1 25 14 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2924/55679/MMilsonGW937875-240119-60.jpg 21097451b5ed0d61e7f0838df9049707 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Milson, George William Description An account of the resource 203 items. The collection concerns Flight Lieutenant George William Milson DFC (b. 1916, 937875 Royal Air Force) and contains correspondence, documents, and photographs]. He flew operations as a pilot with 18 and 84 Squadrons and became a prisoner of war of the Japanese. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Elizabeth Jane McElwee and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2024-01-19 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Milson, GW Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 84 Squadron RAF 1917-1997 Description An account of the resource A brief history of 84 Squadron. It includes a list of commanding officers and the squadron crest. Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. France Iraq Iraq--Baghdad Egypt Egypt--Heliopolis (Extinct city) Greece Syria Iran Indonesia Indonesia--Palembang Indonesia--Tjilatjap India Malaysia Singapore Yemen (Republic)--Aden United Arab Emirates Cyprus Cyprus--Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia North Africa Yemen (Republic) United Arab Emirates--Shāriqah Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Personal research Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One printed sheet Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MMilsonGW937875-240119-60 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. 84 Squadron Beaufighter Blenheim escaping Mosquito RAF Beaulieu Victoria Cross https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2924/55480/BMilsonGWMilsonGWv1.pdf 8f34f02a38b3e3793de663de1cf0bfc7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Milson, George William Description An account of the resource 203 items. The collection concerns Flight Lieutenant George William Milson DFC (b. 1916, 937875 Royal Air Force) and contains correspondence, documents, and photographs]. He flew operations as a pilot with 18 and 84 Squadrons and became a prisoner of war of the Japanese. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Elizabeth Jane McElwee and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2024-01-19 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Milson, GW Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource George Milson's memoir Description An account of the resource George Milson joined the RAF in September 1939. After receiving his wings, he was posted to No. 18 Squadron, flying night operations to Dunkirk, Duisburg, Wilhelmshaven, and later carrying out low level shipping sweeps and “Circus” operations over northern France. George completed thirty operations before being posted to the Middle East, joining No. 84 Squadron at Mosul and later serving in the Western Desert. There he flew repeated daylight strikes on enemy troops and shipping during the advance across Libya and took part in formation work, desert flying and intensive operational activity as the squadron moved forward. In January 1942 he flew as part of a six aircraft ferry flight from Egypt to the Far East, travelling via Habbaniya, Bahrain, Sharja, Karachi, Calcutta, Rangoon and finally Sumatra. He carried out both day and night attacks on Japanese landing forces, fleet units and positions around Palembang and Java, often in difficult conditions with poor facilities and heavy losses. During the collapse of Java he escaped on foot from Kalidjati with a small mixed group before being captured near Tjilatjap. He spent more than three years as a prisoner of war, first in solitary confinement and then in camps at Tjilatjap, Bandoeng, Changi and Kranji, taking part in work parties and camp duties until liberation in 1945. After repatriation he returned to Britain and was demobilised later that year. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George Milson Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Singapore Great Britain England--Torquay England--Paignton England--St. Leonards (East Sussex) England--Stoke-on-Trent England--Skegness England--Boston France France--Dunkerque Germany Germany--Duisburg Germany--Wilhelmshaven Netherlands Netherlands--Texel France France--Brest France--Bordeaux (Nouvelle-Aquitaine) Germany--Norderney Malta Gibraltar Italy Italy--Pantelleria Island Egypt Egypt--Marsá Maṭrūḥ Egypt--Heliopolis (Extinct city) Egypt--Cairo Egypt--Ismailia (Province) Iraq Iraq--Mosul Iraq--Baghdad Egypt--Suez Israel Israel--Tel Aviv Israel--Haifa Iraq--Karkūk Iran Iraq--Baṣrah Israel--Tel Aviv Malaysia Malaysia--Butterworth (Pulau Pinang) Sudan Bahrain United Arab Emirates Pakistan Pakistan--Karachi India India--Mumbai India--Hyderabad Burma Burma--Akyab (District) Burma--Toungoo Burma--Rangoon Indonesia Indonesia--Sumatra Indonesia--Palembang Indonesia--Medan Singapore Indonesia--Bandar Lampung Indonesia--Batavia Sri Lanka Sri Lanka--Colombo Indonesia--Bandoeng Indonesia--Tjilatjap England--Liverpool New Zealand England--Langham Europe--Frisian Islands North Africa India--Kolkata United Arab Emirates--Shāriqah England--Torquay Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Royal Air Force. Fighter Command Royal Australian Air Force Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 41 printed sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BMilsonGWMilsonGWv1 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke Claire Campbell Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1939-09 1942-01 1942-02 1945 13 OTU 18 Squadron 2 Group 211 Squadron 84 Squadron air gunner aircrew Anson anti-aircraft fire B-17 Blenheim bomb aimer bombing Catalina Distinguished Flying Cross Distinguished Flying Medal ditching escaping Gneisenau Hampden Harvard Hudson Hurricane Initial Training Wing Magister Me 109 mess Morse-keyed wireless telegraphy navigator observer Operational Training Unit Oxford pilot prisoner of war RAF Abu Sueir RAF Bicester RAF Bodney RAF Boscombe Down RAF Cardington RAF Coningsby RAF Cosford RAF Cranfield RAF Farnborough RAF Ford RAF Great Massingham RAF Halton RAF Hendon RAF Hinton RAF Horsham St Faith RAF Little Rissington RAF Lydda RAF Oulton RAF Polebrook RAF Portreath RAF Skegness RAF Upwood RAF Watton RAF West Raynham Red Cross Scharnhorst sport training Wellington Whitley wireless operator wireless operator / air gunner https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/283/44897/MJonesTJ184141-220105-06.2.pdf 4a73f32108b1e9abb849a992c0ff670b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Jones, Thomas John Tom Jones T Jones Description An account of the resource 62 items. An oral history interview with Peter William Arthur Jones (b. 1954) about his father Thomas John Jones DFC (b. 1921, 1640434 and 184141 Royal Air Force), his log book, photographs, correspondence, service documents, aircraft recognition manuals, medals and a memoir. He flew operations as a flight engineer on 622 Squadron Stirling and 7 Squadron on Lancaster. <br /><br />The collection also contains an&nbsp;<a href="https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collections/show/2566">Album</a> of 129 types of aircraft. <br /><br />The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Peter Jones and catalogued by Nigel Huckins. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-12-04 2017-12-07 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Jones, PW Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource National Markings Mid & Far East Description An account of the resource Pages of recognition handbook of British aircraft tabbed national markings Mid & Far East including Egypt, Iraq, Persia (Iran), China (Service and Civil), Japan and Japan (Manchukuo). Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Egypt Iraq Iran China Japan North Africa Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Five printed pages with text and diagrams Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MJonesTJ184141-220105-06 Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. Air Publication 1480 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/2573/44630/BUreILUreILv1.1.pdf 33ef94d4b6b42cee0b9e403dc49f120a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ure, Ivan Lochlyn I L Ure Description An account of the resource 27 items. The collection concerns Ivan Lochlyn Ure (b. 1922, 1323004 Royal Air Force) and contains his memoirs, prisoner of war log, correspondence, documents, and photographs. He flew operations as an air gunner with 10 Squadron before he became a prisoner of war. The collection was loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Tim and Heather Wright and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018-08-15 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ure, IL Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ivan Ure ... just ... Chapters in a Life .. and some History Description An account of the resource A detailed autobiography by Ivan Ure. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ivan Ure Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1997 Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Isle of Wight Norway Scotland--Argyllshire England--Yorkshire England--Sussex England--Westbourne (West Sussex) England--London England--Hayling Island England--Evenley England--Somerset England--Blackpool Germany Germany--Mannheim Germany--Nuremberg France France--Abbeville France--Paris Germany--Frankfurt am Main Poland Poland--Gdańsk Lithuania Lithuania--Šilutė Lithuania--Klaipėda Poland--Szczecin Poland--Białogard Poland--Pyrzyce (Powiat) Germany--Lauenburg Germany--Lüneburg Germany--Rheine England--London Germany--Dresden Ireland Ireland--Dublin Ireland--Cork Austria Austria--Vienna Libya Libya--Tripoli Libya--Banghāzī Egypt Egypt--Cairo Egypt--Jīzah Egypt--Port Said Kuwait Bahrain Iran Iran--Tehran Scotland--Oban North Africa Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Polskie Siły Powietrzne Royal Navy Wehrmacht Wehrmacht. Luftwaffe Royal Australian Air Force Royal Canadian Air Force Conforms To An established standard to which the described resource conforms. Pending text-based transcription Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 140 printed sheets Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BUreILUreILv1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke 10 Squadron 4 Group air gunner Air Gunnery School aircrew Anson anti-aircraft fire bale out Blenheim bomb aimer Botha Cheshire, Geoffrey Leonard (1917-1992) Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) crewing up Defiant ditching Dominie Dulag Luft entertainment flight engineer Goldfish Club ground personnel Halifax Hampden Harris, Arthur Travers (1892-1984) Hitler, Adolf (1889-1945) Hurricane Ju 88 Lancaster Lysander Me 109 Me 110 Morse-keyed wireless telegraphy navigator Operational Training Unit perception of bombing war physical training pilot prisoner of war Proctor radar RAF Barrow in Furness RAF Brize Norton RAF Cosford RAF Hendon RAF Lossiemouth RAF Madley RAF Marston Moor RAF Melbourne RAF Padgate RAF Sywell RAF Uxbridge RAF Yatesbury Red Cross Spitfire sport Stalag Luft 1 Stalag Luft 4 Stalag Luft 6 Stirling the long march training Typhoon Wellington wireless operator / air gunner Women’s Auxiliary Air Force https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/934/36536/MLovattP1821369-190903-75.pdf 51c3fbced3b1e3bd9c7237f2cb79c94a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lovatt, Peter Dr Peter Lovatt P Lovatt Description An account of the resource 117 items. An oral history interview with Peter Lovatt (b.1924, 1821369 Royal Air Force), his log book, documents, and photographs. The collection also contains two photograph albums. He flew 42 operations as an air gunner on 223 Squadron flying B-24s. <br /><br /><a href="https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collections/show/1338">Album One</a><br /><a href="https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collections/show/2135">Album Two</a><br /><br />The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Nina and Peter Lovatt and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-09-27 2019-09-03 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lovatt, P Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document A REMINISCENCE OF THE FLYING CHARACTERISTICS OF MANY OLD TIME AIRCRAFT. BY:- Air Marshal Sir Ralph Sorley, K.C.B. O.B.E. D.S.C. D.F.C. F.R.A.e.S. INTRODUCTION. Since the end of [deleted] [underlined] 19 [/underlined] 34 [/deleted] 1914, when I joined the Royal Naval Air Service I have been fortunate enough to fly as pilot some 170. different types of aircraft as well as handle in the air a few more and to travel as passenger in a number of others. It has occured [sic] to me at this late date and at the age of 73. to try to record my impressions of some, if not all, of these machines as far as my memory will allow. Fortunately it is good and with the aid of my Log Books, in which only sketchy notes were made at the time, and a few books of reference and many photographs I will do my best to highlight the variations and contrasts between one and another, as well as the conditions of flight over these fifty six years. The dates given are those when the type was flown. Although I am not the only one who flew them, many of which were prototypes which never entered service, it is inevitable that opinions may differ about their peculiarities, but I give only my own opinions which I hope may be of interest to some of the past, more of the present, and perhaps a few of future generations. This saga covers mainly the reciprocating engine era, with a few contrasting jet types which followed, and those mostly commercial. I ended my piloting days with introduction of the Jet, but with the unfailing aid of N.E. Rowe. C.B.E. (Nero.) an engineer of great technical integrity first met when technical officer at Martlesham and who in 1943 became my Director General of Aircraft Development, I had something to do with the planning of new type aircraft and engines to suit the sub-sonic and early super-sonic era. In digesting what follows the reader is asked to look for the various yard sticks of progress such as weight, power, speed, climb and materials which mark the amazing strides made during the last sixty years of aviation. I think the text will speak for itself in these matters. Much of my varied experience of aircraft was gained from two postings to the Aircraft and Armament Experimental Establishment, first at Martlesham Heath, Suffolk, 1925 – 27. and later at Boscombe Down, Wiltshire in 1940. These, following a year at Marine Aircraft Experimental Establishment, Felixstowe, in 1924, led me along the paths of Designers and Manufacturers from all of which, and from whom, one naturally acquired a lot of practical knowledge. On leaving Boscombe this stood me in good stead when appointed Assistant Chief of Air Staff to the great Viscount [page break] 2. Portal, in charge of Technical Requirements; and thereafter on becoming Controller of Research and Development in the Ministry of Aircraft Production, later called Supply. These thumbnail sketches touch on the aeroplane and only mention their engines, but disregard almost completely the contemporary developement [sic] of all those subsiduary [sic] pieces of equipment which in more recent terms form a ‘weapons system’ of great complexity, which is where we stand to-day. [underlined] DECEMBER 1914. [/underlined] Having been interested in flight since about 1912 as a schoolboy, my first introduction to aeroplanes I could touch and begin to fly was at Eastchurch, when at the tender age of 16, I had been selected as a Probationary Flight Sub Lieutenant and reported there to the Commanding Officer, Major E.L. Gerrard the Royal Marines, I spent my first night sleeping with a real aeroplane in it‘s [deleted] s [/deleted] hanger, so one can say the long marriage was consummated correctly. By the luck of the draw I was allocated to a certain well-known pre-war Australian pilot as my instructor who shall remain nameless, but more of this as the story unfolds. 1 [underlined] SHORT ‘PUSHERS’ – 50 h.p. and 70 h.p. GNOME. Biplane. [/underlined] These were of the S.38. type. They had a span of sixty feet and were therefore very lightly loaded per square foot of wing area. They also had ailerons which were not interconnected but which hung down vertically until sufficient speed had been attained on the ground to lift them up horizontally when they then became effective. They also had a front elevator attached to the nose of the nacelle, but which had little or no effect as such, but was a help in lining up the horizon. They were light on all controls and were pleasant to fly, but with such Iight loading they were liable to bounce into the air at take-off and landing and one had to be very quick to 'blip' the engine into life to save a stall. The one I first learned on was a side-by-side dual control, others had the instructor and pupil separated fore and aft. All were ‘wheel’ [page break] 3. control laterally, and quite light, and whether from inexperience or diffidence of my youth I treated them with great respect. Evidently too great for my instructor who, when I failed to bring up a dropped wing quickly enough to his liking would yank the control over so that we were well over on the opposite bank in a flash. He soon reached the stage actually of standing up in the cockpit and threatening to hit me over the head! After experiencing this performance several times I made bold enough to ask Sir Frank Mclean, who was in charge of instruction whether I could change my instructor. He seemed to understand, and I then went dual with John Alcock who saved my bacon, or there would not have been this to write about. A contrast in personalities. The 50 h.p. and 70 h.p. Gromes had a habit of breaking their connecting rods, and it was not long before I experienced a sound of tearing metal and a quick return to earth. Neither engine lived up to it's horse power rating and at 1100 revolutions a minute one could just stay in the air: 1150 was a bit better, and 1200 was flat out. These engines had no throttle and the art of 'blipping' the ignition on and off by means of a press button switch on the control wheel was difficult near the ground in a light breeze when the aircraft was so easily wafted upwards by the slightest up-current, or as a result of a bounce. On the whole they were nice to fly although underpowered. By accessing the developed horse power of the '50’ at 38 h.p. and that of the ‘70' at 57 h.p. (figures I seem to remember) and taking the all-up weights of the two aircraft as 1380. lbs. and 1490. lbs. respectively, then the weights per horse power work out at 36 lbs. and 26 lbs. which is heavy by any standard. The speed range of the former was 35 to 42 m.p.h. and that of the latter 38 to 57 m.p.h. I quote these figures at the begining [sic] as a contrast to those at the end of the piston engine era, when 8 lbs. all-up weight per horse power was common in 1944. By then too the speed ranges were measured in several hundred miles an hour. This only indicates the vast stride made in the development of aircraft and engines in the intervening thirty years. [page break] 4. 