughout the attack. The marking was scattered consequently the bombing was not concentrated and some bombs fell between the target and the village. There was only light flak near Abbeville and little was experienced in the target area so there was really no excuse for not pressing home the attack. Two of Wickenby's aircraft aborted this operation both under rather unusual circumstances. One of 12 Squadron was instructed to abandon by the Master Bomber and one of 626 found the target covered by cloud. I would think that both probably arrived late. In spite of there not being a heavy concentration of flak what there was was predicted with great accuracy and no less than 5 of Wickenby's aircraft were hit by it, some with serious results. Two of 12 Squadron were hit, one so severely that he crash landed at Woodbridge. The pilot and second pilot received shrapnel wounds to the right leg, the bomb aimer had a shattered left foot and wounds to the right foot and the flight engineer had shrapnel wounds to the right ankle and left wrist. All of these crew members were at the front of the aircraft so the exploding flak was very close to the front. In crash landing at Woodbridge they went to an airfield which was specially equipped to handle such emergencies. The R.A.F. had equipped several airfields very close to the east coast for such eventualities - Manston, Woodbridge and Manby amongst them. They were equipped with long, wide runways, foam, special lighting to disperse fog, heavy equipment to move crashed aircraft quickly out of the way and of course, emergency medical facilities. Three of 626 Squadron were also hit by flak. One had no casualties but one was damaged so that he was forced to feather both inboard engines and jettison his bombs. He made an 41 [page break] emergency landing at Manston. The third (F/O Oram) suffered perspex wounds to the face and his flight engineer shrapnel wounds to the left leg. This is the same F/O Oram who on July 6th was hit and, with his crew, had to abandon his aircraft over the channel with the loss of his gunners. We flew unmolested back to Wickenby and landed safely after a trip of 3 1/4 hours. The Bomber Command loss rate was 1%. All of Wickenby's aircraft got back to England but not to Wickenby so officially we had losses. And so passed the month of August 1944. We had flown 8 operations since returning from leave and been briefed for several others which were cancelled for one reason or another. Of the 8, five were by night, 3 of which were long flights into Germany (2 to Stettin). We had sustained damaged to our aircraft on two occasions and had lost rear gunner Bill Bursey to injury. 42 [page break] Operation No. 23 Le Havre The allied armies had advanced south and spread outward from their initial bridgehead and it was now time to head eastward along the coastal areas and towards Paris. A deep water port was needed and the obvious one was Le Havre so on September 6th a force of 311 Lancasters, 30 Mosquitoes and 3 Stirlings was detailed against the German fortifications at Le Havre. This was the same Le Havre that had opened up on us when we were all alone on July 4th. Wickenby's contribution was 21 Lancasters of which 626 provided 11. The weather was mainly cloudy with showers and thunder all day so it was decided to go in the evening but even then there was no improvement. Takeoff commenced at 1656 hours and we followed a route pretty well due south taking us east of London to the target area. Our bomb load was 15,000 lbs H.E. We experienced 10/10th cloud all the way to the target and in the target area the base was at 7,000 feet with heavy rain. The target marking commenced with green TIs at H-5 backed up with red TIs bursting at 4,000 feet and cascading leaving white smoke trails. Though we were above cloud these TIs burned with such intensity they could be seen and we had the added advantage of H2S. I was able to pinpoint the target and confirm for Peter that he was running up on the correct aiming point. There was some heavy flak in the target area but it was not severe. The bombing was accurate, a large explosion at 1927 hours was followed by flames and black smoke – probably a fuel storage. One of 626 Squadron aborted on instructions from the Master Bomber. Bomber Command sustained no losses on this operation and Wickenby aircraft all returned without damage. We landed back at Wickenby after a flight of 3 1/2 hours. 43 [page break] Operation No. 24 Le Havre On September 10th we were called upon to make a repeat visit to Le Havre to attack strong points which had survived the attack of September 6th. Bomber Command dispatched a force of 521 Lancasters, 426 Halifaxes and 45 Mosquitoes of which 33 Lancasters were from Wickenby. 626's contribution was 17 aircraft of a total force of nearly 1,000 attacking various targets. Takeoff commenced at 1643 hours and we climbed on a southerly heading through broken cumulus cloud with tops about 10,000 feet. Above the cloud the sky was clear all the way to the target area with good visibility. We again carried 15,000 lb of H.E. The marking was similar to our attack of September 6th with green TIs and H-5 followed by red TIs bursting at 4,000 feet leaving trails of white smoke. However, on this occasion as the visibility was good the bomb aimers were able to see the aiming point and the bombing was concentrated in this area. Near misses were reported on 6 gun batteries, close enough to incapacitate them, and damage to business property. There was no opposition and no losses or casualties were sustained. We arrived back at Wickenby after just under 4 hours of flying time. The army captured Le Havre shortly after. 44 [page break] Operation No. 25 Frankfurt I mentioned earlier there were a number of German cities in the southern part of the state which were considered good strategic targets. On September 12th we were detailed for another attack on Stuttgart which was changed at 1345 hours to Frankfurt. Wickenby's contribution to a force of 378 Lancasters and 9 Mosquitoes was 34 Lancasters, of which 626 Squadron supplied 15. We must have had an influx of new crews because no less than 7 of the 15 carried second pilots along for experience before going with their own crews. Our second pilot was F/O Hollowell. The bomb load for this operation was 1 x 4,000 lb., 14 x 4 clusters and 120 x 4 lb incendiaries. The fuel load was 1,900 gallons, not quite full tanks. We took off at 1808 hrs. Our route was fairly typical for an operation to this area. We headed for Reading, then south to cross the coast at Beachy Head. We then proceeded [sic] to 48°N 05°E passing north of Paris then north east towards the target. After bombing we turned west, crossed the French coast near Calais and home via Orfordness. The weather en route was clear all the way and the target was also clear with some slight haze. Because we would be flying over friendly territory for much of the outward leg we were allowed to fly at low level and climb to our bombing height prior to reaching the target area. On the leg north of Paris another aircraft flying close to us flicked his navigation light on and off a couple of times. Bert Jones reported this from his mid upper turret and while we were considering the significance Stan King said "My God, we've got our nav lights on". They were promptly switched off. Our thanks went out to our unknown benefactor. It's not advisable to assist the enemy by lighting up your location. When we reached the target we found that the Pathfinder Force had dropped long sticks of flares at H-7. The aiming point was then marked with mixed salvoes of red and green TIs and kept marked with red TIs. Crews were able to identify the target by the light of the flares. Most target markers were just south of the marshalling yards. The bombing was concentrated though tended to spread a little to the west. Smoke rose to some 5,000 feet and the fires were visible for 100 miles. Photo recce showed that large areas of the city were severely damaged. The main railway station was half destroyed with damage to workshops and engine sheds. Twelve factories, the gas works and power station were also damaged. Some light flak and moderate heavy flak was experienced up to about 18,000 feet but we managed to get above it. Numerous searchlights were coning, believed to be cooperating with night fighters which were active inward, over the target and outward. One of 626 Squadron was coned over Mannheim, extensively damaged by heavy flak and landed at Woodbridge at the emergency airfield there. Two of 12 Squadron were attacked and damaged by night fighters. The mid upper gunner of one received gunshot wounds to both legs. One of 626 Squadron (F/O Thorpe) was attacked by a night fighter and destroyed. Thorpe, his wireless operator and mid upper gunner were taken prisoner, all other crew members 45 [page break] including the second pilot, who was along for experience, were killed. It was his first and only operation. His crew were returned to the Lancaster Finishing School to crew with another pilot. We arrived back at Wickenby after flying for 7 hours 55 minutes. F/O Hollowell thanked us for the experience and went on to complete a tour with his own crew. The Bomber Command loss rate was 4.39%, that of Wickenby 2.94% and 626 Squadron 6.66% 46 [page break] FRANKFURT 12-9-44 626 SQUADRON A/C (a) Captain - 2nd PIL. (b) Nav. - W/Op (c) B/A - F/E (d) MuG - R/G JB661 C2 (a) F/O G.A. Price - P/O R. McAinsh (b) Sgt. F.B. Beaton - Sgt. B. Walley (c) F/S T.H. Lightfoot - Sgt. S.A. Frew (d) Sgt. V.A. Lane - Sgt. J. Lee LM113F2 (a) F/O T.H. Ford (b) F/S J.M. Jackson - W/O H.A.S. Tween (c) F/S J.C. Payne - Sgt. R.A. Wood (d) Sgt. J.C. Moore - Sgt. P.L. Potter PD295 B2 (a) F/O G. Lofthouse (b) P/O R.C. McMillan - F/S A.V. Bettney (c) W/O E. Peressini - Sgt. K.W.T. Adams (d) F/S R.W. Smith - F/S F.C. Child LM141 D2 (a) F/O D.S. Nelson (b) F/O T.R. Murray - P/O R.J. Lacey (c) F/O V.H. Halstead - Sgt. O. Old (d) Sgt. A.M. Walker - Sgt. C.C. Merriman PB412 Z2 (a) F/O W.J. Cook (b) F/S H. Sulz - Sgt. L.A. Rolfe (c) F/S K.C. McCormick - Sgt. D.W. Garside (d) Sgt. A.H. Jones - F/S E. Smith PA990 R2 (a) F/O G.A. Green - F/O R.J. Tierney (b) F/S W.A. Stephens - F/S W.A. Dickson (c) F/O K.E.F. Taylor - Sgt. O.F. Farley (d) Sgt. W. Norman - F/S G.C. Newton ND163 T2 (a) F/O R.A. Collens - P/O L.A. Titmuss (b) F/Lt. J.H. Leuty - Sgt. K.T. Rainbird (c) F/S W.E. Birch - Sgt. H.S. Merry (d) Sgt. E.W. Roberts - Sgt. H. Davy PB411 Y2 (a) F/O H. Winder - Sgt. R.C. Yule (b) P/O J.J. McDevitt - Sgt. A.W. Reid (c) F/S M. Parker - Sgt. H.S.G. Rich (d) Sgt. R.A. Albone - P/O W.G. Green LL959 A2 (a) F/Lt. A.C. Hicks - F/O R.A. Hollowell (b) F/S K.J. Brind - F/S J. Saletto (c) F/O P.M. Graves - Sgt. S.G. King (d) Sgt. A.B. Jones - Sgt. D. Stott PD287 U2 (a) F/O J.Y.N. Walbank - F/O R.M.Smith (b) F/S L.A. Sparrow - F/S J.M. Dewar (c) F/S R.N. Purves - Sgt. E. Shepherd (d) F/S G. Derrington - F/S J.C. Harris LM137 G2 (a) F/O D.R.B. Thorpe - F/O G.T. Bolderstn (b) F/S A.C.L. Cox - Sgt. J. Peart (c) F/S S.E. Dunnett - Sgt. F.C. Foster (d) F/S R.H. Cross - F/S L.F. Beattie NF907 K2 (a) F/O E. Fitzsimmons (b) F/S G.E. Dunsford - Sgt. C. Summers (c) F/S J.V. Gray - Sgt. D.W. Richards (d) Sgt. D. De Silva - F/O G.A. Pearce LM689 N2 (a) F/O R.G. Harvey (b) Sgt. S.J. Partridge - Sgt. J.L. Nuttall (c) F/O R. Kelly - Sgt. R. Heys (d) Sgt. J.K. Hogan - Sgt. G.T. McMasters PD 286 02 (a) F/O J.C. Campbell (b) F/O R. Cluston - F/S R.C. Champagne (c) F/S W.F. Palmer - Sgt. J. Akhurst (d) Sgt. J.G. Reynolds - Sgt. A.D. Winser LL961 S2 (a) F/O E.W. Parker (b) Sgt. E. Arrowsmith - F/S J.D. McPherson (c) Sgt. J. Tordoff - Sgt. R.H. Westrop (d) Sgt. W.J. Standen - Sgt. G. Hopkins AIR 27-2146 PUBLIC RECORDS OFFICE With the weather fair to fine, 378 Lancasters carried out the last major attack on Frankfurt of the war. 12 Squadron dispatched 19 aircraft and all returned safely. 626 Squadron detailed 16 aircraft but F/O Jones failed to take off. On return, F/O Collens landed at Woodbridge with flak damage. LM137 UM-G2, F/O Thorpe failed to return. F/O D.R.B. Thorpe. PIL. F/O G.T. Balderstone RCAF 2nd PIL. Killed. P/O A.C.L. Cox NAV. Killed. Sgt. J. Paert. [sic] W/T F/Sgt. S.E. Dunnett B/A. Killed. Sgt. F.C. Foster F/E. Killed. F/Sgt. R.H. Cross. MuG F/Sgt. L.F. Beattie R/G. Killed. [page break] Operation No. 26 Rheine-Hopsten The allied armies had by now broken out from their original bridgehead and pushed north west through Belgium into Holland, and a strategy was conceived for a massive airborne landing using gliders and paratroops in the Arnhem area to create a bridgehead across the Rhine River and ultimately link up with the forward moving army. On September 16th our job was to neutralize German held airfields in the area to minimize the opposition to our landings the next day. Different squadrons and different bases were allocated to specific targets. This was a pinpoint precision attack rather than area bombing. Wickenby's target was the airfield at Rheine-Hopsten, other squadrons were given other targets. Thirty one Lancasters, 19 from 12 Squadron, and 12 from 626 were detailed for this attack. Because of the nature of the target, buildings, runways, etc. we carried 10,000 lbs of H.E., in the form of 20 x 500 lb bombs. This was a night attack and we took off at 2200 hours climbing to Mablethorpe, then across the North Sea to a point on the Dutch coast just north of The Hague and so to the target. The weather en route was good with small amounts of cloud and the target area was clear with slight ground haze. The target marking was carried out by "Oboe" equipped Mosquitoes. Oboe was a modification of the GEE navigation system used for precision bombing and marking. As the allied armies moved across Europe they overran some of the Jamming stations so we were able to use our navigation aids further east. On this night I was able to get accurate GEE fixes all the way to the target. So as we approached the target and I advised the crew we were there the target markers appeared before us. They consisted of red TIs. We had already opened the bomb doors and Peter had fused the bombs so release was a simple matter. We experienced a small amount of light flak in the target area and night fighters were active but we did not engage in any night fighter activity. The night was very dark so visual assessment of the attack was not possible but photo recce showed that the airfield sustained considerable damage. At least 75 craters were created including 45 on the main runway and 3 on the secondary with 13 on the taxi way. The airfield was out of commission for 48 hours which was the object of our exercise. The glider troops landed at Arnhem the next day but their effort (and ours) was for nought as they were never able to link up with the main army, became over extended, and were either captured or killed. A costly mistake, it was made into a very successful film, called "A Bridge Too Far" after the war. Two of 12 Squadron reported combat with night fighters but no damage and no casualties were sustained by Wickenby aircraft on this night. Nor indeed did Bomber Command lose any aircraft. We arrived back at Wickenby and landed after a flight of almost 4 hours. F/O Hollowell completed his first operation with his own crew on this night. 48 [page break] We were now into our last 5 operations. The conventional wisdom among Bomber Command crews was that if you weren't shot down during your first 5 missions, when you were inexperienced, you would be during your last 5 when you became over confident. We hoped our last few would be against lightly defended targets. Some hope, as it turned out. 49 [page break] Operation No. 27 Calais The allied armies had now fanned out across Europe but had bypassed a number of strong points along the French and Belgian coasts where the opposition was very stiff. One such strong point was Calais and the area surrounding the city which was our target on September 20th. This was an operation which had previously been planned for the 21st but was brought forward to the 20th. The Bomber Command force consisted of 437 Lancasters, 169 Halifaxes and 40 Mosquitoes. Wickenby's contribution was 39 Lancasters of which 626 Squadron provided 20. We assembled at a point east of London and headed straight for the target in the afternoon, but conditions were very cloudy with poor visibility which improved a little as we crossed the channel. In the target area there were thin layers of stratus with tops about 4,000 feet. We carried 15,000 lbs of 1,000 and 500 lb H.E. Target marking was by green TIs from H-5 and H-3 then red TIs bursting at 2,000 feet leaving a trail of white smoke. The Master Bomber called us down to 3,000 feet and we bombed from there against the TIs which were accurately placed on the aiming point. Our own troops were only some 2.000 yards away so accurate bombing was mandatory, and as there was no real opposition not too difficult. One interesting aspect of this operation was revealed by photo recce - a gun casement which received several direct hits only suffered shallow depressions in it's roof. Reinforced concrete several feet thick required much more than 1,000 lb bombs to do any real damage. There was no damage to any of Wickenby's aircraft but we did have great difficulty getting back on the ground when we arrived home, as the weather had deteriorated significantly while we were away. We landed at 1750 hours after almost 4 hours flying. Comber Command loss rate was 0.15% - one aircraft. It was now some seven weeks since we had leave and the rule of thumb was every six weeks or so, so off we went for a few days vacation. Aldbourne looked about the same as it always did but Mary had increased her measurements somewhat. She was now about 3 weeks away from her due date and was pretty uncomfortable. Stan King was getting engaged on this leave and had invited us to attend the party at his parents home on the outskirts of London. My mother did not want us to go as she was worried Mary might give birth on the train or in a London taxi or somewhere. However, being young and impetuous we decided to take the chance, so off we went to London. We were to stay at the King home by invitation of Stan's parents but when the party was in full swing the air raid sirens went off and we all trooped to the air raid shelter in the basement of their home, and there we stayed. It was ironic that in spite of the raids the R.A.F. and U.S.A.F. had carried out against the V1 and V2 launching sites the Germans were still able, as late as September 1944, to submit London to harassing air raids. As a result of their efforts we never did get to bed and the next day took the train back to Hungerford and the bus to Aldbourne. The few days went all too quickly but now we only had 3 more operations to complete and I felt very confident of success. 