2. [underlined] MAURICE FARMAN LONGHORN. – 70, 80, or 100 h.p. RENAULT. (BIPLANE). 1915. [/underlined] Often known as ‘the flying birdcage' this too was a very lightly loaded machine, with front elevator on curved outriggers much further forward than on the Shorts. It had what was known as a [deleted] s [/deleted] lifting tail and having no tailplane adjustment could become unmanageable if it got into a steep dive. It was a perfect lady in all other respects and literally floated through the air and was pleasant on all controls. The Renault had a crackle of exhaust and could be fully throttled down, and when on the glide there was only the swishing of the wind to be heard through the many wires and struts. Being French the throttle operated in the reverse way to the British, that is to say to open up the power one pulled a sort of door bolt back towards one and to shut down pushed it forward. Quite the opposite to nature or instinct. The cockpit was well protected from the wind and the forward view was excellent. The passenger, or pupil sat higher and behind the pilot and as there was no dual control the most one could do was to lean over the instructor and to put one's hands on the 'spectacles' which controled [sic] the ailerons. This form of lateral control was well ahead of its time, as it [inserted] is [/inserted] almost commonplace nowadays. I remember the finish of the woodwork and how beautifully everything fitted into very small spaces. I see from my book of reference 'The Flying Book end Aviation World Who’s Who’ of 1914 that the all-up weight is given as 1720 lbs. This for the land plane seems a little too much, but see later the seaplane. It wasn't long before I had a forced landing due to the fuel tanks not being filled (no such thing as a cockpit check then) but such a lady gave me no alarum [sic] and we settled like a nesting bird. I may say that in these early years the time of any flight was in minutes, thirty or forty or one hour was a long trip and ten or fifteen was average. 3. [underlined] BLERIOT MONOPLANE. – 80 h.p. GNOME. 1915. [/underlined] I had a flight in this aeroplane piloted by Lieut. Commander Vaughan-Fowler. The view was anything but good and from the pilot's position ahead the wing blanked out any view of the ground almost completely for landing. It was a warped wing control which I was [page break] [inserted] Rewrite [/inserted] 5. unable to feel for myself, but otherwise the aircraft gave one the feeling of frailness. It gave little impression of speed, and all I can say about it is I am glad I did not have to go to war in one, although it had a long history of success in obtaining height, speed, and distance records since 1909, and also it was on this type that the French pilot Pegoud first looped the loop and introduced other forms of aerobatics. 4. [underlined] MORANE LOW WING MONOPLANE. – 80 h.p. LeRhone. 1915. [/underlined] At the same time I had a flight in this aeroplane with much the same effect. Although it seemed faster it was not one well suited for military use and again I was glad I never had to fly one in action. It had a moving tailplane i.e. no fixed surface and thus was very sensitive fore and aft. There was no real space for a passenger who sat with the pilot between his legs and clutched him round the middle. Apart from the fact that it had a distinct rate of climb, and was quick on the lateral warp control it was a very limited purpose machine, but much used for racing pre-war and by the French in war. I took my 'ticket' (Royal Aero Club Certificate No. 1089.) at Eastchurch on the I2th. of February 1915. on a Short pusher No. 63. Age 17. and one month. 5. [deleted] [underlined] WRIGHT BIPLANE. (OGILVIE). – 60 h.p. E.N.V. 1915. [/underlined] [/deleted] Before I go on, perhaps I should describe just what was entailed in obtaining the 'ticket' – that coveted little blue card on which one's photograph and signature had to be appended, for in those days it was, in fact, an aviator's passport, on which is printed in [deleted] three [/deleted] six languages a request:- 'The Civil Naval and Military Authorities including the Police are respectfully requested to aid and assist the holder of this certificate.” It also served the same purpose as does a driving licence, without which one was not licenced to fly. The test required was relatively simple, consisting of flying a [page break] [inserted] Rewrite [/inserted] 6. few figures-of-eight within the confines of the aerodrome, to demonstrate ability to turn right and left: to then switch off the engine and make a vol pIanè from a given height and land on a circle marked out on the ground, the aircraft to come to rest within it. That test of prof [deleted] f [/deleted] iciency was about as enlightening as are our present ‘O’ level tests in proving today one has been educated? 5, [underlined] WRIGHT BIPLANE. (OGILVIE). – 60 h.p. [deleted] E.N.V. [/deleted] [inserted] N.E.C. [/inserted] 1915. [/underlined] I also had a short flight with Alec Ogilvie in this re-vamped Wright which he had altered and re-engined with an [deleted] E.N.V. [/deleted] [inserted] N.E.C. [/inserted] which made a better machine of it. We sat out in the open in front and as far as climb was concerned we did not rise very far off the ground. The engine was running badly and we only did a circuit of Eastchurch aerodrome with wing tips nearly touching the ground in turns. He was one of the founders of Eastchurch and held ‘ticket' NO. 7. 6. [underlined] BRISTOL BOXKITE. – 50 h.p. GNOME. (BIPLANE). 1915. [/underlined] This I flew in (or should it be on) with a fellow pupil as pilot at Eastbourne. It staggered off the ground with two up and had no climb at all. We came face to face with the railway embankment at Polegate which is in the form of a triangle, the embankment being the three sides and the centre being the same level as the surrounding fields. We pulled up over the first side and then sank down almost to ground level in the centre. With barely enough room to gather speed enough to 'hoick' over the next, we just scraped over the rails by inches. Such was the performance of that machine, although the pilot in this instance had something to do with it. He was a cocky type and I feel sure wanted to impress me which he did. 7. [underlined] BRISTOL TRACTOR. – 80 h.p. GNOME. (BIPLANE). 1915. [/underlined] My first tractor, and a delightful machine with a good performance and it handled well on all controls. It was a modified T.B. 8. type fitted with ailerons instead of warp and all machines of this type had a four wheel undercarriage although the nose wheels were only to prevent [page break] [inserted] Rewrite [/inserted] 7. one tipping up on one's nose after landing. It's top speed reached 75. m.p.h. Designed by a Rumanian, Henri Coanda, who had a great eye for a cleanly shaped aeroplane I think it was among the first to attain good performance. If I remember correctly the wing section design incorporated the Philips entry. The weakest part of the design was a balanced rudder without any fin, the rudder post being unbraced as in the first B.E. 2. I see the only twelve of them were built and delivered by October 1914 although the licence was given to build them abroad to Deutsche Bristol-Werke, Halberstadt, and Louis Breguet in France just before the war. As far as I know none were built and the type died as a trainer only when I flew it at Eastbourne. 8. [underlined] MAURICE FARMAN SEAPLANE. – 100 h.p. RENAULT. (BIPLANE) 1915. [/underlined] I went onto seaplanes at Calshot where there was an assortment of various types. The Maurice Farman seaplane differed from the landplane in that it had not the front elevator, and was mounted on two floats made of thin three-ply. These were flat bottomed with no step and it was difficult to 'unstick' because of this, with any load sometimes impossible. One was used for anti-submarine patrol based at Bembridge, Isle of Wight, and there I experienced a very different performance to that of the landplane. The 'observer' sat on the petrol tank behind and carried in it's wooden box a 20 lb. Hales bomb. This he was intended to launch over the side onto the unsuspecting submarine. We had to taxi a long way out into Spithead for take off near the forts, by which time the engine was nearly red hot, consequently what little power there was became even less and in a calm sea and little wind any take off was a speculation. Once in the air there was insufficient power to climb and on one occasion I went from the Isle of Wight to Eastbourne not ever above two hundred feet, so much so that when it came to turning round l had to land because of loss of height. Not a very efficient weapon of war. 9. [underlined] WIGHT PUSHER SEAPLANE. – 160 h.p. GNOME. (BIPLANE) 1915. [/underlined] I should say that none of the seaplanes here described were fitted [page break] 8. with dual control, and one just listened and watched for the differences in handling and flying them on and off the water. This Wight was a type built by Samuel Wight of Cowes, designed by Howard Wright and was no small toy to let a boy of 17 lose on. It must have weighed about a ton and a half and a double row Gnome engine of fourteen cylinders required some strength to start. The proced[deleted]r[/deleted]ure for this was to switch on one half of the engine i.e. seven cylinders, after dopeing them through the valves with neat petrol. One then turned the whole thing by a crank handle at the back of the nacelle. Once it fired you then hurdled over the back seat to reach the pilot’s controls right up front. Once there the immediate action was to switch in the other bank of cylinders and 'blip' until clear of the beach, and if lucky and pointing out into clear water, taxi out. Apart from this weighty and athletic complication, this aeroplane had two other unusual features. The first of these was a double cambered wing; that is to say the top surface had not a single contour on the top, but was intended to be two cambered wings joined together [deleted] ed [/deleted] at mid-chord. This I may say seemed to have no beneficial effect. The other was two very long floats, each of which had no less than three steps on which to plane the water. Because of the great length of these floats one progressed from one step to the other until one got her up on the rear step. By then, in order to keep the forward steps out of the water one was pulling back hard on the elevator control and all of a sudden the thing leapt into the air at an astonishing angle, which required immediate forward push on the control to prevent a bad stall. If too much, then the whole contraption was back on the water again and the same process had to be repeated. Truly a remarkable aeroplane. In the air it felt very much as it looked, a large cumbersome machine, not in this instance under powered but just cumbersome. There was even a worse and more unpleasant Wight, even a bit bigger and heavier with, I believe?, a 200 h.p. Salmson engine. Having the same characteristics but being more cumbersome it was even worse to fly, and my log book says “no likee much – landing rotten." [deleted] 10. AVRO CIRCUIT OF BRITAIN 510 [symbol] 150 h.p. SUNBEAM. (BIPLANE) [/deleted] [page break] 9. 10. [/underlined] AVRO CIRCUIT OF BRITAIN '510' – 150 h.p. SUNBEAM. (BIPLANE) 1915. [/underlined] This was the prototype No. 881 which was purchased by the Admiralty before the War and another five were built thereafter. It was a most pleasant aircraft to fly, and if only the engine had been up to it's job it might have had a bigger future. But it lacked power and as soon as the revs. fell off then there was no performance. In the air it felt right, and my first flight seems to confirm this as it was one of one and a half hours, which for that time was a long flight. With a better engine it would have made production figures. These were days when engine development was at it's earliest stage and Louis Coatalen of Sunbeam's was an early stater [sic] as Aero engine designer. 11. [underlined] SOPWITH CIRCUIT OF BRITAIN TYPE. – CONVERTED AT CALSHOT TO 120 h.p. AUSTRO)DAIMLER (BIPLANE). 1915. [/underlined] A truly delightful aeroplane with, for once, enough power to make things happen. It was a one off machine built for the race and never saw the light of day in Service, nevertheless a good specimen of design and a forerunner of Sopwith development of many military types to come. 12. [underlined] SHORT TRACTOR SEAPLANE. – 135. h.p. SALMSON (CANTON UNNE). (BIPLANE). 1915. [/underlined] I flew this type on joining H.M.S. Engadine early in 1915. As usual all one had was a few minutes flight as a passenger before being pushed off solo. It had flat-bottomed floats and the same drooping ailerons as the earlier Shorts, but in this case one gathered speed sooner than before and so had lateral control almost at once. It was a really good aeroplane and handled easily and responsively for its size. The [inserted]e[/inserted]ngine was on the heavy side for the power but was beautifully designed and made, and very reliable. In many hours of flying them I never had any engine trouble. They were difficult to ‘unstick’ with a full load in a calm but the floats stood up to a pretty pounding without breakage; if anything gave it was chassis struts that bent. Once with a heavy load I careered a long way through a choppy sea with water being thrown right over the engine when in the end the wooden propellor burst, which was not surprising. These aircraft were [page break] 10. embarked in ships which were converted cross-channel ferries and were supposed to operate from open water. This was highly optimistic as there was no weather reporting, and conditions were either too rough or too calm for any certainty of take-off, and it was a highly inefficient way of conducting operations. See later under Sopwith Baby. In addition they were fitted with a wireless set called ‘R[inserted]o[/inserted]uset’. This was mounted on top of the petrol tank and as it had a rotary spark gap revolving in the open making a continuous arc, I always thought it more than dangerous. Many an hour did I spend in helping to overhaul those Canton Unee’s [sic] (one crank on to which a master connecting rod was affixed, with the other rods attached to the web of the master; a lovely piece of work). It was, of course, a French engine but licensed into England to the Dudbridge Iron Works, Stroud. I once did a test with a destroyer going ahead of me pumping oil on to troubled waters to see if by taking off along a path of oiled water we could find it noticeably calmer, but it did not seen to make much difference. These Shorts had no forward or aft firing guns and so were completely defenceless, but they were capable of carrying a few bombs weather permitting. Perhaps at this point I should say how the ground or deck handling of these seaplanes embarked in ships was carried out. First they were stowed folded in a hangar. The latter was a heavy steel structure built on to the qu[inserted]a[/inserted]rterdeck of these small ships, mostly under 2,000 Tons, which then gave them the most dreadful seaworthy characteristics. When folded it was possible to stow about four or five aircraft which could be wheeled out tail first and one at a time on to the quarterdeck. The wings were then spread and locked into position by steel pins which had to be secured from turning to prevent them unscrewing. The engine was run up to test power and afterwards shut down when the pilot and observer took their places. A crane, one on each after corner, was trained over the centre section of the aircraft and the heavy hook attached to a wire sling and the order given to hoist out. Once clear of the deck the aircraft was slung outboard and at the same time turned so that it faced the side of the ship while being lowered down to sea level, and mechanics armed with long bamboo poles fended off the wings from touching the [page break] 11. side. This was fine as long as there was no tide running but if so then as soon as the upstream float [missing letter]ouched the water the wing tended to dig in so one had to be very quick in releasing the hook to allow the aircraft to drift quickly down the ships side. The proceedure [sic] for returning on board was similar in reverse. The machine had to be taxied slowly nose on to the side of the ship until the floats nearly touched it, when the engine was switched off, and if well judged the crane hook would be hanging just over the centre section ready for the pilot to stand up and hook it on to the slings. Easy when not at anchor, but with a tide running past, very good judgement was needed to aim sufficiently up tide to give time to leap up and grab the hook as one drifted past, hook on, and be quickly hoisted up before the tide took charge. 13. [underlined] SHORT TRACTOR SEAPLANE. – 225. h.p. SUNBEAM. (BIPLANE). 1916. [/underlined] This type followed the one above and was a much bigger aeroplane with the biggest engine so far designed, but not more reliable. The machine was somewhere between 60 and 70 ft in span, this time with interconnected ailerons but still with flat-bottomed floats, especially as it was intended to carry a torpedo. It handled very well in the air for such a large aircraft and succeeded the 135. h.p. Canton into Service, which I was sorry to leave as it was less heavy on the hand and I thought a better looking aircraft. 14. [underlined] MORANE PARASOL. – 70. h.p. Le RHONE. (MONOPLANE). 1916. [/underlined] As commented on the [inserted]e[/inserted]arlier Morane in which the wing so obstructed the view of the ground, in this type that had been overcome by raising the whole wing well above the heads of the pilot and observer. It was mounted on a tripod of steel tubes at the centre, called a 'cabane' but still had warp lateral control although an improvement on the original it was not a very effective military machine, but was used quite a lot in France by both British and French. 15. [underlined] SOPWITH MILITARY BIPLANE. – 100. h.p. MONOSOUPAPE GNOME. 1916. [/underlined] As with the above I flew in this aircraft Montrose. It had been [page break] 12. developed from the Round Britain seaplane, by the look of it, and suffered from a poor view and lack of any armament. Unlike most rotary engine Installations which were by a shaft extending aft through one or two bearing plates with the rotating engine overhung, this had one bearing plate at the back and another right in the nose carrying a front extension shaft, with the engine rotating in between them. 16. [underlined] SOPWITH SCHNEIDER – 100 h.p. MONOSOUPAPE GNOME. (BIPLANE) 1916. [/underlined] This was a derivet[deleted]it[/deleted]ive of the original Sopwith Tabloid, which fitted with floats won the Schneider Cup Race at Monaco in 1913. It was fitted with a single float and tested on the Thames at Sunbury or Teddington. It proved unstable on the water and the single float was sawn down the middle and the two halves made into twin floats and mounted on a wider undercarriage. Later, so successful was the type that it was produced in some quantity for the R.N.A.S. I first flew it from Killingholme on the Humber. At that point the river runs out at anything up to 6 knots and we were on the South bank. The prevailing wind was across the river and consequently one took off into wind but across a fast moving current. The effect was as if taking off with a great deal of drift. However if one corrected for drift and turned into what seemed the apparent wind then disaster overtook. One had to ignore the opposite bank of the river and let her rip. The casuality [sic] rate there was not inconsiderable, and it certainly was not an ideal place to instruct anyone on a new type. The 100 h.p. Gnome was insufficient to give it a first class performance but it was a very lively little aeroplane, and very soon a more pleasant type came about as a result of more power being available. 17. [underlined] SOPWITH BABY SEAPLANE. – 110 h.p. or 130 h.p. CLERGET (BIPLANE) [/underlined] Having aileron control [deleted] i [/deleted] instead of warp it was much more pleasant to fly. It had the top centre section cut out above one’s head, in which a Lewis gun was mounted to shoot upwards. The difficulty with this was loading the gun or trying to clear a stoppage it was necessary to look upwards for a time, and on one occasion I went into a spin when doing so. For such a lightly controled [sic] machine strangely it had a wheel [page break] 13. for operating the ailerons. The floats were still of very light construction and in the Engadine we stiffened the bottoms with extra carpentry. But this still left the tail float easily punctured if it should strike the water during landing, which happened to me on two occasions with the result that at the end of the landing run the machine slowly turned over backwards. This weakness was never remedied, for reasons unknown, otherwise it was a first class aeroplane and a joy to fly. The method of starting the engine however was most unpleasant. To do so one had to pull the control column back behind one’s backside and then, bent double in the small cockpit turn the engine by a crank handle. If lucky this might require only slight effort but if, as sometimes happened the darned thing refused to fire one was soon in a bath of perpiration [sic] when dressed in thick flying clothing and it is a wonder there were no cases of pneumonia following. 18. [underlined] FAIREY HAMBLE BABY – 130 h.p. CLERGET. (BIPLANE) 1917. [/underlined] Was a copy of the Sopwith Baby but had full span flaps which could be lowered by a hand wheel for take-off and landing. As far as I could see they had little or no effect except to spoil the otherwise good handling qualities of the type, because the flaps also operated as ailerons over the full span. 19. [underlined] B.E. 2c. – 90. h.p. R.A.F. (BIPLANE) 1917. [/underlined] One of the early types, supposedly inherently stable. I cannot say I noticed its stability except that it was slow on the controls. Unlike the first of the type, the B.E.2., it now had ailerons instead of warp and if stalled [deleted] w [/deleted] was prone to fall into a spin pretty rapidly. Badly windscreened it was very draughty for both pilot and observer (by this time the passenger had come to be recognised as the observer) although the fitting of adequate armament fore and aft had yet to come. Any such was improvised and as the observer was in front of the pilot, nicely wedged in between the planes, his field for any fire was only outwards at about 45 degrees ahead or over the pilots head aft. It was far too sedate for war, and thus got a bad reputation. [page break] 14. 20. [underlined] B.E. 2c. – 90. h.p. R.A.F. (BIPLANE). 1917. [/underlined] A strict derivative of the 2.c. but having only one bay of interplane struts with a big overhung extension of the top plane beyond them; It had a slightly better performance and was a little lighter on control. I thought it a distinct improvement on the earlier type but it fell out of the hand very suddenly if stalled. Again not a good military type but both did valient [sic] service against long odds. 21. [underlined] SOPWITH PUP. – 80. h.p. LE RHONE. (BIPLANE). 1917. [/underlined] This was a classic little fighter, very lightly loaded and very light on control which just sprang into the air and went on going up quite rapidly. It was the first real fighter type designed for the purpose, armed with one Vickers gun mounted in front of the pilot's face and firing through the airscrew. Fitted with a rather clumsy mechanical interrupter gear, which was the forerunner of the much better Constantinesco oil operated system. Developed directly from the original Tabloid but with the requirements of a fighter from the first drawings it was a greatly liked and highly efficient machine, which led the way to the later Camel. [deleted] 24. [underlined] SOPWITH 1 1/2 STRUTTER. – 110. h.p. CLERGET. (BIPLANE). 1917. [/underlined] [/deleted] [deleted] Designed [/deleted] 22. [underlined] SOPWITH CAMEL. – 110. h.p. CLERGET. (BI[inserted]P[/inserted]LANE) 1917. [/underlined] The Camel was the outstanding fighter of the first war, and with superior power over the Pup it was a real war machine. Fitted with two Vickers guns mounted in front of the pilot's face, and Constantinesco interrupter gear it was only rivaled [sic] by the S.E. 5. which came [deleted] some time after it. [/deleted] [inserted] about the same time i.e. end of 1916, [/inserted] It was a joy to fly because of it's quickness on control, but because it was under ruddered it responded to the torque of the engine to the right to such an extent that no rudder at all was needed to turn righthanded, and if given any it went into a right hand spin in a trice. In fact almost full top, or left rudder, was necessary to prevent a spin but so many first comers to the type ended up that way and usually [page break] 15. hit the ground before they realised what had happened. Once that characteristic had been learned there was no quicker or better fighter in manoeuvre. The guns were mounted in a kind of hump which restricted the view of the pilot forward, and he also sat rather too far under the top centre section to give him much view upwards. But in spite of these faults it was either loved or hated by those who flew it. Both constructionally and as a flying machine the Camel was a simple design and being very strong for its weight stood up to a good deal of bad handling. A classic type indeed. 23. [underlined] DE HAVILAND 4. – R.R. 275.h.p. EAGLE. (BIPLANE) 1917. [/underlined] But this too was as great a clasic [sic] in its class as a two-seater day bomber. It was a large aeroplane for its time which had a performance almost as good as a 'Scout'. It could carry a load of bombs, 2 X 230 lbs, and was a dream of an aeroplane to fly. It had fuel for four or five hours and was as reliable as a taxi-cab. I did very many hours on this aeroplane ranging far from base and was never once let down. Those fitted with the B.H.P. engine (Beardmore-Halford-Pullin) were not so good on performance or reliability. This engine was a bitch to start and on one occasion during a long flight round the Aegean I spent about two days before the darned thing would condescend to fire. The very first D.H. 4’s had unbraced tailplanes but after a few fatal accidents the fin and tailplane were braced to each other by double streamline wires. The B.H.P. version was notable for having a four bladed propeller the width of the blades being no more than four or five inches [deleted] wide [/deleted], and I do not recollect seeing any such others. 24. [underlined] SOPWITH 1 1/2 STRUTTER. – 110. h.p. CLERGET. (BIPLANE) 1917. [/underlined] This type was designed as either a two-seater or a single seater, the former was supposed to be a fighter and the latter a bomber. Very soon they were all two-seaters with one Vickers gun firing forward and a Scarf ring for the observer and I think they carried 2 X 112 lbs bombs. The pilot sat in front right under the top centre section but owing to the big stagger he had a very good view downwards over the leading edge of the bottom plane. If I remember correctly there was a glass [page break] 16. panel in the floor of this cockpit marked with adjustable lines, through which the sighting of the bombs was supposed to be done. I don't know if it was used much because of the difficulty of flying the aeroplane with one's head inside the cockpit and steering over an unseen target, hoping it would come into view in the panel at the last moment. They were light on control and very pleasant to fly, and although a largish single bay wing structure, they were strong, and had a relatively good performance. Much used in France and other theatres of war, they followed the earlier traditions of Sopwith and were leaders in their class. In the Aegean where I first flew one, they formed a mobile circus and moved around the Salonica front. 25. [underlined] ALL STEEL HENRI FARMAN. – 135 h.p. SALMSON CANTON UNNE. 1917. [/underlined] [underlined] (BIPLANE) [/underlined]. Equipment of a Greek Squadron in the Aegean. I flew it only once and did not take to it greatly. It was about the first design to be constructed in steel tube and certainly looked cumbersome, and felt so in the air. It was a good weight lifter and somehow pushed itself through the air faster than might be expected. Not many were used by the British and as a type it had a very limited life. I cannot say I enjoyed this experience, especially as the engine stopped dead on the glide down from 3,000 ft and so I had to make a 'dead stick' landing on a not very big aerodrome. 26. [underlined] D.H.9. – 230 h.p. B.H.P.. (BIPLANE). 1917. [/underlined] But a shadow of the D.H. 4. the only improvement being the cockpit arrangement, in that both were close together and further aft clear of the wings. With the early B.H.P. engine there was not the same power and so the splendid performance of the '4' was not repeated. Apart from that it had good handling qualities and carried 2 x 230 lbs. bombs as did the D.H.4. The B.H.P. had been redesigned by Siddeley-Deasy a motor car firm, but that did not increase it's reliability at first and as a bomber it did not score points. However after the war the type was used by Cobham and others in the development of Empire routes and many other commercial uses. The unu[deleted]a[/deleted]sual narrow chord propeller [page break 17. was not used again on the Siddeley Puma, as the B.H.P was renamed, and was fitted with the conventional wide chord two-blad[deleted]d[/deleted]er. In spite of the shortcomings the type was very pleasant to handle. 27. [underlined] D.H. 9a. – 400 h.p. LIBERTY (BIPLANE) 1918. [/underlined] A very superior machine with plenty of power. It had the D.H. 9. layout but with the old D.H. 4. nose and was as agreeable to fly as was the 4. The engine was of American design and to that extent it had coil ignition, a strange inovation [sic] to us accustomed to the original magneto of German origin. This meant that one switched on by two switches, one for starting and one for full advance. The mechanics pulled the propellor round over compression, which was very heavy work, and when just near compression the mystic word ‘contact’ was shouted. At that the pilot switched on one switch and the mechanics, sometimes two or three joining hands, run away with the prop. If lucky the engine fired and the job was over; if not then it could go on and on. But woe betide the pilot who in anxiety or by mistake switched on both switches at once, for if so the engine back fired and the prop. reved [sic] round in reverse and usually hit the arm of the man who was nearest with the result a broken wrist or forearm. The D.H. 9a. continued life in the Service for about 15. years and among it’s many credits was the introduction of the Desert Air Route from Cairo to Baghdad in 1921 and many other operations in Iraq and the North West Frontier. It was a wonderful workhorse. 28. [underlined] F.2a. Flying BOAT. – 2 ROLLS ROYCE 375 h.p. EAGLE (BIPLANE) 1919 [/underlined] This very large type was evolved from the Curtis America and was used from Felixstowe and Yarmouth for long patrols over the North Sea during the first war. It weighed over five tons and had an endurance of over seven hours, so it was most advanced for it's time. I don’t know how many were built but I think not more than one hundred. I flew one after the war and with a span on 83. feet it felt a real ‘cathedral’ to me. I thought it slow on controls and the take off from calm [page break] 18. water could go on for miles before unsticking. Although it did good service and was a successful flying machine it was not my type; I have always prefered [sic] small, or medium sized aeroplanes, and at Felixstowe I devoted my time there to such. 29. [underlined] D.H. 6. – 90. h.p. R.A.F. (BIPLANE) 1917. [/underlined] [inserted] [symbol] [/inserted] Often known as the 'clutching hand’ because of the very pronounced camber of the wings. It was the answer to the instructor’s prayer in those days when pilots were so urgently needed, because it was devoid of vices and you could do with it what you wanted. In fact it was too placid and did not do those things which got you into trouble in most aeroplanes. Designed as a sort of hip bath, the two cockpits were as one, as a result there was the closest contact between the instructor and pupil. I remember one night when teaching my observer to fly we sailed round several aerodromes in the moonlight and each time we came to the Mess we throttled back and floated silently past blowing an old motor horn. Everything about this aeroplane was dictated by cheapness and ease of production; the wings were sawn off square, and the engine left uncowled. It would fly at less than 30. m.p.h. with a top speed of only 75. and was very easy and not unpleasant to fly strangely enough. With this sort of performance it was a simple matter to fly backwards in any wind over 30. m.p.h. and in 1919. this I used to delight in doing up and down Aldeburgh High Street, achieved by just throttling back at the up wind end and opening up at the other. I see that just under 2300. were built and the all-up weight was only a little less at 2027. lbs. It was a unique design typical of De Havilland who always designed functionally and without frills, to achieve the required purpose. 30. [underlined] BLACKBURN KANGAROO. – 2. ROLLS ROYCE 250. h.p. FALCONS (BIPLANE) [/underlined] A large span aircraft, the most notable feature of which was the long protruding nose away out beyond the wings. The pilot felt very isolated and had nothing much in front of him to line up with the horizon. In fact it was one of the earliest forerunners of the present [page break] 19. day pilot's position in big aircraft – miles out in front with the wings hardly in sight behind. This caused the first questioning in my mind (or perhaps bottom) as to how the human can instinctively and instantly adjust itself to the height and angle of the cockpit above the ground. Sometimes one is almost touching the ground with the seat of one's pants (as in light aircraft or gliders) and sometimes sitting twenty feet above it. And yet one can change from one to the other immediately and judge take off and landing with no apparent difficulty or difference. It is just instinctive. Designed as a general purpose seaplane, the floats were too heavy for it, and [inserted] it was [/inserted] used as a land plane for anti-submarine patrols, I can't say more than it felt clumsy and uninteresting, and I am glad I did not fly it operationally. 31. [underlined] AVRO 504. – GNOME, LYNX, LUCIFER, RENAULT, etc. (BIPLANE) 1919. [/underlined] The classic of all training aircraft. Although designed as early as 1913, it never developed into an operational type except in a small way at the outbreak of the War but became the standard trainer. It introduced the Gosport method in 1915/16. devised by SMITH-BARRY, the foundation of pilot instruction ever since. In competent hands it was possible to do any manoeuvre, and I only wish I had been so properly instructed by going through an instructors course. One could not but love the responsive controls, and these held good whatever engine was installed, and thes[inserted]e [/inserted] were many. I think it was a better machine with the Gnome than with some of the others because the Gnome was smother [sic] and gave it some of it's great character. I remember being given experience of up-side down flight at the hands of Captain Hinchcliffe (a pilot who then had but one eye, and who later on was to be one of the early casualties of flying the Atlantic) and unused as I was to gravity affecting me as it did, proceeded to slip through the belt round my waist and nearly deserted ship. Amazed as I was to do banked turns inverted I cannot say I enjoyed that experience. 32. [underlined] HANDLEY PAGE V/ 1500. – 4. R.R. 350 h.p. EAGLES (BIPLANE) 1919. [/underlined] [page break] [inserted] [symbol] [/inserted] 20. This experience was gained in the tail turret of what was then a gigantic aeroplane and apart from marvelling at the way in which such a vast contraption handled: to say nothing of the effect it had on the bathers on Margate beach when flown at no feet: I cannot give any constructive comments on the type. 33. [underlined] BRISTOL FIGHTER. – R.R. 275 h.p. FALCON (BIPLANE) 1919/23. [/underlined] THIS outstanding aeroplane I first met in No. 24. Squadron at Croydon doing VIP Communication flights, and it was a type to which one could become affectionate from the outset. It had no vices and a performance which at the time was achieved with great ease. I cannot remember any feature which was dislikeable and little did l but know it, I was to do many hundreds of hours on it over the deserts and mountains of Mesopotamia, Kurdistan, Palestine and Trans-Jordan and it never let me down. It was on this aircraft that I made the grave mistake of taking my rigger up on my tail-plane to a height of 1500. feet – quite by accident – and returning us all to earth complete in one piece during 1920. But that is another story. This mistake was repeated by two other pilots, on a Spitfire and Lysander, twenty years later during the Second War. A truly great type. 34. [underlined] R.E. 8. 160 h.p. R.A.F. (BIPLANE) 1920. [/underlined] In the hot climate of Mesopotamia it proved to be a better aircraft then I had been led to believe from earlier hearsay. If anything the rapid stall became a little more rapid and had to be guarded against carefully; and the air cooled engine certainly did not like the high temperature and seized up engines could force land one in very unpleasant places, especially with an Arab Rebellion underneath. Nevertheless until we were re-equipped with Bristol Fighters they did a remarkable work horse job from Persia to the Persian Gulf and up the Euphrates at Abu Kamal against the Syrian incursion. [page break] 21. 35. [underlined] BRANDENBURGER SEAPLANE. – 260. h.p. BENZ. (MONOPLANE). 