50 [page break] Operation No. 28 Westkapelle At the beginning of October there was some uncertainty about who should be going where. For example – on October 1st 40 aircraft were to standby for a tactical target in Northern France. At 1415 the squadrons were stood down. Then at 1730 they were again placed on standby for an attack on Bergen, which was cancelled at 1845 hours. On October 2nd at 1100 hours the squadrons were stood down and at 1645 18 aircraft were ordered to standby for an operation against Westkapelle tomorrow. And so it was that on October 3rd we became part of a force of 252 Lancasters and 7 Mosquitoes detailed against tactical targets in north west Europe. The 18 Wickenby aircraft were equally divided between the squadrons. As I have already mentioned the allied armies moved out from their bridgehead but bypassed the coastal ports and cities and "mopped up" later when they had been softened by the air forces. They now needed a major supply port in Belgium and Antwerp had been captured but it's approaches were still under German guns. The island of Walcheren dominates the sea approach and was well defended. So the idea was to breach the sea wall at Westkapelle, at the western tip of the island, and allow flood waters to overrun the German positions. A "Dambuster" type raid but with ordinary high explosive bombs. We carried 12,500 lbs consisting of one 4,000 lb, 8 x 1,000 lb and one 500 lb H.E. We took off at noon, headed to Aldeburgh, near Ipswich, then straight across the North Sea to the target. There was a cloud layer right from base to target but the base was at 5,000 feet so we stayed below where visibility was good. The target marking was by green TIs at H-5 backed up by red TIs. The pathfinders were punctual, their initial marking undershot slightly but it didn't matter as we could see the target clearly as we approached. There were some small puffy clouds below the main layer so to make absolutely certain we went as low as was safe. We dropped our bombs from 1,500 feet which is, in fact, below the safety height for a 4,000 pounder and we felt the compression hit the aircraft as it exploded. We climbed away from the target and as we turned for home could see we had made a hole in the sea wall and water was already pouring through. The photo recce report stated that the original breach was enlarged to approximately 130 yards due to the corrosive action of water passing through. A vast area was inundated, with sea water at least 2 miles inland and to the boundaries of Middleburg and Flushing. There was some flak activity in the target area, mostly from Flushing, but Wickenby aircraft did not experience any damage or casualties. The squadron commander, who participated in this operation had an unusual experience when he came under what may have been a mock attack by two fighter aircraft believed to be Mustangs. His rear gunner fired a short burst which appeared to be sufficient to drive them off as they were not seen again. We landed back at Wickenby after a flight of 2 hours 50 minutes. Bomber Command did not lose any of it's aircraft in today's efforts. 51 [page break] Operation No. 29 Saarbrucken While the British and Canadian armies pushed north east through Belgium and Holland, the American Third Army was heading east into Germany and were now some 20 miles from Saarbrucken and the other industrial towns which we had previously attacked in this area. Our attack on Saarbrucken on October 5th was at the request of the advancing Americans. Thirty-nine Lancasters from Wickenby were part of a force of 531 Lancasters and 20 Mosquitoes detailed against Saarbrucken. 626 Squadron supplied 19. This was, of course, a night operation and takeoff commenced at 1817 hours. Our route took us to Gravesend, Beachy Head, south to the French coast then east to the target. We climbed through a layer of 10/10th cloud which persisted to about 6°E then gradually cleared so that the target had merely some thin broken cloud and ground haze. Our bomb load was one H.E., a 4,000 lb "Cookie" and 7,000 lb of incendiaries for a total of 11,000 lbs. The target marking consisted of long strings of flares over the target at H-7 followed by salvoes of red and green TIs. For some reason there were no searchlights in the target area. There was however a moderate, heavy flak barrage with explosions above 15,000 feet. There were also some enemy fighters active in the target area. Because visibility was good we were able to see that the markers were accurate and good concentrated bombing ensued. Several large explosions were observed and smoke rose to 12,000 feet. The glow of the fires could be seen for 100 miles on the return journey. At 2036 hours the Master Bomber gave the code word to abandon the mission adding that allied troops were getting near the target. Our aircraft had not been furnished with the code word, consequently most crews bombed the target. Photo reconnaissance showed that the steel works of Vereinigte Huttenwerke had every large building damaged. The Luttgens Wagon Factory, the Maschinenbau A.G. and the Portland Cement Werke were severely damaged. The infantry Barracks, the Dragoon Barracks and the Artillery Barracks were all gutted. On leaving the target area we headed north west and crossed the French coast near Calais. We returned to Wickenby only to find the airfield fogged in and were unable to land. This presented a major problem as most of the airfields in the Lincolnshire area were similarly fogged in and it was from this area that many of the 531 Lancasters originated. However, the operations people on the ground were able to find diversionary airfield which were open and everyone got down safely. We landed at Methwold in East Anglia and spent the night there returning to Wickenby the next day. One of 626 Squadron aborted this mission. He got airborne but his starboard inner engine cut out over base so he had no alternative but to land again. Two of Wickenby's aircraft sustained flak damage, one from each squadron and one from 626 had two encounters with fighters but did not sustain any damage. Wickenby did not lose any aircraft on this occasion but Bomber Command lost 3 for a loss rate of 0.54%. 52 [page break] Operation No. 30 Emmerich There are certain days, certain events which are imprinted indelibly on the mind. The declaration of war, the day you marry, the birth of your children, days of great joy or great expectations or great terror. Such a day was October 7th, 1944. The weather was fairly typical for early October in Lincolnshire – cloudy with occasional rain. The airborne landings at Arnhem had failed and there were heavy concentrations of enemy troops in the area of Arnhem, Nijmegen, Emmerich and along the Rheine river. Wickenby's target was to be Emmerich and this was the first daylight attack on Germany from Wickenby. Forty-two Lancasters were detailed as part of a Bomber command force of 340 Lancasters and 10 Mosquitoes. Each squadron provided 21 aircraft – a maximum effort. We carried one 4,000 lb H.E. and 2520 x 4 lb incendiaries in clusters for a total of 14,080 lbs. We climbed to rendezvous at Cromer, on the Norfolk coast then cross the North Sea to The Hague and so to the target. We had climber through a 10/10ths layer of cloud and at our bombing height of 10-12,000 feet we were in bright sunshine above it. Three hundred and forty Lancasters in a huge gaggle all headed in the same direction, sun glinting on perspex cabins and turrets. As we approached the Dutch coast the cloud cleared and all that remained was a slight ground haze. I had given Hicky the final course to the target and as we approached I was standing between he and Stan King and slightly behind so I could see ahead, all round and behind us. We were nicely in the middle of the stream. Peter Graves was prone in the bomb aimers position in the nose watching the target coming down the drift wires of his bomb site. The flak was intense (we later learned the Germans had turned their 88mm anti tank weapons skyward and the shells were exploding at our altitude) and we were on a straight and level bombing run. Peter's voice over the intercom "Steady, Steady, Bomb Doors Open". Hicky, "Bomb Doors Open". Ahead I can see the intensity of the exploding flak – an aircraft is hit and catches fire. As it loses height I see one – two – three parachutes drifting down but no more. Then another is hit, this time a part of the wing is blown off and the aircraft spirals down – again parachutes but not seven. I think – my God, we're next. After all this time – after dark cold nights in the skies over major German cities – after warm sunny afternoons against V1 launching ramps in France – after 29 operations we are going to get written off. "Left, Left – Steady". I look behind just in time to see a Lancaster right behind us take a direct hit and spin out of control. "Steady, Steady – Bombs gone – Bomb Doors Closed". The aircraft leaps as the 14,080 lbs of bombs drop away – then – thud – we are hit. "Bomb Doors Closed". We climb and turn away from the target and check for damage. No one is hurt and everything seems to be O.K. so we head for home. We have survived – we've come through – a cheer goes up from the crew, all the pent up emotion is released. The reports state that there was moderate to intense predicted heavy flak from 11-13,000 feet on the run up, through the target and for a few miles after leaving the target area. No enemy aircraft were seen. Fighter cover was provided by 11 Group. 53 [page break] Mosquitoes marked the aiming point with green TIs at H – 5 and maintained the marking with red TIs. The marking was accurate and the Master Bomber instructed the main force to bomb the red TIs. Bombing was accurate and many fires were started with smoke drifting up to 12,000 feet. Allied troops who were only 8 miles south west must have had a good view of the afternoons activities. The flight home, though routine, was full of joy as we knew we would not be called upon to do this kind of thing again. We landed at Wickenby after 4 hours 15 minutes of flying. Wickenby did not lose any aircraft on this operation, but 3 of 12 Squadron and 4 of 626 sustained varying amounts of flak damage. Our aircraft, A2, had the "port undercarriage holed by heavy flak in the target area". After briefing I sent Mary a telegram to let her know I had completed my tour of operations then we took our ground crew out to the local pub to celebrate our joint success. These were the men who kept A2 serviceable for us and who repaired her when we brought her back damaged. A rip roaring good time was had by all. [telegram]Brind Cherry Tree Aldbourne [indecipherable word] Tour completed love darling Ken[/telegram] The next day the 8th was Sunday so we could not proceed with our clearance until the 9th (Mary's 22nd Birthday) which we did with all despatch and headed for home and leave on 10th. Just as a matter of interest the weather on the 8th, 9th and 10th was cloudy with rain and drizzle and no operations were scheduled for either day. I arrived at Aldbourne on October 10th and of course by now Mary is due to have her baby. 54 [page break] On the morning of October 12th she started in labour, we were driven to Savernake Hospital by a lady of the W.V.S. (Women's Volunteer Service) and at 6 pm Keith John arrived. All in all a masterpiece of timing. The crew went their several ways after we had finished our tour. The normal practice was to become an instructor at an O.T.U. or H.C.U. I went briefly to Wigtown, Scotland, accepted a commission, and managed to get a posting to Cardington, Bedford where I became O.C. Headquarters Unit and where Karol was born. Gillian, Janet and Rod were to come along later. Jack Saletto was commissioned and returned to his native Australia. Peter Graves, the policeman, transferred to the Provost Branch and went to Germany after the war was over as a member of the control commission. The others were demobbed at the end of the war. Hicky went home to pursue his career as a civil engineer. I heard later he had died in the 1960s of a heart attack. Stan King went home, married his sweetheart, had a family, worked in the printing industry and died on December 1st, 1982. Bert Jones went home to Yorkshire where he married and had a family. He became an Assistant Executive Engineer with the post office and died in retirement on December 16th, 1989. Casualties sustained by 626 Squadron and 12 Squadron from the operations in which our crew participated:- 626 lost 10 Lancasters with 43 crew members killed, 12 taken P.O.W. and 8 Interned (albeit briefly) in Sweden. 12 Squadron lost 11 Lancasters with 58 crew members killed and 19 taken P.O.W. And, of course, there were a number of occasions when aircraft arrived home with wounded crew on board, the one most vividly remembered was the injury to Bill Bursey on August 14th. Our aircraft was damaged by flak on 5 occasions and by one of our own once (the incendiary through the wing on August 29th) but we never came under attack by enemy fighters and our gunners never did have to fire their guns in our defence. At the conclusion of our operational tour F/L Hicks was awarded the D.F.C. and later I received the Belgian Croix de Guerre with Palme. I had spent my 21st Birthday in hospital, I had lost my first crew, I had crewed up again and completed a tour of operations, I had gone home afterwards and taken Mary to hospital where she had given birth to Keith on October 12th and on October 17th I celebrated my 22nd Birthday. All in all an eventful year. 55 [page break] ROYAUME DE BELGIQUE [crest] [italics] Le Ministredela Défense Nationale a l'honneur de faire savoir [/italics] au Flight Sergeant: Kenneth - John [underlined] B R I N D [//underlined], que, par Arrêté de S.A.R.,le Prince Régent, du 16.1.1947,No 3424, LA CROIX DE GUEERE 1940 AVEC PALME, lui a été décernée, "Pour le courage et la bravoure dont il a fait preuve dans les glorieuses batailles qui ont amené la libération de la Belgique." [signature] 56 [page break] The Wickenby Squadrons Twelve Squadron moved from Binbrook to Wickenby on September 25th, 1942. It was and still is a permanent R.A.F. squadron with battle honours dating from World War I to the Gulf War. Their first WWII operation from Wickenby was on September 26th 1942 when 6 Wellingtons laid mines in the Baltic Sea. One aircraft was lost. The Wellingtons were replaced by Lancasters in November 1942. On November 7th, 1943 No. 626 Squadron was formed from "C" Flight of 12 Squadron. Their first operation was on November 10th. The last operation of 12 and 626 Squadrons from Wickenby was against Berchtesgaden on April 25th 1945. Both squadrons played a prominent role in Bomber Command offensive, and suffered their proportion of the heavy losses, with 763 members of 12 Squadron and 317 members of 626 Squadron losing their lives on operations from Wickenby, a total of 1,080 Killed in Action. 57 [page break] Bomber Command Statistics Air Crew Casualties Of the 125,000 who trained and served in Bomber Command there were 73,841 Air Crew Casualties: 47,268 Killed in Action [underlined] 8,232 [/underlined] Killed in Accidents 55,500 Total Killed (44.4% of total) 9,938 Shot down and taken P.O.W. [underlined] 8,403 [/underlined] Wounded 18,341 (14.6% of total) [underlined] 73,841 [/underlined] Casualties (59% of total) 58 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Year in the Life Description An account of the resource Ken Brind's autobiography detailing his tour of operations. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource KJ Brind Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. France--Alençon Great Britain England--Aldeburgh Germany--Berlin United States Florida--Pensacola France--Reims England--Gravesend (Kent) England--Hastings France--Dieppe England--Brighton England--Reading France--Domléger-Longvillers France--Pas-de-Calais France--Calais France--Berck-sur-Mer England--London England--Dungeness France--Vierzon France--Le Havre France--Orléans France--Dijon England--Bridport England--Weymouth (Dorset) France--Rennes Great Britain Miscellaneous Island Dependencies--Channel Islands Europe--Mont Blanc France--Tours France--Normandy France--Caen Belgium--Kortrijk Belgium--Brussels Belgium--Ostend Germany--Dortmund Germany--Kiel England--Mablethorpe Germany--Stuttgart Germany--Frankfurt am Main Germany--Rüsselsheim Germany--Mannheim Germany--Karlsruhe Germany--Nuremberg Germany--Munich England--Selsey (West Sussex) France--Falaise England--Old Sarum (Extinct city) Poland--Szczecin Atlantic Ocean--Kattegat (Baltic Sea) Denmark--Copenhagen Sweden Sweden--Malmö Sweden--Falun England--Beachy Head Germany--Rheine Netherlands--Arnhem Netherlands--Hague Netherlands--Vlissingen Norway--Bergen Belgium--Antwerp Netherlands--Walcheren Germany--Saarbrücken Germany--Emmerich Netherlands--Nijmegen England--Cromer Germany--Berchtesgaden England--Marlborough Florida Poland France Germany Denmark Belgium Netherlands Norway Europe--Frisian Islands England--Berkshire England--Dorset England--Kent England--Lincolnshire England--Norfolk England--Suffolk England--Sussex England--Wiltshire France--Ferme du Forestal France--Ligescourt Germany--Rheine France--Les Hayons Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Civilian Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 62 printed sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BBrindKJBrindKJv1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Sue Smith Maureen Clarke 12 Squadron 1656 HCU 18 OTU 460 Squadron 625 Squadron 626 Squadron Advanced Flying Unit air gunner aircrew anti-aircraft fire B-17 B-24 bomb aimer bombing bombing of the Pas de Calais V-1 sites (24/25 June 1944) Distinguished Flying Cross entertainment evading FIDO Gee H2S Halifax Heavy Conversion Unit incendiary device Ju 88 killed in action lack of moral fibre Lancaster Lancaster Finishing School Me 110 mine laying Mosquito navigator Nissen hut Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) Oboe Operational Training Unit P-51 Pathfinders Photographic Reconnaissance Unit pilot prisoner of war RAF Binbrook RAF Blyton RAF Boscombe Down RAF Cardington RAF Dumfries RAF Dunholme Lodge RAF Finningley RAF Hemswell RAF hospital Rauceby RAF Kelstern RAF Lindholme RAF Manby RAF Manston RAF Methwold RAF Wickenby RAF Wigtown RAF Woodbridge searchlight Spitfire tactical support for Normandy troops target indicator training V-1 V-2 V-weapon Wellington Window wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1858/33473/BDavyHDavyHv1.pdf c0d8b39f8730f4a4159c30d53ea11917 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Davy, H Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-06-01 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Davy, H Description An account of the resource 18 items. The collection concerns H Davy (1852721 Royal Air Force) and contains his log book, memoir and photographs. He flew operations as an air gunner with 626 Squadron. The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Nancy Davy and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document General memories I volunteered for Aircrew aged 18 and after examinations and Medical reported for duty in March 1943. RAF Number 1852721 (only the last three numbers were used) Ops as detailed but not counted as part of tour 3 Number of ops 31 Therefore apart from training total number of ops was 34 I trained for 12 to 15 months in different places. As civilians we reported to Air Crew Reception Centre, at Lord's Cricket Ground in "The Long Room" London for three weeks. (6.98.A) We ate in the Zoo restaurant. Then to Initial Training Wing (ITW) Bridlington, Morpeth for Gunnery school where I was the course leader. Final exams had 98% Loved what I was doing. A Martinet towed a drogue for the rest of us to practise our gunnery skills above the North Sea. Wymeswold for "crewing-up", then Castle Donington to start training as a crew (Operational Training Unit); Lindholme Heavy conversion unit (HCU) to train on 4 engine bombers (Halifaxes); Hemswell Lancaster finishing school where we converted to Lancasters before going on to the Squadron in May 1944. At ACRC I remember John Newbegin from Alnwick. I was in the bunk above him. He asked my name, I replied "Spike" and thereafter he called me Spike. At the medical line up I was called in early. The MO said "Mr. Davy meet Mrs Davy". She was Thelma the wife of my cousin from Calstock. We had never met but she recognised my name on the list. A lot of men were killed during training. At Bridlington I got Scarlet Fever & confined to isolation hospital for six weeks. Plus two weeks recuperation leave which put me eight weeks behind those I joined up with. When I went to Uxbridge for final Demob two others from that original intake said to me "We thought you were dead" They had accounted for only nine out of the sixty still alive. So perhaps scarlet fever saved my life. To Wymeswold for 3 weeks Operation Training Unit (OTU). At Wymeswold 200 or 300 crew were put into a hut and told to make up crews. Before this we were marching from place to place (perhaps to a lecture) and I was next to Sam Collens and we talked about our training experiences. I had passed out as 2nd out of 60 as a gunner. Sam said to me Harry Merry will join me as Flight Engineer, will you join us and I said yes can I be Rear Gunner and he replied yes you are my first crew member. After that the whole 626 aircrew intake was taken to a hut and instructed to form crews. All the men mingled and talked and somehow Sam collected his crew together. Tommy Birch BA, Joe Slack MUG, Ron Rainbird WO. Harry Merry would not join us until we had completed our initial training on twin-engined Wellingtons, the reason being that only 4 engine bombers carries a Flight Engineer. Harry joined us at Lindholme, a heavy conversion unit for 4 engine Halifaxes. Sam had met a Navigator Ted Davies, a pharmacist from Northhampton [sic]. A Welshman, short stature, handlebar moustache, super chap. I gelled with him from the beginning & were great pals. His wife was running the business during his absence. [page break] After Wymeswold half the contingent stayed there & half including us went to Castle Donnington for OTU. We used ex-operational, clapped out Wellingtons for 6 weeks training. Very happy there. The Sword of Damacles hung over us as the culmination of this course was a series of decoy flights across the North Sea to draw German fighters away from the main Bomber stream. Also to carry out leaflet raids over Europe, in our case Paris. (called ops as detailed but not counted as operational). Bear in mind the Wellington had two engines & if one failed the plane could not get back on one engine. This meant they either crashed or ditched in the sea. Some crashed on take-off, one into the woods at the end of the run-way & all crew lost. From Castle Donnington to Lindholme near Doncaster for Heavy Conversion Unit (HCU) & onto 4 engine heavy Halifaxes. Here Harry Merry joined us. A few weeks doing practice flights. From there to Lancaster finishing school at Hemswell nr Gainsborough, Lincolnshire for final training in Lancs. End of training. Then posted to Operational Squadron, One Group Bomber Command, 626 Squadron at Wickenby near Lincoln. Throughout the time of training as a crew we were warned on numerous occasions that if we withdrew from training no action would be taken, but if we withdrew after completion of training we would be reduced to ranks, loose [sic] our wings, & all documents would have Lack of Moral Fibre written across them. (Cowardice in the face of the enemy). We would then be sent to a correction establishment at Sheffield before being posted into the Army. At OTU the final chance was given. On this occasion the Navigator Ted Davies left the crew as his wife was bordering on a nervous breakdown due to his flying career. He wanted to go on but withdrew. Immediately navigator Jack Leuty joined us. He was an "odd bod" waiting to join a crew. He had spent time training navigators in Canada and his experiences meant he had flown cross country from brightly lit city to city whereas in Britain we had had blackouts for four years. Most of our operations were at night in the dark. When we were on the Squadron Joe Slack left us and was replaced by an Irishman Paddy Fulton. At the end of our own tour of 30 ops (31 actually) we went on 6 months rest from operational duty. Paddy had not completed 30 ops so was posted to another crew. He begged to stay with us, even cried, but was not allowed to. He was killed on his next op with the new crew. At Wickenby Pilot – Pilot Officer B.A. (Sam) Collens Flight Engineer – Sergeant Harry Merry Navigator – Flight Lieutenant Jack Leuty Mid Upper Gunner – Sergeant John (Paddy) Fulton Bomb Aimer – Sergeant Tommy Birch Wireless Operator – Sergeant Ron (Ronald Thomas) Rainbird Rear Gunner – Sergeant Herbert Davy (then k/a Bert now k/a Herb or Herbie) Crews became closer than brothers. Age 19 I was the youngest of our crew. We spent leisure time together, drank together, spent leave together (Sam & Tommy came to Saltash). Relied on each other in the aircraft. We knew we might die together. [page break] Accommodation was it [sic] huts. Officers had separate accommodation so Sam slept apart from us. We would wake some mornings and find 6 (or 7) empty beds in our hut. It was a fact of life that promotion was rapid because of the high rate of casualties and turnover of Aircrew. Take off --- us from Wickenby Up to 1 hour to climb to 10,000ft 500 planes all circling Congregate over Mablethorpe, Lincs 9p.m. all navigation lights out All to go in one direction across North Sea Sometimes collisions in the dark Could get caught up in the slipstream of the aircraft ahead and crash Over the targets bombs dropping all around from other planes, from above. Look up and see gaping open bomb doors in plane above One fell between our wing and tail Interrogation after each operation. (Now called de-briefing) Model -- Lanc III manufactured in Canada Didn't use the same plane each time because we had 7 days leave every 6 weeks and they were used by other crews. The one we used last may have been shot down. I remember three in particular: Sugar 2 S2 Victor 2 V2 Roger 2 R2 Also known as Bennets Beavers Each Squadron had letters 12 was PH 626 was UM Each plane in each squadron had a letter – 12 just the letter, 626 the letter plus 2 Station code name/call sign was GRATEFUL e.g. our plane would be UM O R2 Also V2 H2 Y2 U2 T2 Z2 L2 When R2 (known as Bennetts Beavers after a previous pilot) became available Sam asked to use it because he knew it was a faster aircraft than others. We now know PA990 R2 Bennetts Beavers was a "ton-up" Lanc. One of few that went out on and survived 100 operations or more. (105; some didn't even come back from one). Roger 2 was the plane we used when we flew down across Kit Hill and Liskeard (where I could see our milkman delivering), the Lizard, 300 miles out into the Atlantic by daylight & under 1000ft to keep below the German RADAR & into Pauillac (near Bordeaux) to bomb [page break] the oil tank farm. (I now know I flew across Coombe Park, a farm where Luke held Nancy (age 5) in his arms to see the planes passing overhead, August 4th 1944). We used R2 for Westkapelle. Westkapelle was our last op. In 2005 I read that our Navigator was F/O L. Andrews. I have no recollection whatsoever of this substitute or why Jack Leuty wasn't with us. I remember the day well and it is recorded for the Polderhuis Museum at Westkapelle. Again in 2005 I was asked if the crew ever swapped places. Some records showed that crews did, or flew with substitutes, but then records may not be correct. They were sometimes based on the planes that crews usually flew, not the ones they actually did fly. The only time we did swap was when we returned from one op with a bomb still on board. We could not land (for fear of blowing up on the runway) so had to dispose of the bomb in the North Sea as was usual practice. Sam asked Tommy if he would like to pilot the plane, (he certainly would and did) and I went to bomb aimer's position and directed the bomb down to a wave I had my eye on. I cannot remember who covered my position. Corkscrewing to avoid German air attack. The responsibility of the Rear Gunner was the protection of the plane and crew. He was required to give 100% concentration on continually scanning the sky – especially the dark side – to give adequate warning and instruction to the Pilot on what evasive action to take. Highly trained in aircraft recognition. Majority of enemy fighter attacks were from dark side of the sky so that we were silhouetted against the light. The RG had to concentrate his search on the dark side when the tendency would be to look to the light. (Instructions said never look at lights) e.g. if the attack came from port side the RG would instruct Pilot to corkscrew port – first a 1000ft dive to port followed by 1000ft climb to starboard, then 1000ft dive to starboard followed by 1000ft climb to port which would bring the plane back to it's normal flight path. This procedure was repeated until the fighter abandoned his chase or either of us was shot down. (We now know that some German pilots gave up when they saw that we were alert and ready, and went in search of an easier target.) During a corkscrew anything loose and moveable inside the plane would speedily fly round and cause damage. Especially stomach contents!! We used T2 for Frankfurt when we were badly shot up. We went via Mannheim in error (Don't know the reason why – navigational, wind, what? I do not know why we should be separated from the others by 50 miles or so.) Approaching what we thought was the target Frankfurt, B/A Tommy offered to help Navigator Jack by describing the ground scene. It was clear moonlight and he described the railway lines and river. "We're following the rail line now the river now the river divides" It obviously differed from the map because Jack said "Did you say the river divides? Christ we're over Mannheim!" That's when the blue searchlight came up. We were coned in searchlights, Sam called up "what shall I do Bert?" I replied "dive to port at top speed & get the hell out of here". I remember seeing the wings flapping. Speed was registered 400mph. by Harry Merry. (normal operating speed was between 180 – 210mph) dropped 18,000ft to 14,000ft. We were badly attacked by anti-aircraft guns, anything they could throw at us. After recovery, Sam said "navigator give me a course for Frankfurt". I can remember my thoughts-they are unprintable. I thought we'd had it. We were way after the main attack so we were a lone aircraft, vulnerable again but apparently not noticed/recognised by ground defences. Perhaps because we approached from the South instead of North. The target marker was still visible so dropped the bombs & [page break] returned for home. Sam said "course for Woodbridge" The port side engine had to be feathered because the fuel tank had been punctured. I saw what I thought was smoke and reported one engine on fire, but it was fuel. Wireless operator went back through plane & felt what he thought was blood on mid-upper gunner. "He's had it" Minutes later crackle on line & MUG said "what's the matter with you lot. I can't get any reply". He was covered in hydraulic fluid. Tommy reported bomb bay doors would not close. At some stage I know I opened my door to get back into the plane and to my parachute if were possible. We had to land at Woodbridge an emergency airfield in Suffolk with a 5000yd runway, on three engines & bomb doors open. No radio & not knowing if undercarriage was down. The next day when we inspected the plane and talked this is what we found: Each member of the crew had evidence of his position being damaged by missiles. I had a hold 2 inches in diameter where the doors joined (centre of backrest) behind my seat and in the gunmounting in front of me. The pilot and flight engineer sat side by side on the flight deck. There were holes in the Perspex either side of the flight deck where their heads would normally be. Tommy lying on his stomach in the bombing position had shrapnel in his harness over his heart. There were holes at all crew positions. Did we all lean sideways to look at something at the same time? There was a hole in the bomb door and a dent in the top of the bomb bay obviously caused before the bomb was dropped. Why didn't the 4000lb bomb explode inside the plane? The thoughts that went through my mind when we were over Mannheim: If I get out of the plane where would I land? On buildings, trees, water, forest? On our second trip to Stettin Did all the crew fall asleep returning over the North Sea? It was a crime. Crossed North Sea, crossed Denmark, across Sweden over Malmo, across the Baltic then to Stettin. Returned the same route. After crossing Danish coast into the North Sea I heard Bomb Aimer say to Navigator "We are just crossing the Danish coast" The Navigator replied "our ETA on English coast one hour" The next thing I can remember is hearing the Bomb Aimer's voice "hello Navigator, just crossing the English coast". Two or three nights later we were in the Adam & Eve (pub) Wragby. It was my turn to buy the drinks. Harry Merry helped me. He said "You were asleep in your turret, I saw you when I went to the Elsan". He passed the Wireless operator who was asleep at his table, no reaction from Mid Upper Gunner, climbed over Elsan slid down to rear turret looked through window & saw me slouched over guns. Retraced his steps shone torch down into Bomb Aimer & saw Tommy asleep. Thought to himself I will keep watch. Pilot asleep in his seat & next thing Harry knew was when Tommy said "just cross English coast". Meaning that at one point the whole crew had been asleep. Reasoning --- on this long trip we were issued with two wakey-wakey pills to be taken at regular intervals (4 hourly periods). Perhaps we took them too early & when the effect wore off they left you feeling very drowsy. The lights of Malmo – memorable after the darkness of Britain. Premonitions One day the rear turret was leaking oil. I told Pilot we could not or should not fly. He agreed. Terrible losses that night. The next day the leak had cleared up. Afterwards other crew asked did I have a premonition. Yes. They all did too. Harry Merry said "Why didn't you want to fly in that raid?" I replied "Because if we had we would not be here now". He said he agreed & that other crew had felt the same without mentioning names. [page break] Over Stettin, over target, a voice from the cockpit said "crumbs, there's a bloody fighter coming straight for us!" They envisaged a head-on collision. I saw it as it passed over and above us. I was sure it was an Me262 the first true jet fighter. Over 50 years later I met Dave Wellard, another Rear Gunner from 626 Squadron who lived in Saltash and he told me the same story. (We had never met before.) His plane was on the same mission. Were we side by side? Was there only the one fighter or two? He also recognised it as an Me262. After we finished flying Sam was posted to RAF Whitchurch, Bristol. Harry Merry came down from Weeton, Lancs where he was stationed. I came from Avonmouth where I was stationed & met at pub at Whitchurch. When I walked in the door Harry shook my hand and said "Here's old Cat's Eyes. If it hadn't been for you, you bugger, we wouldn't be here now". He always called me Cat's Eyes. Jack Leuty always asking for a fag, but when someone asked him for one he said "I'll sell you ten" I can remember being absolutely disgusted with his attitude. He was the only crew member who kept aloof from any of the others. Mrs Lane a customer said to me when she heard I was joining the RAF "you might meet my son Pat" We didn't know each other. One day in the dispersal someone was using my cleaning rods without asking permission. I said to him "Next time ask". He had a Cornish accent. Told me he was from Saltash so I said to him "I suppose you are Pat Lane" He nearly fell over in surprise. "how the hell do you know that?" Clothes: Aircrew: I think only the gunners were issued with mustard-yellow coloured buoyancy suits but they proved to be far too bulky especially for Rear gunners because although it was possible to squeeze into the turret with them on it was virtually impossible to escape quickly. I never saw anyone wear one on operations!!! Consider temperature in the rear turret could be as low as -40° C. The main fuselage of the Lanc had hot air ducted from the engines hence the rest of the crew did not need to dress like rear gunners. Also rear gunners removed the Perspex window to get better vision. See photo of HD standing beside turret. Order of dressing: 1. Long johns – made of wool plated with silk. 2 pieces long sleeved vest and full length pants. 2. RAF issue socks 3. Shirt and tie 4. RAF uniform trousers 5. "SUB" socks. Socks from toe to crotch Naval issue, thick knit (Submarine) 6. "SUB" sweater as above. Full length sleeves and hip length. 7. Thin cotton type electrically heated suit 8. Battle dress top 9. Electrically heated slippers 10. Fur lined leather boots (Escape variety, cut the tops off with the knife in an inside little pocket and they looked like shoes) 11. Silk gloves 12. Woollen mittens and small woollen scarf 13. Padded heated gauntlets [page break] 14. Leather gauntlets with zips and elasticated top 15. MAE West floatation waistcoat filled with kapok 16. Parachute harness 17. Leather helmet with oxygen mask, microphone and earphones We would take half an hour to dress, especially in summer. It was important not to get sweaty because it would freeze when we were airborne in cold temperatures. It was impossible to use bodily functions in the rear turret. Sometimes for up to 10 or 11 hours. I drank little during the day before an op. The other crew could use the Elsan toilet situated in the aircraft behind the rear turret. I was only once airsick. I used one of my gauntlets and then threw it out the window. The gauntlet was replaced. My parachute had to be stored in the aircraft behind the rear turret. If I needed it in a hurry it would have been impossible to get at it. Personal Survival kit: (for all Bomber Crews) called Escape Kit. Waterproof flat pouch approx 6x5 inches containing maps of European countries printed on silk each about 7 inches square, together with currency of European countries for use as necessary if shot down, could be used either to "pay" helpers or bribe people. Celluloid flat box approx 5x4 inches containing 1 razor, 1 blade, 1 tube condensed milk, Horlicks tablets, aspirins, adhesive plasters, amongst other things now forgotten. Compasses: small compasses were hidden on the uniform. E.g. a uniform button which unscrewed with a left-hand thread (to fox the Germans). A navigator's pencil which when broken in half revealed a bar compass on a piece of thread. Another small compass was sewn behind the brevet (flying wing badge). Two metal trouser fly buttons when balanced one on top of the other had a white spot which indicated North We were told that some crews who miraculously escaped their plane complained that the tube of shaving soap was useless. Of course it was an unlabelled tube of condensed milk. Flying Rations for each operation consisited [sic] of 1 x two ounce bar of Fry's chocolate cream, 1 x two ounce bar of milk chocolate, one packet of chewing gum, and 1 x 4 fluid ounce can of orange juice. One Benzadrine (wakey-wakey pill) which once taken kept you awake for four hours. To open my small tin of orange juice in the turret I pierced it with a bullet held sharp end down which I hit with my other hand. Pair of fleece lined shoes attached to gaiters. One gaiter had a small knife concealed inside. On crash landing gaiters were to be cut off so that shoes would look like normal ones. The Rear Gunner in his turret was not inside the plane but on a "platform" at the rear. To clamber into the turret was a time consuming and awkward business. The Elsam toilet at the rear of the fuselage had a hinged lid secured by an elastic rope. This was the RG's step onto a plywood shute. Partway down the shute was a hinged door secured by another elastic rope which closed automatically after passing through. Once through that door you placed your parachute pack in stowage on the port side of the aircraft, on hooks and again secured by elastic rope. Then still sliding, through two small sliding doors which were closed behind you after entry, forming a backrest. The gunner sat on a small lightly upholstered shelf-like seat for the duration of the operation with no room to move around. One door had a small porthole window. Plug in intercom & oxygen mask and check guns, sights etc. Equipped with 4x [page break] .303 Browning machine guns. The windows were Perspex which after cleaning became scratched, difficult to see through and susceptible to glare from searchlights & suchlike. Most RG's cut a panel 3ft high x 1ft wide out of the main window between the guns. The temperature could be up to -40°C. If the engines failed there was no power to the rear turret so I could do nothing. If I needed to escape from my turret, or had the opportunity to bale out, I had to open the small doors behind me (my backrest), & manoeuvre back up the shute to pick up my parachute, then through the first door back into the fuselage proper. In theory in an emergency it should have been possible to turn the turret around and fall backwards out of the "backrest" doors. If the engines failed, no power so I could do nothing other than laboriously hand-crank the turret using two handles, one in each hand and each turning opposite to the other. I was facing backwards in my turret so had to remember when giving observations and instructions to the other crew that "port was starboard". I used to regularly mentally practice how I would get out if I had the opportunity. I never wore my cumbersome buoyancy suit. I removed my Perspex window for better vision and I decided I would rather die of cold than being shot down in flames. On the trip which took us to Mannheim in error I can remember I opened my "backrest" doors ready for evacuation if that were to be possible. Rear Gunners were usually the first target for German fighter planes, and they were often the worst casualties of other attacks or crash landings. A Lanc could land at home base minus the R.G. There were stories of turrets being hosed out. I am sometimes asked if I was afraid. Of course most of us were scared before take-off, but once airborne training took over and we all did our jobs. Anyone who professed to no fear often took stupid chances and made mistakes. Over the targets and when under attack we just had to get on with it, took evasive action when possible and hoped to survive. Once the bombs had gone there was a sense of relief but also easy to drop your guard. After leaving the target many planes were shot down by the following German fighters. I always said a prayer before take-off and heaved a sigh of relief and thanks each time my turret touched down at Wickenby. I know that our crew was among the lucky ones. Many Aircrew carried a lucky charm or item on every op. and most carried out small rituals before take-off. When I was training my sister Peggy gave me a Cornish Piskie (Joan the Wad) bronze lapel brooch which I wore on my battle dress jacket all the time. Sam carried a whole cashew nut. The others did not say if they carried such things. Before briefing we usually had a shrewd idea of the sort of destination. The ground crew could tell from the fuel load and bomb load whether it was to be a long trip or short one thus guessing it would be Germany or Occupied Territories. Briefing. Pubs: When at Bridlington the "Dun'cow" near Newcastle. When at Castle Donnington the "Turk's Head". (with Sam & crew) When at Lindholme the pub at Hatfield Woodhouse. (with Sam & crew) When at Wickenby the "Adam & Eve" at Wragby (with Sam & crew) because the pub at [page break] Wickenby was a long way from our billets and a long way to walk. Mainly No. 12 Squadron used it. Once or twice when in London on leave Sam, Harry & I, went to the "Queens" in Leicester Square til closing time 2p.m. Then to the Hong Kong Chinese Restaurant Shaftsbury Avenue. Then back to the "Queens" at 6p.m. Nearly all Aircrew there. If we weren't on the battle order for that night we would all go down to the pub. The exception was Jack Leuty Navigator who seemed to keep himself to himself off duty. We made the most of each day because none of us knew if we would return from our operations. We did not go to the pub when we were on battle order. I can remember one incident. Montgomery was held up at Caen the most heavily defended city in Normandy. He asked Bomber Command to destroy the German front lines so that 2nd Army could advance towards Germany. We had to bomb in daylight because the Allied Force was only 1200yds from the bombing area. Unfortunately the weather was bad so we were told to stand by in camp until it cleared. After three days there was no let up in the weather so most crews went down to the "Adam & Eve" for a few beers. At around 9p.m. the Wing Commander walked in. He very quietly said "I think you chaps should be back in bed, not down here". We knew what that meant so we all duly returned to billets. We were woken at about 2a.m. to prepare for ops. (breakfast, dress, briefing etc) The briefing was to bomb the target short of the Allied lines. We were told the Americans had bombed the previous day and hit the Allied lines. En route I wanted to vomit probably because of the beer the previous night – the only time I ever felt sick. That's when I was sick in my gauntlet & tossed it out through the clear vision panel. As we approached the target area we saw "box barrage" of flak put up by the Germans. We were flying at approx. 12000ft, and the barrage was approx 1000ft above and below us. Like a curtain or a lethal Commando boarding net hanging in the sky. We had to fly straight through it. I personally witnessed seven Lancs go down. I have since met members of the Expediency Force who were on the ground who told me in words to the effect "your bombing was wonderful-not like those Americans yesterday. Not one of your bombs landed on our lines". Coming home after one operation with landing lights on we were attacked by USA planes. Sam to W/O "send up colour of the day" Did they mistake us for Doodlebugs which had a red tail? After the tour of operations all Aircrew were given a six months rest job before going back to another tour of flying operations. I was posted to report to an Aircrew Allocation Centre on a small disused airfield called Bracla near Nairn in North of Scotland. (Moray Firth). October. It seemed the coldest place on earth. The others were sent to different places. Don't know why and don't know why I was sent to Bracla. We were interviewed for three weeks for a choice of "Rest Jobs". Harry Merry was at Weeton, Lancashire. Can't remember where Sam and the others went. Tommy did Instructing. Given three choices: 1. Embarkation Assistant, Movement Control, Ships in Ports in ports anywhere in the UK being responsible for meeting personnel and families on leave from abroad and checking RAF cargoes mostly from America and Canada (supplies for Armed Forces). 2. Transport. 3. To be an Instructor of Aircrews. At the end of the three weeks we were allowed to choose. I was allowed my first choice [page break] Embarkation Control because I was interested in ships. Also someone had told me it was a nice job. Posted to a Service Camp at Kirkham near Preston, Lancashire for three weeks training for my new job. Discovered that Harry Merry was only twelve miles away but unable to meet because of the vagaries of transport in those days. Then to Port of Bristol Authority – Avonmouth Docks where I was billeted with a civilian family the Bentleys. (Their son later played soccer for England team). Many happy weeks in that area. Among my duties there I was involved with unloading a ship carrying 128 wives and families returning from the West Indies on a banana boat which brought the first consignment of Fyffes bananas to England since 1939. Wonderful to taste this delicacy after so many years (1945). Had a good time in the docks boarding ships and receiving hospitality. Whilst I was there V.E. Day was celebrated with street parties. During my time there met up with Sam & Harry in a pub. After that I was posted to Newhaven, Sussex, checking RAF personnel coming ashore on the cross-channel ferries from France. Again billeted with a civilian family Mrs. Bishop. Another happy time. At Newhaven I was expecting to be recalled to flying duties to Burma when V.J. Day was announced. Shortly afterwards my father without my knowledge managed to obtain a compassionate discharge for me to return to the family butchery business in Saltash. I was furious. Later I understood that all ranks except officers were demoted and sent to other jobs. Many of course continued flying. Afterwards. At the completion of flying operations crews would part with a handshake and promise to keep in touch. Of course many did, some went on to illustrious careers and many have kept up contact with various Squadron and Aircrew Associations but strange as it may seem now a large number lost contact. Some were traumatised, some just wanted to forget. Some wanted nothing more to do with Service life. We all got on with our lives and some like me suffered no post-war trauma but never forgot those years. It was my impression that Jack Leuty and Ron Rainbird did not want to continue the bond we had made. Sam, Harry & I met up a couple of times. Sam married Brenda and came to Cornwall for their honeymoon.at [sic] Looe. They & Harry returned to the West Indies. I married Nancy in 1959 and she will tell you that it doesn't take much to trigger a story or on meeting a stranger soon find I was stationed in their part of the country. In 1959 Sam, Brenda and their four young boys came to Plymouth on a liner, stayed in a bed and breakfast in Saltash for a couple of nights and spent time with us. Then we lost touch again. One day (date not known) Tommy and Jenny came to Saltash from Leigh-on-Sea and looked me up in the shop. I was another