1924. [/underlined] A German aeroplane much used by them to attack shipping off our North Sea Coast. After the armistice one was retained at Marine Aircraft Experimental Establishment, Felixtowe [sic] . It was delightful to fly having a perfect view for pilot and rear gunner, and its big thumping engine pulled it through the air very gracefully. It had long strut-braced floats which unstuck quickly and easily and all controls were Iight and well harmonized. I gave it full marks as a sea plane and it was a real pleasure in the air. 36. [underlined] ATALANTA FLYING BOAT. – 2 R.R. 600. h.p. CONDORS. (BIPLANE) 1924. [underlined] A very large and cumbersome flying machine with a power loading somewhere above 20. lbs per h.p. As at the time I had decided that flying boats of this kind were not my particular cup of tea, I'm afraid I experienced it only as a passenger and took little real interest in it. 37. [underlined] FAIREY 3. D. – 450. h.p. NAPIER LION. (BIPLANE). 1924. [/underlined] A good general purpose aircraft usually operated on floats and robustly developed from an earlier version, and the forerunner of the Fairey 3.P. This too appeared first on floats, but later was adopted as a general purpose land plane on which I did many hundred[deleted]e[/deleted]s of hours based on Aden. Both these types had wing flaps which made lateral control heavy when in the lowered position for landing, but apart from that the 3. F. particularly had a very good performance and withstood a great deal of overload without showing much objection. One of the best General Purpose types introduced into the Service which did much of the route proving throughout Africa and Southern Arabia and the type which established Dick Fairey in big business. 38. [underlined] PARNALL PLOVER AMPHIBIAN. – 400. h.p. BRISTOL JUPITER. (BIPLANE). 1924. [/underlined] A nice little fighter type on floats, although in the air it felt rather flimsy and the centre section bracing slakened [sic] in any manoeuvre. [page break] 22. The amphibian feature was rather more in name than in substance, being only a small wheel which protruded a few inches below the keel of the floats and was quite useless for any aerodrome work. The type was an ende[inserted]v[/inserted]our to capture the Fleet Air Arm market but it did not succeed in competition against the Fairey Flycatcher. 39. [underlined] SUPERMARINE SWAN FLYING BOAT. – 2. 450. h.p. NAPIER LIONS. (BIPLANE). 1924. [/underlined] Mitchell’s first attempt at a twin-engined boat and I am not sure what market he had in view. It was a novel conception in that the hull had a vertical stem like a trawler and the pilots sat high up on top of the hull between the two engines; the interior was therefore unobstructed for passengers or any other load. It was quite delightful to fly and no longer the soggy cumbersome sort of flying boat I had experienced previously. However it soon appeared that it had little or no future although aerodynamically it was a big step forward. It was during the time that we were testing it at Felixtowe [sic] that one got to know Mitchell and his way of thinking which was to be a great asset to me later on at the time of the Spitfire. To follow the Swan he had ideas for what was to be the successful Southampton boat which did valiant work when later introduced into the Service and a Flight of four of them made the pioneer journey from England to Singapore; round Australia and back to Singapore and Borneo to Hong-Kong in 1927/8. 40. [underlined] VICKERS VALENCIA. – 2 R.R. 600. h.p. CONDORS. (BIPLANE). 1924. [/underlined] In competition with the Atalanta and just as cumbersome and underpowered and really had no future. It was tested with a C.O.W. gun mounted in the nose with the idea of shooting downwards at submarines, and if I remember correctly the gunner traversed this weapon when aiming on the bow or beam by standing on a little foot-rail completely outside the hull. An alarming experience to watch let alone perform. I did not fly this type. 41. [underlined] FAIREY FLYCATCHER AMPHIBIAN. – 400. h.p. ARMSTRONG JAGUAR. (BIPLANE). 1924. [/underlined] [page break] [symbol] 23. It was adopted by the Fleet Air Arm as their fighter. A more ungainly shape one could hardly imagine, the fuselage being broken-backed with a massive undercarriage for it's [deleted]s[/undeleted]size. However it was a pleasant aircraft to fly and did rather better than it looked. I flew the type as a seaplane and a land plane and of course the latter made a big improvement. Like the Plover it too had a small wheel protruding through the keel of the floats which only made the process of unsticking from the water more difficult. Just in order to see what use this [deleted] this [/deleted] amphibian device could be used for I made one attempt to take the aircraft off through the hangar and out through the front doors over the slipway at Felixstowe to show that it could be used on a concrete floor or deck in this way. Alas, my Squadron Commander caught me in the act of preparation, and that test was not done. 42. [underlined] ARMSTRONG WHITWORTH SISKIN. – 400 h.p. JAGUAR (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] At Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment. 1925/27. An all metal fighter (except for fabric coverings) which had evolved in various stages of development at Farnborough by the end of the war, but had been completed when Fred Green joined Armstrong's. It was no more elegant looking than was the Flycatcher, but was very manoeuvreable [sic] and had a good performance in spite of its ungainly shape. I can testify to its strength as I had the unpleasant experience in a dual-controlled version of spinning first one way and then the other and finally inverted through 9,000 ft of cloud and then had time to straighten things up after breaking cloud mostly on my back at 1,000 ft. A further developement [sic] was the Siskin IIIs with a supercharged Jaguar on which we attained a full load ceiling of 30,000 ft for the first time. This was done with highly inefficient liquid oxygen equipment, equally inefficient heating for hands and feet, and with an outside temperature of minus 60 degrees Centigrade in an open cockpit. Sir John Siddley the engine maker wrote a short letter of thanks! In order to show the improvement the supercharger gave to the aircraft we did a freak climb with no load and attained 10,000 ft in four minutes, and 20,000 ft in just over eight minutes – a record rate of climb for those days. [page break] 23. [duplicated page number] 43. [underlined] GLOSTER GREBE. – 400 h.p. JAGUAR. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] One of Folland's little beauties, like the Siskin it had grown through the development of the Nighthawk and previous Farnborough designs in which Folland had a big hand. Now chief designer at Gloster Aircraft he began a new sequence of fighters developed from the Grebe. It was a true delight to fly and made it's imprint on the Royal Air Force in a few Squadrons and was much loved. 44. [/underlined] HAWKER CYGNET. – 30 h.p. ANZANI-A.B.C. OR CHERUB. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] The first of Camm’s master pieces. The plan-form was a miniature lay-out which proved to be the foundation of many of his later designs. It was a glorious toy and from it I learned the first essential of pure gliding, because one day the propeller disappeared over my right hand top plane and I found myself with a screaming engine and no propulsion. The crank shaft had sheared completely and having stopped the engine from flying apart, I made my way downwards towards an open field. As the thing flew at almost no miles per hour it seemed to take an awful long time to reach ground level, but in turning to and fro on the final approach I must have let the speed increase to the dangerous level of about 30. m.p.h. and consequently floated too far across the field to avoid the nose coming to rest in the opposite hedge. I am glad to say with no damage except to my own nose, and regretfully that is the full extent of my gliding experience. Designed in 1924 for the Light Aeroplane Trials at Lympne, had it not suffered engine trouble it was in a class of its on and considering that it weighed only 798. lbs with two people and fuel it was indeed a marvel. 45. [underlined] D.H. 53. – 30. h.p. TOM TIT. (MONOPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] Another of the best of the light aeroplane types. Lovely to fly but of no commercial use, so D.H. thought, having no margin of load or performance, nevertheless a few were accepted for the Service to try out ab initio training on them. This formula of light weight and [page break] 24. very low power proved to be wrong which led D.H. to design a much more sensible aeroplane – the Moth. 46. [underlined] AVRO AVIS. – 30. h.p. TOM TIT. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] Also for the same competition and also inadequate. Although this one was designed later than the Avro Monoplane type 560 described below, and although the power allowed had been increased, it was still underpowered and of no use commercially. A nice little toy and we at Martlesham all enjoyed flying it, but mostly without a passenger. However like the D.H. 53. it led to the Avro Avian on the same lines as the Moth. This whole conception of what might sell as a useful civil type for travel or sporting activities was quite impracticable as there was not enough performance to safely meet either requirement. All these light aircraft types were designed round glorified motor-cycle engines of 600 c.c. to 1500 c.c. and they certainly churned out a lot of power at high revs for a great deal of unreliability. 47. [underlined] MARTINSYDE. F.4. – 400. h.p. JAGUAR. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] One of the war-time F.4.’s re-engined and made into a beautiful aeroplane although large in size for a fighter by contemporary designs. It was never put forward as a Service type but was on offer for foreign sale by Aircraft Disposals who had hundreds left over from the war. I always wonder why some foreign government did not acquire them as at the time it was quite outstanding with this engine. 48. [underlined] AIRCRAFT DISPOSAL CO. AVRO 4. – 140 h.p. AIRDISCO. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A good old 504 re-engined with a V.8. engine made out of old Renault parts. It certainly brightened up the performance but I cannot say it was an improved aircraft over the original. It was not a winner as I do not think any were sold. 49. [underlined] AVRO MONOPLANE. – 30.h.p. TOM TIT. 1925. [/underlined] Another of the light aeroplane contestants previous in time to the Avro Avis and being thoroughly underpowered like all the rest was [page break] 25. just a bit of fun held together with sticking per and gum. [symbol] 50. [underlined] A.N.E.C. – 30. h.p. TOM TIT. (MONOPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] Yet another of these miniatures and by far the most interesting and entertaining. So it deserves quite a description. It was a single seater in which the pilot was fed into his cockpit through the centre section of the monoplane wing which was then closed down and fastened over his head. His view was then only to either side the dashboard blanking out any ahead. His bottom was very close to the ground as the two wheels were attached to the underside of the fuselage which had no undercarriage struts at all. It had a moving tailpIane, that is there was a no fixed stabilizing surface at all. The result was the most sensitive fore and aft control ever experienced and by breathing [symbol] in or breathing out it was so light on the stick that the little aircraft either leapt upwards or dived before one realised that the stick had been moved at all. The entrancing result of this was to watch it take off in a series of ups and downs which we soon christened 'pints'. Thus anyone even remotely heavy handed who was allowed to fly the aircraft was judged by the number of pints he drew before becoming master of his emotions. On one such occasion when lent to a certain friend, he disappeared into the distance beyond a belt of trees while still busily drawing off pints, until on failing to reappear again a search party found him completely upside down on top of a haystack and fortunately with no damage whatsoever. As there was no way of getting out except through the roof it was neccessary [sic] to lift the aircraft off the pilot. Those who had the joy of flying this unique machine were entered as members of the 'pint club' the subscriptions for which were enjoyed in the Mess. 51. [underlined] BEARDMORE WEE BEE. – 36 h.p. CHERUB (MONOPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A development of the same theme only this time a two seater whereas the A.N.E.C. was for one only and lucky at that. The layout for entry and exit to the cockpits was the same but fortunately in this machine a fixed tail-plane had been designed to overcome the great fore and aft [deleted] ensit [/deleted] sensitivity. Nice to fly but no future. [page break] 26. 52. [underlined] RAYNHAM LIGHT AEROPLANE. – DOUGLAS. (MONOPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] Of all of them this one had less power than any, being a boosted standard motor-bike engine, and had nothing to recommend it in any way. 53. [underlined] PARNALL PIXIE I. – 30. TOM TIT. (MONOPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] Another toy completely under powered as usual. The majority of this class had top speeds about sixty or seventy m.p.h. and might be coaxed up to ceilings below 10,000 feet if one had the time and inclinati[missing letters] 54. [underlined] PARNALL PIXIE III. – 30 h.p. CHERUB. (MONOPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A curious development of the earlier Pixie I. in that when installin[missing letter] more power they at the same time designed to be either a monoplane or biplane by the simple expedient of attaching a short upper wing. While it flew reasonably well as a monoplane the additional weight did not justify the alternative and like the rest, fun but no future. 55. [underlined] HAWKER WOODCOCK. – 400.h.p. JUPITER. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] An early post-war night fighter design by one Captain Thompson, before the days of Carter or Cam at Hawkers, but inherited by each. It was a viceless aeroplane although in its early stages a little flimsy. Nevertheless it was adopted by the Service in small numbers and later developed for the Danish Airforce as the Danecock. As a type it required a great deal of redesign before it was fully satisfactory, and although I enjoyed flying it later on in the Air Ministry Race at the 1927 Hendon Display it really was not an exciting aeroplane. 56. [underlined] GLOSTER GAMECOCK. – 400.h.p. JUPITER. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A grown-up Grebe from the same stable and a really efficient fighter with a speed range of 49.m.p.h. to 153.m.p.h. maximum with a service ceiling of about 25,000. ft. I flew this type in the 1925 Hendon Display at which I was presented to His Majesty King George V in the experimental park. The following incident occured [sic] when His [page break] 27. Majesty enquired the performance of my aircraft. On being told the above figures he turned round to Queen Ena of Spain, who was accompanying him, and while beating a tattoo on the cylinders of my engine with his gold-mounted ebony stick, exclaimed "Ena, Ena, 150 miles an hour - - - bang, bang, bang, - - - 25,000. ft!” This type went into Service and was much liked but unfortunately became prone to wing flutter a nasty new pestilence that reared its ugly head at that period. This was overcome in due course and led Folland on to better things. [inserted] [symbol] [/inserted] 57. [underlined] BLACKBURN DART. – 450.h.p. NAPIER LION. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A Fleet torpedo dropper nearly as clumsy as an elephant but controlable [sic] . As with so many aircraft designed to meet Naval requirements, they were cluttered up with everthing [sic] except the kitchen stove; usually of appalling aerodynamic shape; and consequently much down on performance. This comment does not refer particularly to the Dart but will perhaps be repeated as other Naval types are mentioned. The Dart had a ceiling of 10,000. ft which it attained in 37 minutes – hardly a rapid rate of climb – and a maximum speed of 90.m.p.h at that height. It was one of a number competing for an order which it won. 58. [underlined] FAIREY FAWN. – 450.h.p. NAPIER LION. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A design to replace the General Purpose [deleted] the [/deleted] D.H.9.A. Very broadly evolved from the Fairey 3.D. It had the usual Fairey full-span flaps, and to meet a spasm of new safety requirements, all the petrol had to be carried externally in bulky tanks which protruded above the top plane. The biggest effect this had was to ruin any performance which the aircraft was likely to have, nevertheless it was ordered into Service for a few Squadrons. Not one of the best choices. 59. [underlined] BRISTOL BLOODHOUND. – 400.h.p. JUPITER. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] Designed as a Bristol Fighter replacement it had a speed of 125.m.p.h. and a ceiling of about 18,000. ft. It was one of the first types to have Frise ailerons which gave it rather a spongy feel, but they were very effective. The whole wing bracing seemed a bit on the light side and [page break] 28. indeed after a quite normal touch-down at Henlow the centre section bracing wires snapped and I found myself finishing the landing run with the whole of the top planes staggered forward on to the top of the engine. A very elegant arrival on a strange station! 60. [underlined] BLACKBURN BLACKBURN. – 450.h.p. NAPIER LION. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] Commonly known as the Bull. Another of the Navy’s inelegant contraptions, it had been devised from the Dart, but had a cockpit for two perched on top of the engine just in front of the top plane, and from the front making the nose shape look exactly like a bull's head. It was heavy and unmanoeuvreable [sic] and I do not believe that any subsequent aircraft were built. While mentioning animals I should also remember that with the introduction of the Napier Lion the service representative who travelled round units attending to its early teething troubles, became known as 'the lion tamer'. He was not the only one, for each engine and aircraft manufacturer had similar representatives and often they worked day and night to keep their products working satisfactorily in competition with the other. 61. [underlined] BLACKBURN BLUEBIRD. 36 h.p. BLACKBURNE. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A side-by-side dual controlled afterthought of the Light Aeroplane Trials, heavy for the type, [deleted] s [/deleted] thus hopeless, but later I believe re-engined with a much more powerful Genet with w[inserted]h[/inserted]ich it made one or two long flights in Africa. There is actually this one in existence today. 62. [underlined] AVRO ANDOVER. – 600 h.p. R.R. CONDOR. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] Designed as a light troop carrier, alternatively an ambulance. It was a large ungainly aircraft weighing the best part of six tons relying on a single engine, in spite of that it was quite gentlemanly to fly with the pilot perched forward behind the engine and just in front of the upper wing. It could carry 12. people or 6. stretcher cases and apparently was thought of for use on the Cairo-Baghdad route; tried by lmperial Airways and found wanting. [page break] 29. 63. [underlined] BRISTOL BROWNIE. – 36 h.p. CHERUB. (MONOPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] Yet another of these Light Aircraft, this time an attempt to build in metal as well as wood and with the pious hope it might be suitable to the Service as a primary trainer. But again at full load it was hopelessly underpowered taking 53 minutes to reach a ceiling of 8500 ft. It was pleasant to fly as a single seater but quite inadequate to be taken seriously, although it won several money prizes in competitions. 64. [underlined] FAIREY FOX. – 400 h.p. CURTISS D.12. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] An outstanding aeroplane which was to have a big influence on British design. Fairey had long been an advocate of building a really clean bomber, and the frightful shape aquired [sic] by the Fawn had driven him to America to try to show up the errors of bad streamlining. There he bought the rights to build the Curtiss D.12. engine, which at the time had the smallest frontal area for it's power of any power plant. He also aquired [sic] the rights to manufacture a twisted metal airscrew which became known as the Fairey-Reed. Having invested his own money in what he felt was right he then designed around this engine and propeller a beautifully clean bomber capable of carrying 500.lbs. of bombs. While the pilot’s view was not all it might have been, as he sat concealed behind the engine with a long flat nose streatching [sic] in front of him, however it certainly had a fine performance of just under 160 m.p.h. at ground level and 127. at it's ceiling of 18000 ft. Being an ungeared engine, take off seemed longer than usual and touch down at 65/67. rather faster. Except for the rather cramped space for the pilot and gunner the design was a step in the right direction and the Curtiss acted as a spur to Rolls Royce in their design of their Falcon engine of the same period. The Fox was accepted into Service in very small numbers and gave much pleasure as well as controversy. For instance, Fairey's insistence in making [deleted] h [/deleted] the nose flat along the top was not so effective in reducing resistance as was the drooped shape adopted by Cam in most of his Hawker types, which also gave the pilot a very much better view. [page break] 30. 65. [underlined] GLOSTER GORCOCK. – 450 h.p. NAPIER LION (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A development of the Gamecock, with either a direct drive or geared engine. While it had a slightly increased speed, the heavier engine resulted in a rather sudden stall and when demonstrating at the Hendon Display I found it very prone to stall on top of a loop. It had a cylindrical radiator underslung between the undercarriage struts, which I am sure did no good to the aerodynamic cleanliness and the type was not adopted as a follow on to the Gamecock. 66. [underlined] VICKERS VIRGINIA. – 2. NAPIER LIONS. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] The standard night bomber in service for a good many years, much grown up from the Vimy, it lumbered into the air at a remarkably low speed and continued to lumber through the air until it lumbered back to earth again. It was characterised by having very large wing area enabling it to carry a big load for a long time, but having said that it could neither be praised for looks or performance. I am glad I never had to serve in a Virgina squadron. In those days all landings were made with engines throttled right back and any pilot seen to use any power to assist his landing was said to ‘rumble' That silly practice was a hang over from the days of unreliable engines, so the pilot must always be ready to land without engine. A costly form of training carried on far too long, and many were the aircraft written off as a result. 67. [underlined] VICKERS VANGUARD. – 2. 600 h.p. R.R. CONDOR (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] One of a series of passenger and troop carrying aircraft evolved from the old Vimy, through the Vernon with two Lions, which type showed well during the opening of the Cairo-Baghdad air route. That type grew into this very much larger one, the Vanguard, I suspect with [deleted] an [/deleted] an eye on commercial sales, but I do not think it succeeded. This in turn was soon converted into the Victoria which was adopted by the Service as an effective troop carrier superceeding [sic] the old Vernon. None of these did I fly. [page break] 31. 68. [underlined] BRISTOL TRAINING & TAXIPLANE. – 120 h.p. LUCIFER (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A nice gentlemans aeroplane, not adopted by the Service being a bit underpowered although used by Bristol's in their own flying Schools as one might naturally expect. As a Taxi it lacked the power to carry a pilot and two passengers. 69. [underlined] ARMSTRONG AJAX/ATLAS. – 400 h.p. JAGUAR. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A private venture Army Co-Operation Type put forward to take over from the Bristol Fighter, which it did in due course. It was quite an elegant aeroplane which performed it's functions well, having a ceiling of nearly 21000. ft. attained in only 35 minutes and a sea level speed of 142 m.p.h. Quite a step forward for the Army Co-Operationist's. 70. [underlined] BRISTOL BOARHOUND. – 400 h.p. JUPITER. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] Another private venture competitor against the Atlas but it’s flying qualities were not nearly as good as they might be and it had a generally ill-defined clumsiness. There was also in this Competition the D.H. Hyena and the Vickers Vespa. 71 [underlined] VICKERS VIXEN. – 450 h.p. NAPIER LION. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] Also a competitor against the Atlas and I believe a development of an earlier type, the Valpariso. The Vixen, although very pleasant to fly was not as handy for the Army Co-Operation job as the Atlas. It remains in my memory as causing the first con-trail any of us had ever seen, when flyin [sic] at or about it’s ceiling and that can't have been more than 20,000 ft. Viewed from the ground we all thought the aircraft was on fire but as it continued steadily on it’s way that was fortunately not the case. Then perhaps it might be either a leaking fuel tank or a boiling radiator, but when the machine eventually landed and we questioned the pilot anxiously he assured us that none of these things had occured [sic]. In fact we had observed the first phenomenon of what now a days is a common occurance [sic]. 72. [underlined] HAWKER HORSLEY. – 600 h.p. R.R. CONDOR. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A rather large and unresponsive aircraft, which when I flew it caused us to comment on a sluggish lateral control. It entered Service [page break] 72. (continued) and proved to be a very versatile torpedo-bomber. Indeed it carried 1,000 lbs. of bombs or a torpedo weighing 2150. lbs. with comparative ease. It was also used to attack the world distance record in 1927. achieving 3420. miles on the same day as Lindbergh flew for New York to Paris covering 3590. miles, so the record for Britain lasted only a few hours. It can be said that the Horsley was a good step forward from the unpopular Fawn, which it replaced and far [deleted] exce [/deleted] excelled. [page break] 32. 73. [underlined] BREGUET XIX. – 460 h.p. RENAULT. (BIPLANE) 1925. [/underlined] A bomber type much used by the French in which they set up a number of long distance records of many thousands of miles non-stop. So famous did the type become that we had one at Martlesham to test in this country and my comments on flying it were anything but complementary “Lord help the Frenchman”; literally solid on lateral control while fore and aft nearly as sensitive as the A.N.E.C. View bad on eye level and ‘buckets’ on landing and take off”. Not a good impression. As was the French custom the throttle opened in the reverse direction to our own i.e. to open up the engine one pulled the lever backwards towards one, and vice versa to shut it down. This led to it’s early demise when on a winter day on an icy tarmac a mechanic ran up the engine, and when the chocks began to slip he promptly pulled the throttle back, only to crash full into the hangar doors w[deleted]h[/deleted]ith it. I don't think that aeroplane was ever repaired. A Grave error! 74. [underlined] D.H. MOTH. – 60 h.p. CIRRUS. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] The epic outcome by De Havilland of the inadequate designs entered for the earlier Light Aeroplane Trials. D.H. decided that nothing less than 60 h.p. would produce a usable aeroplane, and with the help of Halford then with Aircraft Disposal Company designing a little vertical four cylinder engine, the components of which were made up of bits and pieces of old 70 h.p. Renaults left over from the war, the first of the great Moth family was born. It flew beautifully and even better when the Cirrus II & III gave it a little more kick. From then on the Moth was to prove a world beater, and provided a mount for many of the great individual pilots who used them to make long distance record flights across the world – Any Johnson – Lady Bailey – Jean Batten, to name but a few. The Moth was the foundation on which the great De Havilland Company was built up after the [inserted] first [/inserted] war. The design was essentially simple and therefore of low co[deleted]a[/deleted]st and there were no frills, even the air speed indicator being a spring operated gauge a[deleted]c[/deleted]ctuated by the pressure of the air on a flat plate. This policy of simplicity enabled it to sell below £1,000, and with a slightly uprated Gipsy engine well over a thousand aircraft were built. [page break] 33. Like very many others I flew Moths over the course of years in various parts of the world, but I think one incident is worth recording. While in Aden I was caught out by a sand storm when returning from an up-country landing ground. It became so dense that there was only just time to get back on the ground as best I could, which happened to be in a dried-up wadi. As the wind was blowing so hard it entailed landing the aeroplane in full flight and yet at no ground speed. Having successfully accomplished that arrival, and crouched underneath the plane eating and breathing solid sand for an hour or so, the storm passed on and only then did I see that one tyre had evidently been punctured. With the very limited run available to get out of the wadi I decided to deflate the other tyre rather than risk a swing on take-off. The dear Moth come off with hardly any run and landed back at Khormaksa on two rims, and with not a little consternation at being long overdue. 75. [underlined] PARNALL POSSUM. – 450.h.p. NAPIER LION. (TRIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A very ambitious piece of unorthodox design being a triplane in which the engine was mounted internally on top of the fuselage driving on either side a propeller driven by shafts and gearing along the leading edge of the centre plane. In spite of its novelty it flew quire well, but I suspect that the weight penalty of the engine and propellor installation left very little for military load, and it was never subsequently developed for Service or other use. 76. [underlined] D.H. HYENA. – 400.h.p. ARMSTRONG JAGUAR. (BIPLANE). 1925 [/underlined] Another contestant against the Atlas for Army Co-operation requirements. Although a delightful aeroplane to handle, it was unsuccessful in that competition, and following on the same fate as the earlier D.H. Dormouse in the two-seater fighter reconnaissance trials D.H. began to lose interest in Military designs. 77. [underlined] HAWKER HORNBILL. – 600.H.P. R.R. CONDOR. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A very fast single seater fighter design with a direct drive engine, but unfortunately was directionally unstable resulting in a continuous [page break] 34. hunt on the rudder. This deficiency of rudder and fin area also made steep turns difficult to execute at high speeds. It was a remarkably clean aeroplane but there was little room in the cockpit for pilot movement. Its performance however was outstanding for the time, being 187.m.p.h. at sea level with a stalling speed of only 64.m.p.h., a very fine speed range and being Cam’s first [inserted] new fighter [/inserted] military design with Hawkers it was certainly very impressive. No doubt a little disappointing to him that it did not go into Service. In the Hornbill one could see the same plan form as the Cygnet and the forecast conception of many types to come. 78. [underlined] D.H. 54. HIGHCLERE. – 600.h.p. R.R. CONDOR. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] A fourteen passenger civil single-engined aircraft, somewhat before its time, weighing 11,000.lbs. with a power weight ratio of 18 1/2. lbs. per h.p. which did not make a very attractive proposition. My comments were "Very lumbering with full load and rank bad at taxi-ing. It did not go beyond the prototype stage. 79. [underlined] HAWKER HERON. – 400.h.p. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1925. [/underlined] The Heron was Camm’s follow on to the earlier Woodcock, with which it had a superficial resemblance having a tubby fuselage but its outstanding difference was in the metal construction introducing the well-known square-ended tubular structure. This form of construction was used in every Hawker type for many years to come. In spite of very satisfactory performance, a maximum speed of 156.m.p.h. and a rate of climb to 10,000.ft in 5 1/2 minutes, this type was never adopted. The Moth and the Heron both introduced differential control on fairly large ailerons fitter to either top or bottom plane only. 80. [underlined] VICKERS VESPA. – 400.H.P. BRISTOL JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1926. [/underlined] This was Vickers competitor against the Atlas, and was a very large span aeroplane with excellent control down to a stall at 40.m.p.h. with a top speed of 118.m.p.h. With its very high aspect ratio performance at altitude was excellent [page break] 35. but as altitude was not the criterion for Army Co-operation work it is strange to see why Vickers adopted this lay out. However the Vespa made its mark in the world by attaining the [inserted] height [/inserted] record for Britain at 43,976.ft with a Pegasus S.3. engine on the 16th September 1932 piloted by Cyril Uwins – Bristol’s test pilot. With its light controls the aircraft gave one an im[deleted]m[/deleted]pression of floating about through the air in rather a big aeroplane. 81. [underlined] HANDLEY PAGE HANDCROSS. – 600.h.p. R.R. CONDOR. (BIPLANE). 1926. [/underlined] A competitor as a torpedo-bomber against the Horsley but not nearly such a good aeroplane. I note from my log-book that I likened the handling of this aeroplane to that of seven furniture vans; from which I presume it was a bit heavy on the hand! 82. [underlined] SOPWITH SNIPE. – 230.h.p. BENTLEY 2. (BIPLANE). 1926. [/underlined] Although this was a 1917 vintage fighter I had not flown one before this at Martlesham. It was most curious to go back to flying behind a rotary engine with its to[inserted]r[/inserted]que effect during turns and at take-off. Although in its day it was regarded very highly for its handling qualities and performance, I do not remember being very im[deleted]m[/deleted]pressed with it at this late stage. It certainly lacked the urge which was now obtainable with the higher-powered engines which one had become accustomed to by 1926. Just why we had it at Martlesham then I cannot recall. 83. [underlined] FOKKER F. VII. – 3.240.h.p. ARMSTRONG LYNX. (MONOPLANE). 1926. [/underlined] A worthy development of earlier Fokker design, with a large span cantilever wing made in one piece and mounted on top of the fuselage, entirely ply-wood covered. The roomy fuselage was constructed of welded steel tubes and had accomodation [sic] for eight or ten passengers. With the three Lynx engines it had plenty of power in hand and was delightful to fly. For a long time the British authorities were suspicious of this welded tube construction, which Fokker had used for many years previously, but after the tests of this type A.V. Roe took a licence and built a few [page break] 36. similar aircraft which were known as Avro 10’s. Only fourteen were built. I remember flying Sir Sefton Branker back to Stag Lane, D.H’s. small aerodrome at Hendon, and just managing to end the landing run before the boundary was reached. Before the days of brakes the only deceleration was caused by the tail skid. A thoroughly good type. 84. [underlined] ARMSTRONG SISKIN V. – 400 h.p. SUPERCHARGED JAGUAR (BIPLANE) [/underlined] A much cleaned up Siskin differing from the III., nicer on control and with this engine sure went up-hill. Never adopted by us but some were sold abroad. The Siskin family brought about very good development of the Jaguar, a 14. Cylinder double row radial as opposed to it's competitor the 9. cylinder single row Bristol Jupiter. These two engines vied with each other keenly throughout the 1920’s and the fighter types that used them spurred on development. 85. [underlined] AVRO 504 k. & GOSPORT. – 100 h.p. GNOME. (BIPLANE) 192[deleted]5[/deleted]6. [/underlined] At this late date the old original 504 was given an extention [sic] of life with an oleo undercarriage and converted to take a series of more powerful engines such as the 130 h.p. Clerget, the 180 h.p. Lynx, the 150 h.p. Mongoose and an Avro Alpha a few of which were made by that firm. In fact it was tried with a number of others as well. But in spite of remaining as delightful to fly as ever, it had [inserted] had [/inserted] it's day and was out of date. 86. [underlined] BLACKBURN SPRAT. – 260 h.p. R.R. FALCON (BIPLANE) 1926. [/underlined] One of two types designed with folding wings with the object of stowage within the hangar built on the deck of a [inserted] Cruiser? [/inserted] submarine. In the event the limitations of size, shape, and H.P. made for very bad[deleted]s[/deleted] performance and my comments were “no speed, lands like a brick and has no controls.” That sounds like a very attractive aeroplane and it was not surprising that this venture [below the waves] was a failure. I should add that of course the Hangar was to be watertight, and that the aircraft were to be fitted with floats so that they could be withdrawn onto the deck, the wings spread, and a seaplane take-off made. I seem to have described this ineffective experience of ten years previously! [page break] 37. 87. [underlined] VICKERS VENDACE. – 260 h.p. R.R. FALCON. (BIPLANE) 1926. [/underlined] The competitor to the Sprat but with rather better flying characteristics; as we tested both as landplanes I hate to think what they would be like on floats. A pity the Navy took so long to learn their aviation lessons. 88. [underlined] AVRO AVENGER. 