of our depots, and left instructions not to forward telephone calls. However, Nancy phoned and said "a call for you". Tommy's voice came over the line "Bomb Aimer to Rear Gunner". The start of a renewed and lifelong friendship. Nancy remarked how eerie it was to hear the same stories and memories from a complete stranger. I knew a Merchant Navy Captain who was going to Trinidad and asked him to find Harry Merry for me. He came back with an address. As a surprise for our 25th Wedding Anniversary Nancy wrote to Harry and asked him to telephone on a certain day, certain time, and if he knew where Sam was to ask him to phone too. Sam & Brenda by now living in Canada. Tommy & Jenny stayed with us for the anniversary (a party for family and friends) and lo and behold at the designated hour the phone rang & it was Harry, then Sam. What a reunion [page break] down the line. Sam & Brenda came to stay with us on a visit to England and we had a most wonderful time. Harry died before Nancy could meet him. After Sam's untimely death Brenda came again and we to Missasauga. Tommy died having a heart attack whilst driving, but we keep up with Jenny. On leave Sam came to Saltash once or twice with me. Tommy came twice. On one occasion we put my motor bike on the train at Wickenby to London, somehow got across London then by train to Bristol. We had come straight from an op with no sleep so were very tired. I said I know a place in Weston Super Mare that might be able to put us up so we rode there. It was a sort of hotel/retirement home (so-called in those days for retired gentle folk) where my father used to stay on his Ministerial visits. Mr. Cottle the owner recognised me and said of course he could find us beds. After a good breakfast the next morning he would not let us pay anything. The dear old ladies there were very excited to see us. We then took the train to Plymouth. Got fed up with the slow start/stop journey so got off at a place called Bittaford near Plymouth and rode the bike the rest of the way and across the river to Saltash on the vehicle ferry. Because there were railings and a swing gate at Bittaford we had to manoeuvre the bike over them to the road. I had not told my parents that I had started flying on ops, and on one visit Tommy said "Isn't it time you told them?" We were at the "Notter Bridge" pub at the time. Father was very proud and after that when I was on leave in the shop he would say "This is my son who is . . . . . . . . . . ." Now. A note from Nancy 2005 Herb is now 81 years old, (going on 65) still energetic with a vivid and accurate memory and I have been recording it all on the computer. Still adding to it. What started off as little memory joggers has grown into a full story. These are not the ramblings of an old man!!!!! All his life he has remembered his experiences of those RAF days as vividly as though they were yesterday. His interest in planes and ships and that training has stayed with him and his observations are as acute as ever. Over the years he has often been asked to give talks and his Rear Gunner reminiscences are always popular. Especially one entitled "When Port Was Starboard". He has only recently told me he still repeats his little mental flying rituals whenever he takes to the air --- on holiday or any flight. Amongst his photographs and memorabilia is his lucky Piskie charm. [page break] In 2009 during an interview he was asked what he thought about when on operations --- mother & sister perhaps? He replied once airborne all his thoughts were directed to being alert and scanning the sky and doing his job. But afterwards he told me that yes, he and Tommy had thought of their mothers and how devasted they would have been if anything had happened to them. Heard that crews were very happy when they saw Lincoln Cathedral in sight on approaching base. How did I feel? "Well I never saw it because I was in the rear facing backwards." Very relieved when the rear wheel touched down. Between 1st day or [sic] war September 1939 and May 1945 Of every 100 Aircrew Killed 51 51% Crashes in England 9 ) Seriously injured 3 ) Prisoners of war 12 ) 25% Evaded capture 1 ) Survived unharmed 24 24% Of that 24% none were actually unscathed. All have stories of near-misses, lucky escapes etc. etc. [page break] 55,000 Bomber Command aircrew lost their lives out of a total of 110,000. Rate of loss never before borne by a Military Force of comparable size in the history of the world. Entitled to Defence Medal (ARP Messenger 1940-1941), & Part-time National Fire Service. 1942-1943 (No. Had to be in for 3 years) 39/45 Star France and Germany Medal Victory Medal (War Medal) Apparently not eligible for Aircrew Europe Medal because I did not fly on operations prior to D-Day (6th June 1944), but I was on Squadron 5th June 1944 and detailed to act as Rear gunner because of illness of another crew member. Unfortunately he heard there was something momentous going to happen that night and pronounced himself fit so I did not fly. But in Feb & March our crew had flown 3 "operations as detailed" over Europe which didn't count. (See logbook) Harris asked Churchill for a Bomber Command Campaign Medal, but Churchill refused. Montgomery & Tedder etc were all given Earldoms. They only made Harris a Knight. A lot of Bomber Command Aircrew took it as a personal insult but apparently it was his wish that he be given no higher award unless his Bomber crews were given recognition. I was not alone by any means in refusing to apply for my campaign medals. They knew where we were when they needed us, but if we wanted our medals we had to apply for them. We supported Harris. After the War Churchill omitted to include and thank Bomber Command for their involvement. [page break] July 18th 2012 We went to London to see the new Bomber Command Memorial. 2013 Bomber Command "veterans" were awarded a "clasp". He was not going to apply for it. During and after the War new regulations. Medals were presented to serving crew but if they had already left the service they had to apply for them. Was that in 1948 or before? We now know they had to ask for a buff postcard at the Post Office in order to apply. July 2013 Applied for all medals Applied for Membership of Bomber Command August 2013 Nancy trying to find proof he was in the Fire Service Memories of being in the National Fire Service, Saltash 1942 (previously Auxiliary Fire Service) Must have had a number. Cannot remember having a photo taken. Had to give up uniform (overalls) but kept the axe. Is it in this house somewhere? David Coles, George Rees, Douglas Vosper, Colin Squires father. The London Fire Brigade were given a rest from the London Blitz by being sent to the country i.e. Saltash. One called himself Flicker because his name was really Fricker. One was an architect from Maida Vale. From David Coles -- Two were husband & wife, there is a photo at Heritage. Sidney and Hilda Basset. There appear to be no records or photos of NFS 1942, presumably because none were taken or had been destroyed during destruction. 2nd Sept 2013 Andrew found the axe in the roof along with some flying "souvenirs". Axe No. 553 758 (or it could be 555 758). [page break] Leggings part of rear runner flying boots with inner little pocket (no knife). Floating tablet for dying the water yellow/orange to be trailed from a dinghy in the event of being shot down over the sea. Floating torch from the Mae-West. Compound and cloth from service respirator to clear and coat lenses of goggles and respirators. December 2013. Great niece Stephanie Pender asked for details as she is determined to get the Medals. She is in the British Army. Medals received Feb 2014 War Medal 1939-1945 1939-1945 Star with Bomber Command Clasp France and Germany Star 2014 French awarded Legion d'Honneur to all surviving veterans who helped liberate France 1944/45. 2015 Nancy applied. September 2016 Legion d'Honneur arrived Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource General Memories Description An account of the resource Herbert's service life in an autobiography. It includes training in London, RAF Bridlington, RAF Morpeth and RAF Wymeswold. Later training as a crew was at RAF Castle Donington, RAF Lindholme and RAF Hemswell and provides detailed descriptions of his crew, aircraft and operations. After the war he returned to his job in Cornwall and made contact with some of his old crew. His wife concludes his story, writing in 2005. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Herbert Davy Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 15 typewritten sheets Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BDavyHDavyHv1 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--London England--Alnwick England--Sheffield England--Mablethorpe England--Liskeard England--The Lizard France--Bordeaux (Nouvelle-Aquitaine) Netherlands--Walcheren Germany--Frankfurt am Main Germany--Mannheim Poland--Szczecin Sweden--Malmö England--Wragby (Lincolnshire) England--Saltash France--Caen England--Lincoln England--Newhaven England--Leigh-on-Sea England--Bristol Canada Ontario Poland Trinidad and Tobago--Trinidad France Germany Netherlands Sweden Trinidad and Tobago England--Essex England--Gloucestershire England--Lancashire England--Lincolnshire England--Northumberland England--Yorkshire France--Pauillac (Gironde) England--Preston (Lancashire) England--Bristol West Indies Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944 1945 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Sue Smith Maureen Clarke 12 Squadron 626 Squadron air gunner aircrew anti-aircraft fire bomb aimer Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) crewing up escaping flight engineer Halifax Harris, Arthur Travers (1892-1984) Heavy Conversion Unit Initial Training Wing lack of moral fibre Lancaster Lancaster Finishing School Martinet Me 262 military ethos navigator Operational Training Unit pilot RAF Brackla RAF Bridlington RAF Castle Donington RAF Hemswell RAF Kirkham RAF Lindholme RAF Morpeth RAF Tilstock RAF Wickenby RAF Woodbridge RAF Wymeswold searchlight superstition target indicator training V-1 V-weapon Wellington wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2047/33328/ABiltonGHA960623-0001.pdf 68edbe099b5e26f2922404b2fb056c11 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2047/33328/ABiltonGHA960623.mp3 3f3f5cac621761fcd3088cee74a5d0fd Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bilton, George Henry Albert G H A Bilton Description An account of the resource Nineteen items. The collection concerns George Henry Albert Bilton (b. 1923, 175723 Royal Air Force) and contains an oral history interview, his log book, correspondence and photographs. He flew operations as a flight engineer with 428 and 434 Squadron. The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Anthony Bilton and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018-09-14 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Bilton, GHA Transcribed audio recording A resource consisting primarily of recorded human voice. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document [Music] I: Were you born in Hull? GB: Well, outside of Hull at Anlaby. I: Which year were you born? GB: 1923. October. I: And what did your father do for a living? GB: He was a coach builder for, well it’s now British Railway but first of all Hull and Barnsley. Then it was taken over by the London Northeastern and he built the coaches and the waggons. He was with them all his life. I: Did you go to school in Anlaby? GB: Anlaby Church of England School. And then the last two years I was at Hessle School when they closed the Church of England one down. I left school 1938. I: So you were fourteen. GB: Fourteen. Yeah. I: Did you get a job? GB: Yes. I went and got a job as an apprentice furniture salesman. I: In Hull. GB: In Hull. At Harry Jacobs Furniture. I: Were you doing that when war broke out? GB: Oh, I was still with them when war broke out. I was with them until I went into the Forces in 1942. I: What was your reaction when you heard Chamberlain make the declaration that we were at war with Germany? GB: Well, I think it was a bit too young and didn’t know anything about it but I volunteered for an ARP messenger boy and I was accepted and that kept us busy on a night time. Even with practices. I: Where did you volunteer for it? GB: Anlaby House which became the Central Headquarters for the ARP in Haltemprice. It is now the headquarters of Beverley Borough Council. The same house. I: What kind of work did you have to do as an ARP messenger boy? GB: Well, if any of the telephone lines were broken in a raid we had to go out and take messages from one post to another. I: By foot? GB: No. On our bikes. I: Did you have a uniform? GB: No. Just a steel helmet and an extra special gas mask. That’s all. I: What was extra special about it? GB: Well, it was more like the Services one. Not like the ordinary civilian gas mask. I: What was the difference between the two? GB: Well, it was heavier and, well and you just, you didn’t have the mask at the face. You had a small canister at the side. I: So you didn’t have the protuberance. GB: No. That’s right. I: Did you have an arm band to show who you were? GB: Yes. ARP messenger, that was all and the steel helmet with M on. I: What did M mean? For messenger. GB: For messenger. I: Did you get paid for it? GB: No. It was all voluntary. No. Nothing at all. You, you, when the sirens went you reported to Anlaby House and you stayed there until the siren all clear and then you went back home. I: Whereabouts did you do this work? GB: In Anlaby. The farthest we ever had to bring a message was from Anlaby to Cottingham when the lines were down. I: Did you enjoy doing it? GB: Oh yes. I did. I: Could you have thrown it up any time you liked? GB: Any time you wanted you could decide to finish and that was it. I: Was there competition to get these jobs? GB: Well, there was about four of us and that’s all they needed. They all went in the Forces and of the four there was one killed. I: How did that happen? [pause] GB: It was a lad called John Harding. He was killed in Italy about a month after the war. He went all through the desert, all through Italy and he was killed about a month after the war moving shells from the artillery. I: Were there any incidents that happened to you after you had done the messenger work? GB: Not really. I: That you can recount. GB: No, there was, it was very very quiet in the area of Haltemprice. All the damage that was done was done in Hull. I think we had what five bombs dropped in the village of Anlaby and they were unexploded. I: Whereabouts did they drop? GB: At the, two or three hundred yards from Anlaby House down Woodlands Drive in a snicket. I: A snicket being a cut through. GB: A cut through. Yes. They did no damage. The Army came, found them and exploded them. I: Was anybody injured? GB: No. There was no injuries whatsoever. I: When did the bombs drop on Anlaby? Which year would that have been? GB: That was in the big raid of 1940. May the 8th 1941. I: ’41. Any others that you remember that dropped in Anlaby? GB: None at all. There was only the five. I: Did you ever see the damage in Hull? GB: Yes. I used to work in Hull. The place where I was employed in Jameson Street was completely gutted during the 1941 raid. I: What was the name again? GB: Harry Jacobs Furniture, Jameson Street. I: What else did you see of the damage in Hull? GB: All of Jameson Street were moved. Our offices were down Osbourne Street and that was severely damaged. You could see all of Paragon Square which was Hammonds at the time was gutted. There was a terrific amount of damage done and especially in the Stoneferry District where the oil mills were and the flour mills around it. I: Did people come out of Hull to Anlaby to get away from the bombing? GB: Yes, they did. They built a camp down Lowfield Road in Anlaby for displaced personnel from the raids and there was one built on Priory Road just outside Cottingham which was taken up by people who had been bombed out. Those two camps after the war housed the young couples who got married and they had no housing. When I got married in ’51 I finished up in one of those converted accommodations for a year before I got a house. I: What were they like? GB: Alright. I: Just describe them. GB: Well, they were two little bedroom. You had a small bedroom, small living room and there was a small like kitchen for cooking and doing your washing. In Priory Road where the camp is we spent a year in there didn’t we before we came to Cottingham. There were no housing at all and they were in use for about ten years before they were finally closed down. I: What was the standard of accommodation like? GB: Poor. Single bricks. Very damp. Corrugated roof. I: Wasn’t it later used to house Poles? GB: That’s correct. Yes. I: Now, can you tell me how you came to be in the Air Force? GB: I volunteered for air crew in, when I was eighteen in what we called a Selection Board. And I was accepted as a wireless operator air gunner. I: When you, which year would this have been? GB: That was 1941. I was eighteen in October ‘41 and I volunteered then and went down for an interview at Padgate. I went through the examinations. Then my medical and then the Aircrew Selection Board and I was accepted for training as a w/op a g. I: Why did you volunteer for it? GB: I was, I should have made a very very poor sailor and my father always said, ‘Don’t go in the Army.’ He’d had enough. I: So you wanted to exercise a choice before you were directed. GB: Before I was directed. I: But you were. Did you become a w/op air gunner? GB: No. There was, they had a tremendous influx of people wanting to be w/op a g’s and I think I’d been waiting about four months to go in and they were short of flight engineers for training so they asked me if I would like to take a test board and become a flight engineer for training. And I accepted that instead of waiting. So I was called up in August ’42. Went to Blackpool. Did my initial training footslogging and I stayed in Blackpool then for about ten months doing a flight mechanic and a fitter’s course. Passed out AC1 flight mechanic and AC1 fitter and I went down to St Athans for six weeks to do the Halifax course and I waited then in August ’43 and I was posted from St Athans up to Number 6 Group, a Heavy Conversion Unit 1664 which was then at Croft and I crewed up with a Canadian and English mixed crew on August 1943. I: In that training did you run into any problems? GB: None at all. The only time I got jankers was for failing to carry a bayonet whilst on duty [laughs] and I got seven days CB for it and I swore never again to do any punishment. I: What happened to you on the CB? GB: CB? Well, you reported at 6 o’clock after you’d done all your schoolwork for three hours of square bashing. Fifty five minutes square bashing, five minutes off with full kit. Saturday you scrubbed the NAAFI out at Squire’s Gate and it was a huge one. Sunday you reported after Church Parade on the hour every hour until 10 o’clock at night. That was enough. No more. So I kept my shoes clean after that. I: Did you resent the punishment? GB: Not really. It taught you to behave yourself. I: What did you think of the quality of training that you got? GB: Very good. The instructors were very good. I had no complaints whatsoever against any of the instructors. They were always fair and they helped you whenever. All the way through the course. I: Were you taught what you had to know or did they miss any? GB: Well, I think the original entries for flight engineers were given far too much training on engines. You didn’t have to become a fitter to become a flight engineer as they found out later. They shortened the course to about a twelve week course where it took me nearly a year. You didn’t have to be a qualified flight fitter engine to become a flight engineer. I: What did a flight engineer have to do in a bomber? GB: Look after chiefly the control of the engines, the petrol consumption, know the hydraulic systems and all the emergencies. Assist in take-off and landing. I: If the pilot had been hit would you have been able to pilot it? GB: It would have been a struggle. As a Halifax flight engineer you didn’t have any pilot training. You were never on the controls whereas in a Lancaster you were. You acted as a second pilot for take-off and landing but on a Halifax bomber the bomb aimer assisted in take-off and landing. I: Now, you said that you were posted to 6 Group. Can you tell me about what 6 Group was? GB: 6 Group was the Halifax group financed by the Royal Canadian Government. They provided all the aircraft and the crews were mixed. I had three English and four Canadians in the crew. The pilot was, pilot, navigator and the two gunners Canadians. The wireless operator, the bomb aimer and myself were the English members of the crew. I: How was the crew formed? GB: Well, I met the crew. They’d done their Operational Training Unit course and they were posted up to Croft and ten crews and ten flight engineers were told, ‘Sort yourselves out.’ And they picked me and I accepted them and I went with them. You weren’t allocated. You weren’t told, ‘You fly with that man.’ Or, ‘You fly with them.’ You were left to individually sort yourself out which crew you wanted to go with. So if you met a sergeant in the mess, you know you knew him and you had a drink or two before you crewed up you went to him. I: How did you like serving with Canadians? GB: Oh, they were very good. Very friendly. They didn’t have the bull. The discipline wasn’t as severe on the Canadian group as it was on the English groups. I: Can you give an example? GB: Well, I mean you mixed freely with the, when I was an NCO you mixed freely with the two officers. The Canadian officers. No trouble at all calling you by your Christian names. I: Now, what was your first operational squadron? GB: My first operational squadron? Well. I lost my first pilot. We went to 427 squadron and Sergeant Dresser went on his second second dickie trip and never came back. I: 427 was your first. GB: First squadron at Leeming. So we were a crew without a captain. I: When did you join that squadron do you think? GB: We joined 427 Squadron 4th of September and we left on the 23rd of September. We were posted back to 1659 Conversion Unit Topcliffe where there was another pilot waiting for us. I: So did you do any operations — GB: None at all. I: At that base? GB: No. None whatsoever there. As I say the pilot never came back from his second, second dickie to Frankfurt. I: So you were posted to a new squadron. GB: No. A new Conversion Unit for a new pilot. A new pilot by the name of Watkins, a flying officer who had been instructing in Canada for nearly two years. He’d been, come over and we crewed up with him on the 24th of September with Flying Officer Watkins at 1659 Conversion Unit Topcliffe and we went through our month training with him again until the 7th of October ’43 where we were posted to 428 Squadron, Middleton St George. I: And it was then you started operations. GB: Operations. Yes. The first operation we did was the 3rd of November. I: Can you describe what you remember of it? GB: Very very little. It was Dusseldorf and everything seemed to be on top of you at the first you know. You didn’t take it all in. All I seem to remember is a little bit of flak and the flares going down for target indicators for bombing. Everything happened so fast on your first two or three trips that you hadn’t adjusted to operational flying. I learned more on my second op. We went to Ludwigshafen on the 18th of November. I: What happened then? GB: Well, first of all we got coned over the target. We got the master searchlight on us which was a bluey colour and he followed us and we got out of him after a lot of evasive action and as soon as we got out a fighter opened up on us and we got a good hiding. The rear gunner was severely wounded. The IFF that we had was damaged. Monica, which we had was damaged. All the trimming wires for elevator and rudders were cut. We had petrol tank wires cut from one, two and four tanks. All hydraulic pipes were cut. We couldn’t close the bomb doors. They were fully opened. We were in a mess and we got hit about twenty one thousand feet and by the time the pilot got control we were down to fifteen thousand. We had no navigational aids and the navigator brought us back by straight navigation of the Pole Star. We were off track coming back when we crossed over Ostend at fifteen thousand feet and they hit us with everything. I: They what? GB: Hit us with everything. They opened up with everything they had and we couldn’t take any evasive action. We just had to go through it. I: This was the flak. GB: Yeah. There was flaming onions coming up in between the tail plane and the main plane. It was rough. And then we crossed the coast and we still didn’t know exactly where we were so the skipper called up. The emergency call sign then was Darkie and Woodbridge accepted the call and we did a full emergency landing there. I: What was the emergency landing like? GB: It was very rough. We couldn’t get the undercarriage, it came down but I couldn’t lock it down. We tried everything. Put in to a shallow dive, pulling out to see if we could just pulling into a shallow dive, pulling out to see if we could just jerk it that two or three inches to make it lock and we couldn’t do that. We were all in the emergency positions coming in to land and just as they pulled up to do a belly landing it just threw it that little bit forward, the wheels, and they locked. So we were alright. We came out. The rear gunner we, we’d patched him up. We’d pumped morphine into him and he went to Norwich Hospital. We never saw him again. He was very badly wounded in the head. And we spent the night there and then an aircraft flew us back the next morning to our base at Middleton St George. I: What was the date of that? GB: 18th of November. I: And which Halifax was it? What was it called? GB: NA O-Oboe. We were just off on a night operation at 16.45 on a trip which lasted seven hours and five minutes. I: Did that put you off wanting to go on operations after that experience? GB: Not really. We were in operations again on the 26th of November. We took two spare gunners and we went to Stuttgart and we had a reasonable trip. We had no fighter trouble but when we went to a diversionary raid being done on Frankfurt and the Germans had laid what they called you know the fighter flares, the path the Mosquitoes were taking oh and it looked rough. We bypassed it and Stuttgart was quite you know quite a normal trip. A bit of flak. No fighters. But I think that got the confidence of the crew back. I: When you went on these trips to Stuttgart and Ludwigshafen could you see other planes being hit? GB: Not on those two. No. I never saw anything anyone shot down over Ludwigshafen, Stuttgart or the first trip Dusseldorf. I: How did your next operations go? GB: Well, the next operation was January the 20th 1944, Berlin and that was a rough one. I: Can you describe it? GB: Well, at one part the Germans had laid a flare path for fighter flares and they were among the bomber stream and we were going down. You could see the fire from the German aircraft and a small amount coming from our aircraft. The Allied aircraft and then you’d just see a ball of fire and it would hold steady for a minute or two then it would just go in to a dive. That was quite an experience to see it. When we got to Berlin we were in the first wave and the target indicators were a few seconds late and we got caught in predictive flak because we were the first wave. We had no cover from the metal strips. The tin foil that we threw out. It didn’t affect, it didn’t help you it helped the people behind you and we were a little bit off. [pause] I: Which was the worse? This Berlin one or the Ludwigshafen? GB: Ludwigshaven. Ludwigshaven was the worst. I mean we got a lot of shell, a lot of holes, a lot of damage. This Berlin it was just that you were in the predicted flak. We didn’t get hit. We didn’t have any fighter trouble. Berlin, Ludwigshafen I’ll never forget it. Never. I: Was Berlin a particularly dreaded place to go to? GB: It was, yes. It was such a long, it was such a long stooge. It took us eight hours fifteen minutes. It was very tiring and it was overpowering on the target area because it was so heavily defended. There were so many searchlights. I think on the first one we lost about forty odd aircraft that night. I: You said which particular Halifax you had. Did you always have the same one? GB: No. That was Halifax NA U-Uncle on that Berlin trip. I: Was there any competition to get the best aircraft? GB: No. It was just what you were allocated. Our pilot later became a flight commander and he took any aircraft. I mean I think we were nearly always in a B flight when we flew aircraft. I: What does that mean? GB: Well, you had A flights and B flights. I: As part of the squadron. To make up the squadron. GB: The mark up the squadron. Yes. And the A flights were the first half of the alphabet and so the second B was the second half. We were either V-Victor, Q-Queenie, or O-Oboe later on that we flew in. I: But was there any, ever any feeling that the more senior people were getting the best aircraft? GB: No. No. I: Or the best ground crews? GB: No. The best ground crews were on operational squadrons. I thought so anyhow. I: But was there any difference between the different ground crews that you had in your squadron? GB: No. They were all first class. They all did a first-class job. The aircraft were always in good condition. We never turned back from thirty four trips from any trouble whatsoever. I: What was the next operations that you had to do? GB: Well, the next two I did were two mine laying stooges. One was to Kiel which was a quiet trip and the other one was down to la Rochelle which was a very long stooge. Eight hours ten minutes. That was the fourth of February ’44. Then we went to Berlin again on the 15th of February. I: Was mine laying usually a quiet job? GB: Yes. Well, it was a very hard job because you were by yourself. There would probably be about twenty aircraft you know to lay mines and you were on your own. You had no cover whatsoever. I mean the tin foil that you threw out didn’t help you. It more or less showed the Germans where you were because you were always ahead of the tin foil you were throwing out. There would be about twenty. Probably twenty two twenty three aircraft would go down to La Rochelle and lay two mines a piece. In between the island of la Rochelle and the mainland. I: Did you ever call those gardening operations? GB: They are gardening operations. I did the La Rochelle. I did two La Rochelles in February. One on the 4th and one on the 21st and then on the 25th I did a mine laying stooge to Copenhagen Sound. I: Well, what was your next Berlin operation like? Was it any different from the first? GB: It was the same as the first. A lot of flak. A lot of fighter activity but we never had an attack. That day, night we were diverted to Shipdham which was an American base and we were there for three days for bad weather. Our base was closed down and we stayed with the Americans. Had their hospitality. I: What was the date of your second Berlin raid? GB: 15th of February. We took off in NA Q-Queenie. We took off at 17.20. We were airborne for six hours fifty minutes. I: What did you fear most over Berlin? Was it the night fighters or the flak? GB: The night fighters. The flak no. It was the fighters. We were always looking out for fighters. You didn’t want, you didn’t want to battle with them you wanted to get out of their way because the armaments that we had was four 303s were just like peashooters to their cannons if you could see them and get out of their way. That was the main thing. I: And then after Berlin? That second Berlin operation. GB: After Berlin we did as I say two mine laying stooges to la Rochelle and Copenhagen Sound in February. Then March we started with another gardening operation mine laying to the mouth of the Gironde River which was seven hours fifty minutes. Then we started the pre-D-Day marshalling yards in the March of ’44 and it was the marshalling yard at Trappes. Now that one we had an absolute full bomb load, I’ll never forget it of eleven thousand five hundred pounders. We had eleven thousand five hundred and fourteen hundred gallons of petrol and it was made up of seven five hundred pounders and six one thousand pounders. That was the heaviest bomb load we’d ever taken and after the operation the marshalling yard at Trappes was never used again. It was, it was quite an easy trip. There was very very little flak. It was very light. No fighter trouble. We came, we did five hours forty minutes and there was bad weather at the aerodrome and we were diverted to Harwell. And we spent the night at Harwell and we left the next day back to base. I: Now here you’ve given me a sheet headed “Target Token” relating to this Trappes raid on the 6th of March 1944. Can you tell me what this sheet signifies? GB: Well, that is the marshalling yards there. Those are early flares, the photograph flares that we dropped to illuminate the target so we could take the photograph. Well, from that they could photograph from the headings that we were on. They could tell you exactly where those bombs straddled the target and the whole load went right across the marshalling yards. I: So you’ve got the copy of the photograph. GB: Of the photograph. Every crew member was presented with a copy of the photograph. I: As a means of congratulating. GB: Congratulating. More or less that you’d got the whole fifteen bombs right across the marshalling yard. I: Any other marshalling yard operations that you did? GB: Well, I know the next one we went to was, the next operation I did was another gardening trip to Kiel. We did the mining to the entrance to Kiel harbour. The next one was on the 25th of March. We went to Aulnoye. That was quite an easy trip. A marshalling yard. No trouble. Then on April our skipper had been promoted to squadron leader and we were posted 434 Squadron where he became B Flight commander. I: Where was 434 Squadron? GB: At Croft. It was a satellite aerodrome of Middleton St George. It was one that was built during the wartime use whereas Middleton St George was a peacetime aerodrome. The next marshalling yard we went to was Lisle. That was a quiet trip. That was on the 9th of April. We went