525 h.p. DIRECT DRIVE LION. (BIPLANE) 1926. [/underlined] A private venture single seater fighter which showed advanced thinking by it’s designer Roy Chadwick. One of the cleanest biplanes built up to that time, having an oval semi-monocoque fuselage made up of wooden frames with a double planked [inserted] wooden [/inserted] skin covered with varnished fabric. A beautiful piece of work. The engine was well streamlined but unfortunately the pilot and military equipment were all too tight fitting for the Service. It was a competitor with the Gorcock and the Hornbill and the only one built was entered for various races in which it attained an average speed of 180 m.p.h. It was a glorious machine to fly and together with the Hornbill and the Fox showed what minimum frontal area was worth. 89. [underlined] FAIREY [deleted] 3/ [/deleted] 3.F. – 450. h.p. NAPIER LION (BIPLANE) 1926. [/underlined] As refered [sic] to in No. 38. a very much cleaned up machine which must be regarded as a new design adopted by the Service for a number of General [deleted] Service [/deleted] Purpose Squadrons at Home and Overseas. The Air Routes from Cairo to the Cape; Cairo-Nigeria; Cairo to Aden and then on to Masiera Island were all developed by the sturdy 3.F. so it is worthy of a small place in history. I always enjoyed flying it, for two years at Aden over most inhospitable country, and could trust implicitly in [deleted] in [/deleted] the reliability of the airframe and that of the trusty Lion, during 1931/32. 90. [underlined] ARMSTRONG ARGOSY. – 3. 400 h.p. JAGUARS. (BIPLANE) 1926. [/underlined] I’m afraid nothing much can have impressed me about this type after a ride as passenger as I cannot remember anything about it’s [deleted] s [/deleted] performance. [page break] 38. 91. [underlined] WESTLAND WIDGEON. – 80. h.p. CIRRUS. (MONOPLANE) 1926. [/underlined] A contemporary of the early Moth and Avian. This little high wing monoplane was very good on all controls and gave one unobstructed downward view which was a great advantage in the days when engine failure nec[deleted]c[/deleted]essitated a continual lookout for fields in which to perch if needed. While both Moth and Avian sold well, for some reason the Widgeon did not and only very few can have been built. At any rate on my visits to Yeovil I always managed to get a joyful flight in the works machine. 92. [underlined] AVRO AVIAN. – 80 h.p. CIRRUS II. (BIPLANE). 1926. [/underlined] Starting life with a 70.h.p. Genet which was underpowered it soon changed to the Cirrus and with this combination Bert Hinkler made his record flight from England to Australia in 1928. This type had a very successful career lasting in use up to 1939 although the total number built was not as great as the Moth. I enjoyed the use of one with a Hermes II engine of 115.h.p. while at the Air Ministry in 1929. In this pleasant aircraft I used to visit most of the aircraft factories in the course of my job and the bigger engine was a great improvement. 93. [underlined] HAWKER HEDGEHOG. – 400.h.p. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1926. [/underlined] This was a 1923 design and was a three seat Fleet Reconnaissance type, an overdue competitor against the Bison, Blackburn and Parnall Panther all of which were then entering Service. It had very good handling qualities and led the way with landing flaps fitted to both top and bottom wings. In appearance it slightly resembled an overgrown Woodcock and from the date of construction I think this was designed by Carter prior to the days of Camm. 94. [underlined] D.H. HOUND. – 550.h.p. NAPIER LION. (BIPLANE). 1927. [/underlined] Designed for a competition of General Purpose prototypes, of which the slower Wapiti and Fairey 3.F. were selected much to D.H.’s great disappointment. The Hound proved to be a fast aeroplane touching 162.m.p.h. but unfortunately was too cramped within the fuselage to have been suitable for the innumerable 'workhorse' duties especially overseas [page break] 39. when all kinds of desert equipment had to be accomodated [sic]. Controls were not ideal but could have been improved had the aircraft been developed. However it put up three world records for speed with load around a closed circuit. This was almost D.H.’s last attempt to capture a military order and except for one more design, the D.H.77. all metal interceptor monoplane powered with a Halford H. engine of 330.h.p., he devoted himself to civil designs only, right up to the outbreak of the second world war. 95. [underlined] FAIREY FERRET. – 400.h.p. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1927. [/underlined] If I remember correctly, entered as an alternative to the 3.P. as a G.P. type; presumably backing the horse both ways with an air-cooled and liquid cooled engine. My comments – "solid and not very interesting” seemed to indicate that it was not as good as its sister. 96. [underlined] VICKERS VIXEN. – 600.h.p. R.R. CONDOR. (BIPLANE) 1927. [/underlined] A revamped aeroplane registered G-EABC. So presumably intended for an overseas market. With the extra power it was a great improvement on previous Vixens but as we had it only for handling trials I do not know what was its eventual fate. 97. [underlined] HAWKER HAWFINCH. – 450.h.p. JUPITER VII. (BIPLANE). 1927. [/underlined] An all metal two-bay fighter built to specification F9/26 against which no fewer than nine different prototypes competed and from which the Hawfinch and the Bulldog tied. After Service trials however the Bulldog won being fractionally the faster of the two at 174.m.p.h. The Hawfinch once again showed Camm's mastery of clean design and efficient performance, the machine having a service ceiling of 24,000.ft. and did 171.m.p.h. at about 10,000.ft, which height was reached in 7 minutes 40 seconds. I think the two-bay lay out was its slight handicap, but very likable as were all Camm’s designs. [page break] 40. 98. [underlined] VICKERS VALIANT. – 400.h.p. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1927. [/underlined] Another competitor for the G.P. class which was a very easy aircraft to handle.. All Vickers types of this period bore the stamp of Rex Pierson their designer and Vixens, Vespas, Valients and their fighters of this era had a family resemblance, but the Valient was not successful, although the view was good and the cockpit comfortable and roomy. 99. [underlined] GLOSTER GORAL. – 400.h.p. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1927. [/underlined] Yet another unsuccessful G.P. type with poor lateral control. It is curious to note how many aircraft of this vintage came out with control systems which were unharmonized. Only a few were nicely matched and this made a big difference in their handling qualities. 100. [underlined] GLOSTER GOLDFINCH. – 450.h.p. JUPITER VII. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] A competitor for the single seater fighter class against the Hawfinch and Bulldog, it was a much improved Gamecock but heavier on controls and compared unfavourably with either of the other two. 101. [underlined] BRISTOL BULLDOG. – 450.h.p. JUPITER VII. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] The fighter finally selected for Service and I thought it a beautiful aircraft at all speeds and on all controls. The Bulldog formed the equipment of six of our fighter squadrons and was very well liked throughout, which resulted in a number of foreign sales to Sweden, Esthonia [sic] and Denmark and was developed with a variety of Bristol engines, starting life with a maximum speed of 173.m.p.h. it eventually attained 234.m.p.h. when fitted with a Mercury VI engine. 102. [underlined] VICKERS S.S.F. TYPE 141. – FALCON. R.R. MARK X. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] Another private venture competitor, the controls of which were very powerful and effective right down to and below the stall.. It was very easy to fly, but I suspect that it was not a very clean design as speed fell off quickly with any reduction in power or in any manoeuvre. It was therefore not seriously in the running. All the above fighters were to a specification F.9/26 the requirements of which called for day and night use. [page break] 41. 103. [underlined] BOULTON & PAUL SIDESTRAND. – 2. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] A twin-engined bomber being a succesful [sic] development of the earlier Bugle, which went into limited Service with one or two squadrons. It had a heavy and sluggish rudder which in the end was fitted with an early attempt at servo tab assistance to lighten the load on the pilots legs. Being a large span of high aspect ratio it was good at altitude as the wing was very efficient, so much so that on one occasion when picketed down during a gale I found it was literally flying at its pickets as I was able to pass my hand completely between the wheels and the ground. 104. [underlined] VICKERS VIREO. – 240.h.p. SUPERCHARGED LYNX. (MONOPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] An all metal monoplane which was an optimistic attempt to build a fighter to meet current requirements at half the usual weight and horse power. This ideal just could not be attained however desirable it might seem and the Vireo showed this only too clearly as it 'hurled itself at the ground when landing and many more horses are required to make it real". Not very attractive. 105. [underlined] BLACKBURN LINCOCK. – 240.h.p. LYNX. (BIPLANE). I928. [/underlined] Another but better attempt at the ‘lightweight’ fighter. A perfect little aeroplane and as light as the old original Sopwith Pup. All controls were well harmonised and effective, but of course it lacked the neccessary [sic] performance as a fighter and was unable to take the required service load. For sheer joie de vivre it had it. 106. [underlined] BOULTON & PAUL PARTRIDGE. – 450.H.P. JUPITER VII. (BIPL[deleted]A[/deleted]ANE) /28 [/underlined] Yet another single seater fighter competitor, which flew much better than it looked, but required a strong pull to get out of a dive and suffered from large changes of trim at va[inserted]r[/inserted]ying speeds. Altogether not very successful. There was also the Armstrong Starling in this contest but I cannot remember flying it. [page break] 42. 107. [underlined] HAWKER HART. R.R. 590.h.p. KESTRAL. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] Camm’s first real masterpiece. A beautifully shaped clean and efficient day-bomber with a loaded weight of a little over 4,000.lbs it attained a maximum speed of just over 180.m.p.h., climbed to 10,000 ft in just over 10 minutes, had a range of about 400 miles and a service ceiling of 22,800. ft. Such a performance at the period was phenominal [sic] and outstripped its competitors, the Avro Antelope and Fox Mk. II; and was adequately roomy for both pilot and gunner/bomb-aimer which the other two were not. It had delightful handling qualities and I suppose became one of the most successful Service types ever introduced; so much so that not only was it sold abroad to many other Air Forces, fitted with either liquid or air-cooled engines, but was also developed into varients [sic] such as the two-seater fighter Demon; the Fleet Spotter Osprey; the Army Co-operation Audex; the G.P. Hardy; the South African Hartbees; and finally the much improved Hind and the less successful Hector. I do not remember any single basic type which had such a successful span of development life which was certainly attributable to Camm’s determination and designing ability. I was lucky enough to fly most of these and they were all pedigree. 108. [underlined] AVRO ANTELOPE. – R.R. 520.h.p. KESTREL. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] The real competitor to the Hart, it was slab-sided and had not nearly so much room for the crew, nor so much view for the pilot because of its long flat nose. Camm’s designs all overcame this disadvantage by adopting a sloping nose and a rounded shape which gave a much better air flow and consequently gained in performance thereby. It handled very well and was sent with the Hart to 100. Squadron at [deleted] Bister [/deleted] Bicester for comparative Service Trials. Here the great, Boom’ decided to hold a personal inquest into the views of all and sundry concerning both types, and armed with his walking stick prodded each aeroplane in various tender spots when asking about some feature or another. The outcome was a win for the Hart; but later the Antelope served two valuable purposes, being used at Farnborough for the [page break] 43. development of the Gloster-Hele-Shaw variable pitch propeller, an early British invention; and much later in 1935[deleted]I[/deleted] I found it on the scrap heap and used it as a target on the ground to test out, by practical result, the effect of a two-second burst by eight machine guns on it’s metal construction, and very satisfactorily. So the Antelope did us proud in the end as well as giving some of us the pleasure of flying it. 109. [underlined] HAWKER TOMTIT. – 150 h.p. ARMSTRONG MONGOOSE. (BIPLANE) 1928. [/underlined] A very advanced ab-initio training machine which introduced for the first time the Reid and Sigrist blind flying panel for instrument flying training. It was highly efficient, rather soft on laterel [sic] control and tended to float on the glide and was not altogether easy to land well.. That is not to say that it was not delightful to fly. Only ten aircraft were built for the Service while a few others were made with various engines, in an attempt to capture a rather non-existent civil market, but I think it was too expensive for the private owner. I flew it at Brooklands by the courtesy of the Company and indeed took my family in it to their great enjoyment. 110. [underlined] WESTLAND WAPITI. – 580.h.p. JUPITER VIII. (BIPLANE). 1928. [/underlined] The type which shared the General Purpose market with the Fairey 3.F. and it was a splendid aircraft to fly having good controls, simple, rugged, straightforward and a draughtless [sic] cockpit for once. The engine was well overhung in the nose and the nine cylinders could be felt firing almost individually as it bounced along. The Wapiti did valiant service all over the world and although it looked clumsy it was a splendid workhorse. A modified version became famous as the first aircraft to fly over the peak of Mount Everest, and many were used by the Air Force in India to keep down trouble on the North West Frontier. 111. [underlined] FRENCH WIBAULT. – 460.h.p. RENAULT. 1928. [/underlined] A type which I can remember little or nothing about so quoting my log-book “Controls, though better than the Breguet were poor to say the least. It had no adjustable tailplane so any change of trim caused a big load on the stick. View in any direction was practically non-existent [page break] 44. and particularly so in turns. Not my idea of a good aeroplane although much used by the French”. 112. [underlined] HAWKER HARRIER. – 580.h.p. JUPITER VIII. (BIPLANE). 1929. [/underlined] A complementary design to the Horsley in an attempt to gain higher performance with a bigger load. In this it was not successful particularly at take-off with full load and as the Horsley was already in production the Harrier had no future. It was used for a number of years as a flying engine test-bed at Farnborough and Bristol. 113. [underlined] HAWKER HORNET/FURY. – 480.H.P. KESTREL. (BIPLANE). 1929. [/underlined] This aircraft was an insight by Camm of the fighter necessary to surpass his own design of the Hart. From the word go it was outstanding by any yardstick and my comments were; “without doubt the most perfect example of what an aircraft should be, controls excellent at all speeds, glide 70.m.p.h. in comfort, lands and takes off like a bird, goes very fast and one can see everywhere one wants to with plenty of cockpit space”. It did not take long for this private venture prototype to be produced as the Fury, the most elegant aeroplane of all time at that date. Moreover it was the first front-line aircraft with a speed of over 220.m.p.h., a climb to 10,000. ft. in three minutes and fif[deleted]i[/deleted]ty seconds and a service ceiling of 29,500. ft. but armed with only two Vickers guns. It formed the equipment of three fighter squadrons No.43. No.25. and No.1. and these squadrons were enthusiastic about the precision with which the aircraft could be flown and the abundance of power available, made evident from the surprisingly low all-up weight of about 3,600.lbs. The Fury sold abroad to Yugoslavia, Norway, Persia, Portugal, and Spain and in fact became the envy of others who could not get them. From the Fury evolved the Nimrod, as a Fleet Fighter to take over from the old fashioned Flycatcher which had served the Fleet Air Arm well for many years though long outmoded in performance. The Nimrod was also sold abroad to Denmark and Japan and together with the Osprey, conversion of the Hart, began to close the big difference in performance which had existed so markedly between Fleet operated aircraft and those operated from land bases. [page break] 45. It was with the introduction of the Fury with it's high performance that the Boffins began to forecast that pilots would not be able to withstand speed beyond 300 m.p.h., or the effects of ‘G’ beyond the power of 4. Famous last words; and as so often predictions of the future have been so wrong by the scientific world. Furies and Bulldogs set a new standard of aerobatics, both individual and in formation. I believe it was due to these relatively lightly-loaded fighters that Squadron training tended to concentrate on formation manoeuvres which, while highly spectacular, were not 'war’. All these Hawker types since the Hedgehog had proved superbly the simple form of metal construction that had been used in all of them, which in it’s own right was just as brilliant as was the overall design. 114. [underlined] FAIREY FLEET FIGHTER/RECONNAISSANCE – (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] Unless this was the Ferret[deleted]in[/deleted] in original clothing, then I do not recollect what it was. I rather think it was another of Fairey’s double strings. 115. [underlined] Fairey Fantome. – 480 h.p. R.R. KESTREL. (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] Fairey’s private venture competitor against the Hornet but not such a perfect aircraft, the controls of which became very ineffective below 80 m.p.h. and as usual with so many clean aircraft of that time it had a long flat nose which obscured forward view for take off and landing and for sighting the guns. The cockpit also was very tight fitting as in the case of others described previously; and although a high performer the Fantome only came to rest in [deleted] Belgiim [/deleted] Belgium much to the disappointment of Dick Fairey but led to him establishing a Belgian company. 116. [underlined] PARNALL ELF. – 115 h.p. CIRRUS HERMES. (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] An attempt at the private owners market; which in appearance was most attractive, but with poor flying characteristics being directionally unstable, bad at take-off, poor laterally and on elevator controls it really hadn't a hope. In fact heavy with no harmony at all. [page break] 46. 117. [underlined] VICKERS 143. – 500 h.p. JUPITER VI. (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] Another Vickers private venture fighter similar to the previous 141. but with an air cooled engine, and a symetrical [sic] wing-section. Presumably in competition with the Bristol BULLPUP and the Hawker Jupiter Interceptor, none of which were produced. 118. [underlined] BRISTOL BULLPUP. – 480 h.p. MERCURY 2.A. (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] A rather more powerful Bulldog, directionally unstable and it felt the big torque of the Mercury very much at take-off, requireing [sic] full rudder to hold it straight. With a speed of no more than 190 m.p.h. the Hornet remained superior. 119. [underlined] AVRO 621. TUTOR. – 155 h.p. MONGOOSE etc. (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] Roy Chadwick’s design of a basic trainer to replace the old 504. It was completely foolproof, flying comfortably at 50 m.p.h., and stalled at 41. with a top speed of 108 m.p.h., which was a very good speed range no doubt obtained by the use of Handly [sic] Page slots, which by this time had become an accepted feature of a good many types. It was accepted into Service as the Avro Tutor powered with the 240 h.p. Lynx and was much[deleted]ed[/deleted] used in the R.A.F. at Home and Overseas, as well as being sold into Denmark, Greece, and South Africa. Developed still further with the Armstrong Cheetah the type became known as the Avro 626, and continued in production until 1939. by which time the Air Forces of Argentina, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Greece, South China, Lithuania, Esthonia [sic], and Portugal all had aquired [sic] this splendid aeroplane either as landplane or on floats. Altogether a pretty successful kite. 120. [underlined] BLACKBURN NAUTILUS. – R.R. FALCON XII. (BIPLANE) 1929. [/underlined] Another two-seater Fleet Fi[deleted]f[/deleted]g[inserted]h[/inserted]ter Reccon[deleted]n[/deleted]aissance type which was sluggish and heavy on control, and I thought not quite a fighter. I don’t remember much about this competition as it came at the end of my days at Martlesham, which I enjoyed so much. [page break] 47. 121. [underlined] CURTISS 0.2e. – CURTISS/WRIGHT. (BIPLANE) 1930. [/underlined] In America on vacation from the Staff College, I was given a flight in this type over New York which struck me then, and since, as one of the sights of the world. I was allowed to fly dual from the back seat and found it very stable and easy, and I remember bringing it down into Mitchell Field and pulling off a perfect three-point landing much to the surprise of the gallant 'LOOTENANT' who occupied the front seat. I also had a flight from Langly Field in a Curtiss A.3. but quite forgot what operational functions either type fulfilled. Two of us Squadron Leaders were on a survey of a number of aircraft factories to study American methods and development, and were usually addressed as 'Squadies’ – an American form of Sergeant. America is a very leveling [sic] country. 122. [underlined] D.H. TIGER MOTH. – 130 h.p. GYPSY MAJOR. (BIPLANE) 1931. [/underlined] The Tiger Moth was an obvious development of the earlier ones, but with increased power made it the forerunner of no less than 8300 built, to become the primary trainer [deleted] othe [/deleted] of the R.A.F. and other countries in preparation for the Second War. It was universally liked by both instructor and pupil. My friend in Aden and many other places, it still towes [sic] gliders in a number of Clubs. 123. [underlined] CIERVA AUTOGIRO. – 140. ARMSTRONG GANNET. 1934. [/underlined] A later development of Cierva’s lengthy experiment [deleted] ion [/deleted] with the autogiro principle. In this C.30. type which I tried at Hanworth he had introduced a shaft drive from the engine to the rotor, and by clutching in it was possible to accelerate the rotor speed. This enabled a vertical take-off to be made but only to sufficient height to gain forward speed, when the rotor had to be declutched and thereafter it turned freely by air speed alone. It was known as the 'jump autogiro' for this reason. I was most impressed. The landing was made from a down hill approach but forward speed became nil as [deleted] as [/deleted] the stick was pulled back and one sank vertically onto the ground for the last few feet. Production was done by Avro who made 66. and it was licenced into France and Germany but alas was never further developed, I believe owing to the death of Cierva. [page break] 48. 124. [underlined] AIRSPEED COURIER. – 240 h.p. LYNX. (MONOPLANE) 1934. [/underlined] A very nice civil cabin aeroplane with one of the first retractable undercarriages designed in this Country. It was a real attempt at a modern conception by this new firm headed by Tiltman and Norway. It was with this aeroplane that Alan Cobham carried out his early experiments in flight re-fuelling another aircraft in flight; a method which took many years to perfect, but one which is in vital use to-day. Only a few Couriers were built. 125. [underlined] HANDLEY PAGE 42. ‘HORATIUS’ – 4. BRISTOL PEGASUS. (BIPLANE) 1934 [/underlined] I was a paying passenger in this type on a flight from London to Paris to visit the Aircraft Exhibition. IT WAS MY FIRST EXPERIENCE of real commercial airline flying and what impressed me most was the elegance and roominess of the passenger accomodation [sic] ; but still more watching Captain O.P. Jones, with his Captain Kettle beard, walk slowly out across the tarmac pulling on a pair of spotless yellow suede gloves to take his place at the controls, after all engines had been run up for him. This was a fine piece of airline showmanship which surely gave the passengers great confidence, for airline flying even then was not everybody’s cup of tea. We arrived safely in Paris, and returned later in a sister ship 'Hengist’. A most successful type, although somewhat ugly ducklings of Imperial Airway's fleet, they took a large slice of the Continental traffic from their competitors. 126. [underlined] SHORT SCYLLA. – 4. BRISTOL PEGASUS. (BIPLANE) 1935. [/underlined] An attempt at a replacement of the H.P. 42. but which looked even uglier. Both types cruised at about 100. m.p.h. but the Scylla was far less comfortable and only a few were built. I made the journey again to Paris, in both cases taking about two and a quarter hours, in this instance to be shown the most secret Hispano 20mm. gun demonstrated in the dungeons of a fort outside the city. It was very impressive but at that early stage of development an uncertain bet so I chose the 8X.303. guns for the Hurricane and Spitfire. An exciting and epoch-making journey as that gun became the next step to victory in 1944. [page break] 49. 127. [underlined] Miles Falcon. – GIPSY. (MONOPLANE). 1936. [/underlined] A pleasant little enclosed cabin, private owners aeroplane, one of a family of such which Miles designed over the next few years. It flew well but needed a lot of neck twisting to see out in most directions and as I flew it at Brooklands in bad visibility, it struck me as a bad feature. 128. [underlined] WESTLAND WALLACE. – 680. h.p. PEGASUS. (BIPLANE). 1938. [/underlined] At West Freugh Armament Training Camp which was equipped with these aircraft for target towing. An overgrown development of the old Wapiti with all mod cons such as heating and an enclosed cockpit. Very gentlemanly and comfortable to fly and I remember the propeller was so geared down that one could almost count the revolutions! 129. [underlined] VICKERS WELLESLEY. – 680.h.p. PEGASUS. (MONOPLANE). 1938. [/underlined] A large span monoplane bomber constructed on Wallace’s geodetic principle of design, which had originated in his design of the airship R. 100. The wings flexed a good deal in turbulent conditions and being rather soft on controls responses were slow but otherwise quite straightforward. Hardly an ideal bomber and not many were built as such, but its great success was in a long-distance Flight by four of these aircraft to Australia in two non-stop stages; England to Egypt and thence to Australia. This Flight was under the command of my Brother-in-law Wing Commander Oswald Gayford who was also the pilot of the long-distance flight made in the Fairey monoplane in 1938. All aircraft reached Australia but his one had a forced landing in crocodile country on the west coast some hundreds of miles from the nearest habitation. As the Wellesley was heavily loaded [deleted] w [/deleted] and single-engined that was quite a remarkable flight for 1937/38. 130. [underlined] FAIREY BATTLE. – 1030 h.p. R.R. MERLIN. (MONOPLANE) 1938. [/underlined] Like the Wellesley, the Battle was a single-engined day bomber which introduced the change over from the old biplanes. Contrary to some expectations they proved to be quite easy and straightforward to [page break] 50. fly; the only trouble being that they lacked sufficient performance and bomb load to be effective in war. The Advanced Air Striking Force which went to France at the outbreak of war was equipped with this type and it suffered heavy loss in the first few months. 131. [underlined] SUPERMARINE STRANRAER. – 2. PEGASUS. (BIPLANE) 1938. [/underlined] A very good flying-boat following on after the Southampton; free of vibration and with good controls; another of Mitchell's successful designs. I enjoyed a pleasant flight in one all round the Firth of Clyde and watched the new cruiser doing her speed trials off Arran. She was H.M.S. Arathusa [sic]. 132. [underlined] BRISTOL BLENHEIM. – “2. BRISTOL MERCURIES. (MONOPLANE) 1938 [/underlined] The bomber developed from the civil prototype 'Britain First' which at that time,1935, was given a cruising speed of 240 m.p.h. This caused consternation in some circles and a prompt reaction to have it converted into a bomber to augment the few types available for the pre-war expansion programme. It is never wise to take a civil type and arm it, and still retain it's original performance; it just doesn’t happen. But something had to be produced to fill the need and the Blenheim was better than some others; and was used in the early stages of the war to come. The one I flew in 1938 I thought good on control except the rudder which was solid any speed, but it was not fast enough to be an unarmed bomber, and as soon as turrets were added the performance fell off too much. Like the Battle it suffered many casualities [sic] when war came. 133. [underlined] AIRSPEED OXFORD – 2. 270 h.p. CHETAH’S. [sic] (MONOPLANE) 1938. [/underlined] A twin-engined crew trainer which at first had poor take-off and climb with fixed pitch propellers and insufficient power. This was much improved in later development as it handled well in the air. It had a very marked swing to the right at take-off which was best countered by opening up the starboard engine a little more the the [sic] port one. I once forgot this trick on a cross-wind runway and took off at right angles! It was also over flapped and with full flap down had a rather abrupt touch down with no hold off whatever. In spite of these characteristics it did a fine training job. [page break] 51. 134. [underlined] MILES MAGISTER. – 130.h.p. GIPSY III. (MONOPLANE). 1938. [/underlined] One of Miles' three-ply and glue constructions designed as an elementary trainer, but being underpowered had no performance worth taking about, and was very draughty and cramped. I also seem to remember that it had some unpleasant characteristics directionally in a turn in which the nose tended to go down from which recovery was not straight forward. 135. [underlined] AVRO ANSON. – 2. 335.h.p. CHEETAH’S. (MONOPLANE). 1938. [/underlined] A very easy machine which served the Air Force well in many roles. From the first model which tended to look like a flying greenhouse, made with a wood and fabric wing all in one piece, it adopted the constructional features of Fokker. By 1946 with the Anson 19 the wing had been designed in metal and fitted with 420.H.P. engines, I used it a lot when visiting units in my Command, but in those days it lacked all the modern forms of radio navigation. Altogether the Anson in its various forms lasted from 1935 when first introduced as a Coastal reconnaissance type until about 1952 after some 11,000 had been built. 136. [underlined] MILES MONARCH. – GIPSY THREE. (MONOPLANE). 1939. [/underlined] A little two/three seater side-by-side enclosed cabin machine which was quite pleasant even though the control system was not harmonised. One of Miles many three-ply and glue types and an improvement over the Magister. 137. [underlined] NORTH AMERICAN HARVARD. – PRATT & WHITNEY WASP. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] At Boscombe Down: one of the many lease-lend American types which was a very satisfactory trainer having good controls except for a slight hunt on the elevator. Being an ungeared engine this type was notorious for its propeller noise due to the high tip speed and anyone living near a training airfield equiped [sic] with Harvards suffered unmercifully. [page break] 52. 138. [underlined] CURTISS HAWK & MOHAWK. – WRIGHT CYCLONE. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] The first of a series of Curtiss fighters – Mohawk, Tomahawk, Kittyhawk. This Hawk was one of the early types aquired [sic] from U.S.A. by the French to augment their pre-war aircraft supply. It was easy and pleasant to fly, excellent laterally but rather heavy on the elevator and pulled hard in a tight turn. Very resilient undercarriage suspension, good windscreen and rigid and robust at all speeds; a nice article although not terribly fast having a bulky circular fuselage. 139. [underlined] GLOSTER GLADIATOR. – 850.H.P. MERCURY. (BIPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] A splendid example of design of the old school, just another biplane fighter with all their characteristics. Lightly loaded, it would glide for miles even with half-flap. It was noteworthy for a single-strut undercarriage which was the design of George Dowty who was in the Gloster team just before the war. As events were to prove the Gladiator was hardly a match for the German. 140. [underlined] D.H. FLAMINGO. – 2. 890.h.p. PERSEUS. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] The first all-metal D.H. airliner which only saw service to the tune of 16 aircraft, procdution [sic] being stopped by the war. They were used for Air Council and other V.I.P. communication work, very pleasant to fly but once again controls were not well harmonised. It was excellent in the 'one engine out’ condition when it could be trimmed to fly hands and feet off. At full load it motored in at just over 100.m.p.h. with a pleasant hold-off for landing. It might have had a bright future but for the war. 141. [underlined] HAWKER HURRICANE. – 1030.h.p. R.R. MERLIN. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] This was one of the most important aircraft in my life as I had been much concerned with its conception during 1934 with Sidney Camm. After helping him with the Hart and the Fury I was able to put across to him what I thought would be needed for a fighter suitable for war against Germany when it came; and it seemed obvious to me it would not be long coming. To be successful this fighter must be a complete departure from [page break] 53. the previous requirements of biplane fighter design with all their limitations of slow landing speed, and insufficient hitting power by only two or four guns; and with these packed into the fuselage within reach of the pilot thus making it bigger than needs be. When I went down to Kingston to see his mock-up with its thick section wing, there, was the layout neccessary [sic] to install two batteries of four guns each, one in each wing, and thus narrow the fuselage down considerably as well as enclose the cockpit with a sliding hood. Together with the essential retractable undercarriage and V.P. airscrew this would then fulfill [sic] the Operational Requirements I had previously envisaged and written into Specification F. 5/34. Camm was one of the most clear sighted of our military designers in spite of his sometimes vitriolic language and inability to suffer fools gladly, but if one could convince him, often in the course of fierce argument, he would go all the way with you. This is how it happened in 1934 when the Hurricane was born. It was a masterly design throughout and I doubt if there was any other, except perhaps the Spitfire, which proved capable of so much development throughout the war. 142. [underlined] LOCKHEED HUDSON. – 2. PRATT & WHITNEY WASPS. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] One of the first of the tricycle types, which did not impress me greatly, although it had the usual excellent American detail lay-out. It handled quite well but as so often all controls were different; ailerons being light but low geared, rudder heavy and spongy, and no feel about the elevator. At slow speed I thought the ailerons got very soft and ineffective. Rather disappointing as it looked better than it proved to be. 143. [underlined] MILES MENTOR. – 230.h.p. GIPSY QUEEN SIX. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] The same family resemblance and characteristics of all Miles’ previous products. I certainly did not like the flap control coupled to the throttle, as this was neither instinctive nor neccessary [sic]. In other respects it was not outstanding. [page break] 54. 144. [underlined] MILES MASTER. – 450.h.p. R.R. KESTREL. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] A full grown trainer better than any of his previous miniatures but by no means perfect as the ailerons were inclined to snatch. Approach speed of 85/90.m.p.h. was needed to obtain a nice hold-off for touch down, otherwise it could be 'brusque'. Later redesigned as a Mk.2. with Pratt & Whitney Wasp engine it was a much improved machine. 145. [underlined] WESTLAND LYSANDER. – 840.h.p. MERCURY. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] An unusual high-wing monoplane designed for Army Co-operation which required a technique of its own to fly it really well. Disappointingly heavy on ailerons, it was rather like a flying boat i.e. sluggish. Heavily flapped it was good at slow flying but was very defenceless against enemy attack. It was not a success in this role but much used for supply dropping to the ‘Resistance’ and for picking up aircrew on the run in Europe. 146. [underlined] MESSERSCHMITT. 109. – DAILMLER-BENZ. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] I liked this aeroplane although the cockpit was cramped and the forward view for landing was not all that good. Even with the narrow undercarriage it had, the take-off was quite normal but needed a lot of right rudder to counteract the torque, but the rudder was light and effective. Below 300.m.p.h. ailerons were pleasantly light and effective but hardened up above that speed. It was very stable fore and aft with a heavy elevator and needed adjustment of tail trim for each change of speed. I noted that the engine was smooth and powerful and opened up instantly when required, presumably a side effect of petrol injection instead of carburation. I thought it a very good aeroplane. 