on the 26th of April to Villeneuve St Georges. A French target. On the 29th we had a short gardening trip to the Frisian Islands. The mines we were laying were supposed to be for a convoy that was coming through. We laid the mines and the convoy was coming through. There was quite a bit of flak from the flak ships. That was then — I: Were you hit? GB: No. It was, we had no trouble. We seemed to be lucky again. There was a lot of flak from the flak ships but we had nothing. No holes whatsoever. Come to May, the 1st of May we went St Ghislian. And then on the 27th we went to Le Crepiet. They were quiet trips. Five hours and four and a half hours we did. On June the 15th we flew in J-Jig on a daylight to Boulogne and you could see the flak there. When we were going in there was one aircraft coming out with the whole of his starboard wing in flames. We never knew what happened to him. I: Was that the first daylight raid? GB: That was the first daylight I’d done. Yes. I: How did you feel about that compared with the night raids? GB: Well, you’re more confident because you could see what was happening and you knew you had fighter cover. It was just the flak but then flak you got used to. It never really bothered people unless you got hit with it badly. I: What was the date of that bombing operation? GB: 15th of June. I: So this was after D-Day. GB: After D-Day. I was on leave on D-Day. We were. And the next operation was to Oisemont on the 21st of June. I: What was the target in the Boulogne raid? GB: On the Boulogne raid we were dropping bombs that exploded as soon as it hit the water to cause waves to go into the fence to destroy their MTB boats and that. I: Do you think it worked? GB: By all accounts yes. The reports we received afterwards it had been a successful raid and the docks got a good pasting as well. In July, we started off the 1st of July we went to a place called [Benayes or Beugnies] and when we got there there were no PFF markings so we bombed on Gee. There was quite a bit of flak and we lost all hydraulics and had to, we had to land using emergency undercarriage but I could never close the bomb doors. They were open all the way back and all the way for landing. And we had to use full emergency for getting the undercarriage down and the use of the flaps. I: When was that? GB: That was the 1st of June. We went in Q-Queenie that night. I: 1st of July. GB: 1st of July, sorry. They sent us back to the same target on the 6th of July. To [Benayes or Beugnies]. We went on G-George that time and it was a quiet trip. I: Where is [Benayes or Beugnies]? GB: It’s in France. All I can — [recording paused] GB: And after that I went to Caen on a daylight and on a night operation on the 18th of the 7th took off at 3.30 in the morning. That was when they started the big push and their breakthrough at Caen. I: Was that a particularly big raid? A mass raid. GB: Yes, it was a mass raid. They practically destroyed Caen that night and the Army moved forwards and they never stopped moving after that. I: Do you have any memories of that raid? GB: Yes, all I can remember was it was a dead easy raid. Flak not bothered. No fighters. No nothing. Just like a cross country. I: Were you aware of all the other planes? GB: Yes. They were all, they were all so close together. All bombing on one area. You could see them even though it was that time. Just two hours. It would be about 5.30. just dusk coming on. I: So you didn’t have any opposition. GB: Nothing at all. Nothing whatsoever. It was just like flying from here to Jersey on your holidays. No opposition whatsoever. I: Do you think you hit your target? GB: Well, we must have done because the Army never stopped moving. They took Caen. The next job after that it was a rough one. It was Hamburg. That was the 28th. I: What happened then? GB: Well, we were in the second wave and we were a bit late and we were at the scheduled height of bombing at seventeen thousand feet. There was somebody else above us and they dropped their bombs and we had, on our bombing run we just had to dive starboard to get out of the way of his bombs or we should have got the lot because they always had separate heights for bombing and we were late. Two minutes late. We were at seventeen and the next wave was at seventeen five. That was it. There was quite a bit of flak at Hamburg. That was the most terrifying thing. A full bomb load up there. And the skipper just dived starboard and we were on the bombing run. Where our bombs went we don’t know. I: Was it common for planes to be hit by bombers above them? GB: I don’t think so. I think it occasionally happened but this was too close. I: What about collisions between bombers? GB: I never saw any. Never saw any at all. I think they did happen but they were very few and far between. I: And then — GB: And then after that August was a very busy month. Our skipper had been promoted because our original wing commander, Wing Commander Bartlett had been lost. He’d been shot down and killed in action and our skipper was promoted and became wing commander of 434 Squadron. On the 1st of August we took J-Jig to Acquet in France. There was no PFF markings so the full bomb load was brought back. We brought the whole load back. On the 3rd of — I: How dangerous was it to bring bombs back? GB: Well, they weren’t fused. I mean they weren’t fused until you were bombing. Didn’t press the selector switches so they would be alright. It was just that we would have a heavy load for landing. After that on the 3rd we took J-Jig again to le Foret de Nieppe which was for fuel dumps. On the 4th of August again in J-Jig again we went to caves that were just outside Paris where the V-2 rockets were assembled and that was heavily defended with a daylight op and we were hit by flak. We got a few holes. We were caught in predictive flak. We were diverted on the 4th to Dalton. I: Was this a V-2 place or a V-1 place? GB: No. A V-2 place where they were assembling the, where they assembled where they assembled the rockets. I: And where was it? GB: Just outside Paris. Some from what we could understand from the briefing they were more or less mushroom caves and that. And then on the 5th we went to St Leu d’Esserent. On the 8th we went to a fuel dump just outside at Foret de Chantilly and that was hit and there was black smoke when we left up to fifteen thousand feet. I: What do you think you hit there at Chantilly? GB: It was a fuel dump. And on the 9th we went to Le Breteque. On the 12th of August we went to Brunswick. To Germany. On that raid according to recent record was a complete failure as everyone bombed on H2S as there were no markers went down so we bombed individually and there was no concentration. I: Did you feel at the time that it was a failure? GB: Well, it seemed to be a failure because there was no concentration of fires or anything. Then on the 14th we did the Army coop where the German divisions were trapped at Falaise. Now that was a very easy trip. There was no opposition whatsoever. The only thing wrong was that the Canadian group bombed their own troops. The Canadian Army had advanced past the markers and of course there was a few killed. I: Was yours one of the bombers that dropped on the Canadians do you think? GB: Hmmn. I: Right. GB: It wasn’t the Air Forces fault. It was the Army had advanced past the markers. And the last trip I did— I: And that was what? That was the 14th was it? GB: That was the 14th of August. We took off at 12.40. It was a five hour ten minute job. And the last trip I did was the 25th of August. We went to Brest to soften it up so the Yanks could take it. And that was quite easy. There was no trouble at all. I think they were more or less giving in. And that was on the 25th of August. There was bad weather back at base and we got diverted to Thorney Island. We spent the night at Thorney Island and then came back the next day and we were told that was it. We had finished our tour. I: Had you done thirty? GB: We’d done thirty four and one sea sweep. The skipper, the navigator and the bomb aimer were each awarded a DFC and myself, the wireless operator Jackie Bennett from Newcastle and Jimmy Silverman the rear gunner were granted a commission. That was our reward. I: What happened to you then? GB: Well, after that I was posted down to Bruntingthorpe which was 29 OTU and I was instructing on engine handling. I did very little flying. And a week at Blackpool on an Air Sea Rescue course which I thoroughly enjoyed. I only flew twice in the six months I was at OTU. I was never keen on Wellingtons. I: Why not? GB: Well, the Wellingtons were clapped out [laughs] [pause] GB: Then I went, I volunteered to go back on a second tour and I went in April ’45 with a Flight Lieutenant Kennedy. He made a crew up from 29 OTU and we went to 1651 Conversion Unit at Woolfox Lodge. I: Why did you volunteer for a second tour? GB: I didn’t like 29 OTU and I didn’t like what bit of flying I did do. I: Why didn’t you like that OTU? GB: Well, there was a little bit of too much bull. The group captain in charge was an ex-Cranwell boy and I think he thought it was still 1938 and not 1944. I: So you preferred to risk your life. GB: Yes. I: Than have the bull? GB: Have the bull. Yes. I: Did you go back on ops in the end? GB: Well, we did our conversion unit on to Lancasters and we were picked out unfortunately to go to Warboys for PFF training so by the time we’d finished the PFF training the war had finished. They had special training at Warboys and then we had to go through another course of automatic gun laying turret which was new to the gunners. By the time we’d finished those courses the war had finished. We finished up at 156 Squadron at Upwood and that was quite enjoyable because we did [pause] took ground crew on what was called a Cook’s Tour. We used to fly them over Germany up the Ruhr and show them all the damage that they’d helped to do in maintaining the aircraft. I did two of those Cook’s Tours in in June and we did a little bit of flying. I did an air test for the Royal Aeronautical Establishment. Another Cook’s Tour. We did a postmortem to Denmark where they did an actual like on operation to Denmark to see how the German radar system worked and that was on the 29th of June ’45. That was a five and a half hour. I: Testing the radar defences. GB: Yes. Of the, that the Germans had. Then we just did local flying and then for three days we were dumping. The 21st, the 24th and the 27th of July was dumping incendiaries in to the North Sea that were no good. And in the August of ’44 we, the 1st of August we did a passenger trip to Frankfurt and Nuremberg taking crew, ground crew in and bringing ground crew out. And we had a trip which made me want to go back to Italy when I got married but on the 15th of August ’45 we went to Bari in Italy and we had three days. Well, we crammed twenty of the 8th Army boys into a Lancaster fuselage, gave the a sick bag and put their kit in the bomb bays and flew them home. That was thoroughly enjoyable to see Italy. I: Can I ask you about the difference between Lancasters and the Halifaxes. What did you feel about flying in the two? GB: Well, on a Lancaster the flight engineer did the work of a second pilot. He did the throttles, looked after the undercarriage controls, flaps and everything. But as regards flying I still like the Halifax. Especially the Halifax Mark 3 with the Hercules Centaurus engines. It was a marvellous aircraft. There was more room in it. It could carry a bombload of twelve thousand pounds but it couldn’t carry the big bombs because they hadn’t the depth of the bomb bays. But I still liked the Halifax. I think it was because I did all my operations in them and I got through a tour with them. I: Did the Halifax have any disadvantages? GB: I don’t think so. Not the later ones. The one of the first lots, the first ones had a tendency to stall but they altered that by doing, altering the rudder system. I: What did you learn in the Pathfinder course? GB: I took a bomb aimer’s course and learned how to drop bombs [laughs] That’s the only difference. I: How did you do that? GB: Well, they give you a concentrated course on dropping practice bombs and that was the only difference. I: Now, can I ask you some general questions about operations in the war. what was morale like amongst the bomber crews as far as you personally experienced it? GB: Very good. Very high indeed. I only ever knew one person who went LMF and he was a member of our crew but everyone else that I knew enjoyed the life. It was a good life. I mean admittedly it was very very dangerous but it was a clean life. You came back to a clean bed and you came back to good food and you were treated well. You were given leave every six weeks. You were. You had extra rations when you came home. It was a dangerous job but they looked after you and discipline wasn’t severe on bomber squadrons. That was on the Canadian group anyhow. But aircrew was quite relaxed. I: Could you see signs of LMF in this chap? GB: No. No, we couldn’t. It was only the second trip after we got a good hiding and he never said anything on the night when we did the emergency landing at Woodbridge. When we came back the next day I met him in the Sergeant’s Mess in the afternoon and he said what had happened and I never saw him again. He was off the squadron as quick as that. I: So you couldn’t think of any reason why he should have gone LMF. GB: No. None at all. He was the mid-upper gunner and that was just it. He just threw the sponge in. I: What did the rest of the crew think about him going LMF? Did you have sympathy or did you look down on him? GB: I don’t think they looked down on him. They were just pleased that he’d gone so quick and nobody could dwell on the subject. And when we got two new gunners and as I say we were away within seven days of that operation on Stuttgart 18th to the 26th and we got two spare gunners. And after that we got two permanent gunners. I: Were the aircrew superstitious? Did they have any lucky charms or anything like that? GB: Yes, I’ve still got my little St Christopher cross and three us was always emptied our bladder on the starboard wheel before we took off. Myself, the rear gunner and the wireless operator. I: This was a superstition was it? GB: Always did it. Always, whether it was a daylight or a night op. Whether the groupie was there or anybody it was always emptied against the starboard wheel. I: And did other crews do that? GB: I think other crews always went in in certain order. Pilot first and like that. I: What were the briefings like? Can you describe the scene when you got the briefings? GB: Well, when it was the Berlin and you looked up and everyone said, ‘Berlin,’ everyone, ‘Oh.’ That was it. Then you just stepped back in silence and let them all give you the information. The German targets when you saw them when you saw the red lines leading you knew you were in for a warm night. The French targets everyone [clap] was happy. I: They clapped. GB: Well, there was that and a cheer when they said Caen or St Leu d’Esserent like that. I mean compared to the German targets they were easy. The only targets that we didn’t really like, the whole crew, was the mine laying duty because they, the majority of them were so long and there were so few of you you felt so exposed. I mean the Germans would probably leave you alone but then the next time they’d probably lose four five aircraft out of twenty odd. They would really come down on you like a tonne of bricks than leave you alone. When they hit you they hit you. I: What do you feel about the criticism that has been lodged against Bomber Command since the war? GB: I think its people who have got no idea about a war. They have no idea what the targets were like. Bombing had to be done. It was the only way of offensive against the Germans and I don’t think they take in to fact the amount of damage that we did do. The amount of people that were tied down. There was over a million people tied down in German defence. There was thirty thousand anti-aircraft guns and over, nearly ten thousand of those were eighty eight millimetre. Now if those eighty eight ten thousand millimetres had been used on the beaches of Normandy the Channel would have been blood red. They had, the German defences had all the ammunition they wanted up to within six weeks of the war. They were never short. They rationed the Army but they never rationed the local defence. And after all we did reduce production and if you reduced production by twelve and a half percent of the Tiger tanks it’s a heck of a lot because there was nothing could touch a Tiger. So I think the criticism has been very unfair because the boys went through hell. I: When you were at these stations how and where did you spend your spare time? GB: Well, at Middleton St George and Croft we used to go into Darlington and we all had one particular pub. The Fleece. And that’s where we spent our time. At the Fleece. But I was up there about eight or nine years ago and it’s been knocked down. The Old Fleece pub. I: Did you put any kind of trophies or anything like that up in the bar? GB: No. No, we just went there to drink and sing and other things. I: Were there any breaches of security with people telling girlfriends about — GB: Not to my knowledge. I: Ops. GB: No. No. If you were going up there for a night out you didn’t know anything because the station would be closed if there was a full ops on. There would only be probably only a few ground crew but the aircrew wouldn’t go, be allowed out. So most of the telephone lines were shut down. Were closed. You couldn’t make outside calls if there was ops on. I: Did the German Air Force ever attack these airfields. GB: No. Not to my knowledge. Not whilst ours. Now, I think after the war had ended you went out to Burma. Burma, yes. On 267 Squadron at Mingaladon. The squadron was keeping the airways open taking mail and passengers flying from Mingaladon in Burma up to Dum Dum at Calcutta. And then from, back again and then from Mingaladon to Bangkok. Bangkok, Saigon. Saigon to Kai Tak which is the aerodrome for Hong Kong on the mainland of Kowloon and they used to fly down to Singapore. I: This is Dakotas. GB: On Dakotas. Yes. And the flight engineers were all remustered as air quarter masters on those trips looking after the baggage and the passengers and I had about fifteen of the lads under me. We used to take them out on these trips which they thoroughly enjoyed going up to Calcutta. Spending a day in Calcutta and then coming back going down to Hong Kong. We had a thoroughly enjoyable time. I: What kind of passengers were you moving? GB: Well, RAF and Burmese and if you were coming from India you used to bring down the Indians who were coming down on business trips or anything like that. Used to bring our own people down to [unclear] and look after the stores. Generally taking mail across to Bangkok, Saigon. I: So you were a bit like an airline. GB: A bit like an airline. Yes. A bit rough and ready. I did one or two. I went to Saigon and worked with Saigon. Wanted to look around during the night time but we were informed that all personnel were on curfew and had to be in by 9 o’clock. And the biggest shock I ever had was walking into the hotel where we were billeted to be given a salute by a Jap prisoner of war with a rifle and fixed bayonets. I: When was this that you were in Saigon? GB: 12th of February ’46. Then from Saigon we’d go to Kai Tak which was the aerodrome for Hong Kong on the mainland and the people of the mainland which was a British colony I’ve never known people so friendly to see us. We were taken into cafes and restaurants and you could have everything you wanted. I: In Hong Kong. GB: In Hong Kong. But what I was surprised about Hong Kong is that they had everything on show and sale and the war had only been over for five months. You could go in and buy a Rolex Oyster watch. You couldn’t see them in Europe but they found them. They could. You could buy anything you wanted. I: Were these Chinese who were — GB: Yes. The — I: You in Hong Kong. GB: In Hong Kong where they were first class. I: Coming back to Saigon did the Japanese soldiers do their job well? GB: Yes, as far as I know they had no complaints. They guarded us well. But the trouble was just beginning to start then. There was just a bit of discontent amongst the Saigon people I think. It was just beginning to start with the Viet Cong. Just beginning to get unruly. I: What did you see of disorder there? GB: Nothing at the night time. That’s when it happened. During the day everything was normal. It was on a night time when they used to come and try and interfere on the aerodrome but we were in the town itself so we saw nothing. I: So they were trying to attack the aerodrome. GB: Trying to you know disrupt it more or less. I: Did you see any French military presence there? GB: Well, last I was there the only French presence was two Corvettes in the harbour. There was no French troops whatsoever. If the French had spent a little more time in French Indo China as it was then instead of parading around Europe they might have been in a bit better position out there. I: Did you feel in much danger in Saigon? GB: No. Not really. I wasn’t there long enough and the short time where the trouble was we were in the hotel out of the way. I: You were telling me about 29 OTU at Bruntingthorpe was it called? GB: Bruntingthorpe. I: Where is that? GB: Just outside Leicester. I: And you were telling me about the excessive bull there that drove you to apply for a second tour. Can you give any examples of not — GB: Well — I: Without mentioning the group captain’s name any examples of the kind of bull that went on there? GB: Well, we had once a month we had an officer’s dining in night where all the tables were put in the shape of a horseshoe with the group captain in the centre and then going left to right from squadron leader. From wing commander, squadron leader, flight lieutenant, flying officer down to pilot officer which was pre-war bull. Not wartime discipline. And then he would hold a full parade of the whole OTU and every officer and every airman would parade on the main runway and would march past the rostrum as though they were the guards which again goes back to pre-war. It should never have been done in wartime RAF. But the Australians didn’t like it because we had a lot of Australians go through there and they objected strongly. And in the Officer’s Mess we had a very big organ by a very well known organist. The organ, keyboard and the sound box system was flooded with beer. The Mess notice board all the Mess board notices were burned down by the Australians. The group captain had his own hook for his hat and coat with a bolt right through the wall. The peg was pulled out. Also, part of the wall [laughs] In fact they did so much damage the group captain closed the Officer’s Mess bar for a week. All because of bull. I: Did you approve? GB: No. I: Of what the Aussies did? GB: Yes. I did. But no one was allowed in the Officer’s Mess after 5.30 unless they were in full dress. No battle dress. I came back and I’ll tell you the exact day. We’d, I’d been out a cross country to check the pilot for engine handling on the 19th of February ‘45 and we took off at 12 o’clock and we’d been diverted to Husband Bosworth. And by the time we got back it was 16.35. I was pulled up for entering the Mess in battle dress and not allowed to have a meal, my evening meal until I had changed. And the evening meal finished at 19.00 hours which is 7 o’clock and I didn’t get in as I say until 16 — I: Twenty five you said. GB: That’s how bad, that’s how bad the bull was. I: You also were telling me about another job you had I think in ’46 of having to deal with airmen’s possessions who had been killed. GB: Yes. I: In accidents. GB: That was the, I did that at 29 OTU. The last job I had was on for in the July 1946 was Dakota KN585 was hit by lightning and crashed in to the Irrawaddy Delta at Bassein. The death roll was twenty two. By the time we got the bodies they were four days old and I had to [pause] another flight lieutenant and the local police identified the bodies and arranged burial which was a very distressing thing to do especially as five days later I was on my home. I: How were the possessions dealt with? GB: Well, most of the possessions that they had I had to burn because they’d been on the bodies and they had been five days in the swamp and they smelled terribly and there was very very little went home. And of the twenty two they had no identification. They were all just interred with no headstone. No one knew who they were. They were interred at the European Cemetery at that time in Bassein. They would later be moved to the War Graves. I: But you were telling me about your special problem you had with the possessions of Australians. GB: When I was at 29 OTU. Yes. With the letters I mean the Aussie boys would have two or three girlfriends and the trouble was sorting out the letters to make sure that the right ones went home and the other ones were destroyed. Of the, we had two crews killed whilst I was there. Eleven men died. I: Would any of them leave wills? GB: No. There was no wills. I never found a will in the, any of the airmen who I buried. I went through their personal effects. [Music] Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource War Memoir - George Bilton Description An account of the resource George talks of early life at school and work in Hull. He volunteered as ARP messenger and describes his duties and air raid damage in Hull. He then volunteered as aircrew and, initially was selected for wireless operator/air gunner but later asked to change to air engineer. George trained in Blackpool and RAF St Athan and crewed up with mixed Canadian and British crew on Halifax HCU before being posted to 6 Group 427 Squadron. His pilot did not return from a second dickie orientation sortie so his crew went back to the conversion unit to crew up and train with a new pilot. He was then posted to 428 Squadron and, subsequently, transferred to 434 Squadron when the pilot was promoted. George completed a tour of 34 operations on Halifax. He gives a detailed description of individual operations, experiences and activities. He describes flying in Halifax and discusses morale, discipline issues, operating with Canadians and other general comments. George moved on to instructing after completing his operational tour and was offered a commission. As he did not like instructing, he volunteered for a second tour but this was curtailed by the end of war. He comments on tours after the war, including one in Burma dealing with casualties in from a Dakota crash in Egypt. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource G H A Bilton Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Oral history Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Sound Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ABiltonGHA960623 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Civilian Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Royal Canadian Air Force Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending revision of OH transcription Pending review Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Yorkshire England--Hull England--Lancashire England--Blackpool Wales--Vale of Glamorgan England--Durham (County) England--Leicestershire Burma Germany Germany--Düsseldorf Germany--Ludwigshafen am Rhein Germany--Kiel Germany--Berlin Germany--Stuttgart England--Berkshire France France--La Rochelle France--Lille France--Boulogne-sur-Mer France--Caen Germany--Hamburg France--Paris France--Creil France--Falaise Germany--Braunschweig France--Brest England--Sussex England--Huntingdonshire Italy Italy--Bari Denmark Denmark--Copenhagen Atlantic Ocean--Baltic Sea Atlantic Ocean--English Channel Atlantic Ocean--Bay of Biscay Germany--Ruhr (Region) France--Chantilly Forest France--Saint-Leu-d'Esserent France--Oisemont (Canton) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Julie Williams Maureen Clarke 427 Squadron 428 Squadron 434 Squadron 6 Group aerial photograph Air Raid Precautions aircrew anti-aircraft fire bomb aimer bombing C-47 civil defence Cook’s tour crewing up flight engineer Halifax Heavy Conversion Unit lack of moral fibre Lancaster military discipline military ethos military living conditions military service conditions mine laying Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) Pathfinders RAF Bruntingthorpe RAF Croft RAF Harwell RAF Middleton St George RAF St Athan RAF Thorney Island RAF Topcliffe RAF Warboys RAF Woodbridge target indicator target photograph training V-2 V-weapon Wellington Window wireless operator / air gunner https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2044/33127/PProbynEA17010016.1.jpg 142674867bb54df6bb4a68666d985c9f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Probyn, Ernest. Scrapbook Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-04-23 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Probyn, EA Description An account of the resource 42 items. Scrapbook containing photographs and clippings. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernest Probyn's Log book Extract Description An account of the resource A page from Ernest's logbook, dated June 1944. His pilot on operations was Flight Lieutenant Boon. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1944-06 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One photocopied sheet on an album page Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Log book and record book Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context PProbynEA17010016 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. France--Saumur France--Pas-de-Calais France--Normandy France--Merville (Nord) France--Le Havre Germany--Wesseling France--Limoges France Germany Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-06 Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Review Oct 2024 61 Squadron bombing bombing of the Le Havre E-boat pens (14/15 June 1944) bombing of the Siracourt V-weapon site (25 June 1944) forced landing Ju 88 Me 110 Normandy campaign (6 June – 21 August 1944) RAF Skellingthorpe RAF Wainfleet RAF Woodbridge https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/641/32465/BSmithJSmithJv1.1.pdf 06d252abf25757870b967f73da7e1fc8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Smith, Jack John George Smith J G Smith Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Smith, JG Description An account of the resource Three items. An oral history interview with John 'Jack' Smith (1921 -2019) and his memoirs. He flew operations as a wireless operator with 189 Squadron. The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by John Smith and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016-04-08 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Sparks in the air - Jack Smith's wartime story Description An account of the resource Second version. Covers life before the war and volunteering for the RAF in August 1940 and continues with an account of training as a wireless operator. The article includes radio school crest and photograph of a Battle aircraft. He describes his voyage from Liverpool via Cape Town, eventually arriving at RAF Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates, having travelled through several countries. He describes life and work on this station. Describes medical issues and subsequent posting to RAF Habbaniya in Iraq. Goes on to describe journey back to England overland via Gaza, Cairo and Alexandria thence by ship. Continues aircrew training at RAF Madley and Llandwrog in Wales. Includes photographs of Proctor, Dominie and Anson. Describes crewing up and starting operations on Wellington aircraft. He continues with postings to heavy conversion units and Lancaster finishing school before joining 189 Squadron at RAF Fulbeck. Describes operations from December 1944 to April 1945. Mentions repatriating prisoners of war and Cook's tour to see damage to German cities. Describes life after the war including his marriage. Includes photographs of Wellington. Stirling, night bombing, wedding and page from log book. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource A Gaunt J Smith Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Twenty-eight page printed document Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BSmithJSmithJv1 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Lincolnshire England--Spalding England--Cheshire England--Lancashire England--Blackpool England--Wiltshire England--Liverpool South Africa South Africa--Cape Town South Africa--Durban India India--Mumbai Iraq Iraq--Baṣrah United Arab Emirates Iraq--Ḥabbānīyah Gaza Strip--Gaza Egypt--Cairo Egypt--Alexandria England--Herefordshire England--Northamptonshire Wales--Gwynedd England--Nottinghamshire Germany Germany--Heilbronn Germany--Giessen (Hesse) Poland Poland--Gdynia Belgium Belgium--Houffalize Germany--Wolfsburg (Lower Saxony) France France--Royan Czech Republic Germany--Karlsruhe Germany--Dortmund-Ems Canal Germany--Dresden Germany--Leipzig Germany--Dortmund Atlantic Ocean--Oslofjorden Germany--Würzburg Germany--Wesel (North Rhine-Westphalia) Germany--Nordhausen (Thuringia) Belgium--Brussels Germany--Flensburg Poland--Police (Województwo Zachodniopomorskie) Scotland--Moray Egypt Gaza Strip Germany--Ruhr (Region) Czech Republic--Most North Africa United Arab Emirates--Shāriqah Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1937 1940-09 1940-11-04 1941-03 1941-08-31 1943-02 1944-04 1944-06-12 1944-08-24 1944-11-09 1944-12-04 1944-12-06 1944-12-19 1944-12 1944-12-30 1945-01-01 1945-01-04 1945-01-16 1945-01-13 1945-02-01 1945-02-02 1945-02-07 1945-02-13 1945-02-14 1945-02-20 1945-02-23 1945-03-14 1945-03-16 1945-03-20 1945-03-23 1945-04-03 1945-04-23 1945-05-06 1945-05 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke 1661 HCU 17 OTU 189 Squadron Advanced Flying Unit aircrew Anson Battle Blenheim bombing bombing of Dresden (13 - 15 February 1945) Cook’s tour crewing up Dominie Heavy Conversion Unit Lancaster Lancaster Finishing School love and romance military living conditions Morse-keyed wireless telegraphy Operation Exodus (1945) Operational Training Unit Proctor RAF Bramcote RAF Compton Bassett RAF Fulbeck RAF Llandwrog RAF Madley RAF Milltown RAF Padgate RAF Silverstone RAF Syerston RAF Turweston RAF Winthorpe RAF Woodbridge recruitment Scarecrow Stirling training Wellington wireless operator