147. [underlined] SPITFIRE II. – 1650 h.p. R.R. MERLIN (MONOPLANE) 1940. [/underlined] I found the controls on this aeroplane excellent below 280.m.p.h. above which speed they stiffened up laterally. By comparison with the M.E. 109. no rudder was needed in turns whereas the latter was of the old school requiring a lot of top rudder in steep turns to either side. Take-off was easy and the view good and it had a pleasant float at touch-down after an approach speed of 90.M.P.H. [page break] 55. As with the Hurricane the Spitfire was of first importance to me, and it certainly lived up to my ideas of it some six years earlier, when my aquaintance [sic] with Mitchell influenced him to adopt the F. 5/34 requirements for eight gun armament etc. With Mitchell's thin section wing it was not easy to install them as in the Hurricane, but with great effort and ingenuity he managed it successfully, although at first it had looked impossible to get in more than six. Here I should say how lucky I then was then to have as ultimate Chief over my department (Operational requirements), Sir H.R. Ludlow-Hewitt as D.C.A.S., who had similar ideas. Consequently he backed the F. 5/34 requirements completely and reduced opposition from those who had become acclimatised to the old biplane manoeuvreability [sic] and low landing speed as a prerequisite for all fighters. A very outmoded viewpoint. It may not be generally known that both Gloster and Bristol built prototypes with air-cooled engines to specification F. 5/34, but they were well behind Hawker and Supermarine in time. 148. [underlined] SPITFIRE.III. – 1260.h.p. R.R. MERLIN XX. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] This aircraft was a development prototype. The wing tips had been removed which added about 30.M.P.H. and manoeuvreability [sic] was materially improved. My comments were "A great aeroplane that gives a real feeling of speed. Controls very good below 350.M.P.H. but ailerons get very stiff above this. The fore and aft control which was very sensitive on the Mk.II. during landing is damped by an inertia ballast weight on the stick, which is very effective. Inclined to do a little jump on touchdown. Altogether a great improvement on 12.lbs. boost.” The experience gained with this developement [sic] model of which only one was built, proved most useful in further development of later Marks of Spitfire, particularly Mk.V. Through the genius of Joe Smith; who was Mitchell's right-hand man and took over all further design responsibilities after his death in 1937; the Spitfire outlived all its contempories developing to Mks XXI & XXII powered by 2050.h.p. R.R. Griffon engine, and remained the finest and fastest fighter in the world long after others had become obsolete. From the basic design was evolved the Seafire for the Fleet, and a Photographic Reconnaissance Type, both invaluable up to the end of war. [page break] 56. 149. [underlined] PERCIVAL PROCTOR. – 250.h.p. GIPSY QUEEN. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] A very nice enclosed cabin communications aircraft. It had rather a long take-off, with a cruising speed of about 160.m.p.h., a long flat glide and a longish hold-off for landing. Later when C.R.D. I had one for my own use based on Hendon and I had two interesting episodes with it. Once when climbing out of Hendon off the short runway towards Harrow, l was heading for the cloud base at about 1500 ft when out of the cloud in front me and only a relatively few feet above dived a whole squadron of Spitfires. I was very much at the receiving end, but by the time I had drawn breath they had passed over my head. That shook me as there was no time whatever to get out of the way. The other was a repeat of landing in a Moth in a sandstorm, but this time in a blizzard in Yorkshire. Stupidly I took-off a disused runway and ran slap into thick and blinding snow so did a quick circuit, found the down wind end, and landed at no forward speed on about half throttle, literally lowering myself vertically on to the ground. 150. [underlined] BREWSTER BUFFALO FLEET FIGHTER. – WRIGHT CYCLONE. (MONOPLANE) 1940 [/underlined] An American lease-lend with a supposedly high performance which did not appear to mature. It was an ugly aeroplane with a completely circular large fuselage and the wings were mounted half-way up. As so often, the controls were not harmonised and it did not strike me as being a winner. The tail wheel was fully castoring and supposed automatically to lock fore and aft for landing, but if this did not happen it was quite possible to end up with a ground loop. 151. [underlined] MILES U. 8. – GIPSY. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] Yet another of his attempts at an initial trainer of which I can remember very little except that it never saw service. 152. [underlined] GRUMMAN MARTLET FLEET FIGHTER. – WRIGHT CYCLONE. (MONOPLANE). ’40. [/underlined] Similar design to the Buffalo i.e. a big circular fuselage with the wings mounted half-way up. Very responsive on ailerons but heavy on rudder and elevator, nevertheless turned corners very quickly. It gave [page break] 57. the impression of being a bigger machine than it was; and incidentIy [sic] one was nearly blown out of the cockpit with the hood open. 153. [underlined] FAIREY FULMAR. – 1100.h.p. R.R. MERLIN. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] If I remember correctly this was a conversion from an experimental type F. 4/34. which specification was for a light dive-bomber to carry two 50. lbs. bombs internally stowed. Hawkers also designed the Henley to these same requirements, but for reasons I quite forget, neither aircraft completed trials as such; the Henley being converted for target towing, and the Fairey into a Fleet Fighter-Reconnaissance type, renamed Fulmar. My comments were "Not what I expected. All controls feel heavily mass-balanced and have no crispness or feel, with the result that one does not feel part of the aeroplane, and certainly not my idea of a fighter.” 154. [underlined] WESTLAND WHILRLWIND. – 2. R.R. PEREGRINE. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] A single seat supposedly night-fighter, armed with four Hispano 20 m.m. guns mounted in the nose. It stemmed from a specification F. 10/35 which was intended to develop [deleted] s [/deleted] the Hurricane into a four cannon fighter. However my successor changed the concept altogether, and the Hurricane developed itself, only two or three years later on, and just too late for the Battle of Britain. To fly I thought the Whirlwind rather full of tricks of its own; “requiring a very heavy push on the stick to get the tail up and lacked feel on all controls at landing. Not enough elevator to hold off at touch-down when the tail is well up after the wheels touch, it then does a little prance". Not an ideal night-fighter and only a few were put into Service. A disappointment for its designer Teddy Petter. 155. [underlined] D.H. PUSS MOTH. – 130.h.p. GIPSY III. (MONOPLANE). 1940. [/underlined] I flew this one when it was ten years old, and contrary to other opinions I was very disappointed and wondered how on earth such a machine could have flown the Atlantic and got around the world so successfully. For reasons I didn't define at the time it did not appeal to me; so I may have misjudged it. [page break] 58. 156. [/underlined] STINSON RELIANT. – LYCOMING. (MONOPLANE) 194o. [sic] [/underlined] “An American [deleted] e [/deleted] runabout belonging to Fairey’s, furnished for comfort with a cruising speed of about 150 m.p.h. Controls arranged like a car and has a very smooth undercarriage. As with most high-wing types the view out sidewise is obstructed when on a turn and in bad visibility this can be naughty when turning in to land.” 157. [underlined] BOULTON PAUL DEFIANT. – 1260. h.p. R.R. MERLIN (MONOPLANE) 4[missing numbers] [/underlined] Built to Specification F. 9/35. a conception for a standing patrol fighter with an all round field of fire and a speed of over 300 m.p.h. it was a re-insurance against the F.5/34. failing in the interceptor role. Hawker’s also designed the Hotspur to this specification but never finished it because they were too busy with Hurricane production. The Defiant went into Service and on one day over the beaches of Dunkirk scored a big success, but owing to the shortage of fighters it had to be used as an interceptor, which of course it wasn’t, and was not so successful thereafter. To fly, it appeared to have a slight lack of lateral stability, was rather soft on the rudder and lacked feel: had an excellent view in all directions, but it weighed 8000 lbs. and that just spoiled its performan[missing letters] Ultimately the Hotspur was said to be 20 m.p.h. faster, but that was spil[missing letter] milk. But one thing the Defiant did; develop the four gun turret which put Boulton Paul on the map for design of this armament for the defence of bombers. John North aquired [sic] the licence from a French firm – S.A.M. – for their method of Hydraulic power operation, and developed it to a grea[missing letter] extent to our advantage. 158. [underlined] HANDLEY PAGE HALIFAX. – 4. R.R. MERLIN XX’s (MONOPLANE) 1940. [/underlined] We had the Halifax, Manchester, Stirling and Lancaster all at Boscombe at the same time. I handled the Halifax with Squadron Leader McGuire and thought it quite quick and responsive, and at 50,000 lbs. all up weight and 10 lbs. boost the take [sic] seemed excellent. I also thought the Pilot’s view might have been better. It must be remembered that these heavy bombers were the first of thei[missing letter] [page break] 59. kind, of British design any rate, and aircraft of 25 tons were somethin[missing letter] of a novelty; however pilots found less surprise or difficulty flying them than [deleted] might [/deleted] was anticipated. I think the credit for their evolution should be given to the then Wing Commander R.H.M.S. Saundby, who in 1936 wrote what became known as 'the big bomber paper’, an appreciation of the operational economies as they improve with the size of bomber. 159. [underlined] AVRO MANCHESTER. – 2. R.R. VULTURES. 1760 h.p. (MONOPLANE) 1940. [/underlined] In some respects it was lucky to have a go at the Halifax before the Manchester, because the former showed up the latter as being slower in response and heavier, with a worse take-off, although I liked the pilot's view much better. But the real let down of the Manchester was the engine as the Vulture was unreliable and never gave it’s power so the one engine out case was pretty hopeless. McGuire, in whose Flight these types were one day had a poor up-hill take off and caught his left wing against a big radio pole and waltzed round it through over ninety degrees without damage or disaster; which only went to show how strong was the wing structure. The Manchester was not in the same class as the [deleted] Three [/deleted] [inserted] two [/inserted] others and it rapidly developed into the Lancaster. 160. [underlined] CURTISS P.40. TOMAHAWK. – Allinson. (MONOPLANE) 1940. [/underlined] From one to the other, my next was the lead at this time in American fighters of the lease-lend era and it followed Curtiss characteristics, with a smooth engine which felt good. It had an electric control over the pitch change of the propeller which was operated by a small switch tucked away out of sight. Of course I forgot to check that it was in fine pitch for take-off, as opposed to coarse for flight, with the result that I nearly did a McGuire on the same up-hill run, as it did not want to leave the ground too easily [deleted] i [/deleted] in coarse. Boscombe was a grass airfield then. 161. [underlined] AVRO LANCASTER. – 4. 1280. h.p. R.R. MERLINS. (MONOPLANE) 1941. [/underlined] It had become apparent to Roy Chadwick that the Manchester was no match to the other two four-engined types, and with remarkable speed [page break] 60. a prototype Lancaster was first flown on the 9th. January 1941 and delivered to Boscombe on the 27th, and a productionised prototype followed as early as the 13th. of May. Dobson and Chadwick had done wonders and this must be a record for introducing an outstanding winner. Until then the Halifax had looked to be the best, but the Lancaster was in a category of it's own, and which became the best of them all. "A greatly improved Manchester with a much better top speed, handles well with improved ailerons on 100 foot span, larger twin rudders and no central fin. A splendid effort". From that time on it became the equipment of fifty six squadrons in front line service and was constantly modified to carry bigger and better bombs, culminating with the ten ton block-buster ’Grand Slam’, and of course the remarkable skip bomb invented by Barnes Wallis for the Dam Busters. The Lancaster was one of the finest types ever introduced into the Service and from it Chadwick evolved the successful York transport in just five months after the drawings were issued to Avro’s experimental department. This was a great step towards getting a small foothold in the transport aircraft field, up till then entirely in American hands, and they were operated in Service and Civil use all over the world. Unfortunately I never had the pleasure of flying one. A further evolution was the Lincoln bomber which increased the all-up weight from 50,000 lbs. to 82,000. This type was intended for the long-range attack of Japan from Pacific bases, but fortunately not needed. 162. [underlined] FAIREY SWORDFISH. – 750 h.p. PEGASUS. (BIPLANE) 1941. [/underlined] Although by now a design some seven years old it still had a remarkable career in front of it. It was one of those old fashioned aircraft which just stepped into the air with any old load and wafted along behind a large highly geared down propellor, the slip stream from which blew one about unpleasantly in the cockpit. It was a wonderful old crate which did valiant service. It seems unbelievable that the Fleet Air Arm were able to carry on a first class war with an aircraft with such poor performance. [page break] 61. 163. [underlined] BOEING FORTRESS. 17.– [deleted] G. 17 [/deleted]. 4. WRIGHT CYCLONES. (MONOPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] It was an interesting comparison to fly this American heavy bomber after ours. I found it quite straightforward in take-off, flight, and landing, although it was a two-man job requiring the second pilot to lock the throttle levers, operate the undercarriage switch control, flap control etc whereas ours did not need two pairs of hands. The controls I found heavy and slow in response and quite devoid of feel, but it motored in comfortably at 110.M.p.h. At 40,000.lbs the undercarriage was surprisingly resilient. I later did some dropping trials with American 2,000.lbs bombs at an all up weight of 49,000.lbs when the take-off was still good. One of the remembered characteristics of all these American types was the distinctive smell they had; just in the same way the French and German types smelt differently, no doubt due to the paints and materials, used in each. 164. [underlined] FAIREY ALBACORE. – 1130.h.p. BRISTOL TAURUS. (BIPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] Here my log-book lets me down because I remember flying this Swordfish replacement; in fact a grown-up Swordfish in which the pilot was positioned right up front behind the engine with a much superior view. It was a single-bay robust aeroplane but I cannot remember anything of its flying characteristics. 165. [underlined] MILES. M. 20. – 1060.h.p. R.R. MERLIN. (MONOPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] Another three-ply and glue construction but of much greater ambition than anything previously. It was in fact a wooden 8-gun fighter of very clean lines but the old familiar long flat nose. I am afraid I cannot remember any of the handling features of the type which complemented another wooden attempt later on by Jimmy Martin. Designed as an insurance against failure of our metal raw material supply, there was yet another manufactured by Hilson which was a copy of a Hurricane in wood. I think it was just as well they were not needed as I am sure they would not have stood up to battle damage. [page break] 62. 166. [underlined] MILES. M.18.(T.1/37). – GIPSY. (MONOPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] An ab initio trainer built to compete against a number of other prototypes to specification T. 1/37. It had a very thick wing section with controls lacking harmony but quite pleasant to fly and I thought a vastly better job than the Magister. I do not believe that this competition resulted in any Service type. It astonishes me now what a prolific designer Miles was. 167. [underlined] D.H. MOSQUITO. – 2. 1535.h.p. R.R. MERLINS. (MONOPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] The first prototype came to Boscombe early May 1941 and was immediately recognized as a winner being beautifully manoeuvreable [sic] , fast, and in fact very like a fighter to handle. Unfortunatly [sic] it broke its back while taxi-ing due I think, to the tail wheel tending to bounce. However Bishop immediately had a makeshift repair done and the aircraft flew back to Hatfield, where the ne[deleted]c[/deleted]cessary minor re-design was made to the fuselage in a matter of days and from that momen[deleted]a[/deleted]t the Mosquito never looked back. From September 1941 to early 1944 it was the fastest aircraft in the war and nearly 7,000 were built. I quote from a book of reference "The trials at Boscombe Down marked the tur[inserted]n[/inserted]ing point in the Mosquito’s career. Up to that time there had been incredulity about the De Havilland performance estimates. The Boscombe measured speed proved 10.m.p.h. faster than those estimates; 20.m.p.h. faster than official estimates and 20.m.p.h. faster than the Spitfire with the same engine. The whole atmosphere changed from the moment Boscombe confirmed that". The lasting credit for the introduction of the Mosquito into the Service rests with the late Air Chief Marshal[deleted]l[/deleted] Sir Wilfred Freeman who had supported D.H.’s earlier conception of this wonderful type from 1939 onwards, much against opposition of many who could not, or would not, place any faith in speed instead of armament for the protection of the bomber. Thereafter the type was converted for many roles – unarmed bomber; fighter bomber; night fighter; intruder; photographic reconnaissance; pathfinder and a few others and every conversion was a success. An epic aeroplane. [page break] 63. 168. [underlined] HESTON PHOENIX. – GIPSY. (BIPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] A really poor type which I found difficult to taxi without brakes, and what there were of them were not working. It had the worst climb imaginable and no wonder it did not sell. I cannot remember anything about it that resembled being good. 169. [underlined] STINSON A.R. 430. – LYCOMING. (MONOPLANE). 1941. [/underlined] A high wing ‘puddle jumper’ type for army co-operation – slotted and flapped in every direction with excellent convex windows on both sides, out of which to lean; all it lacked was window boxes of aspedistras [sic] ! With flaps down it was hard to exceed 40.m.p.h., and landed about 25.m.p.h. which was funny for an aircraft of 4,000.lbs all-up weight. I don’t think we took any on lease-lend. 170. [underlined] PERCIVAL Q.6. – 2. GIPSYS. (MONOPLANE) 1942 [/underlined] A good looking clean 6/8 seat civil type. I seem to remember that it had reputation for being difficult to land, but I have no record of experiencing this or any other difficulty with it, in fact I liked it. Designed in the hope of commercial sales just before the war and built of three-ply and glue it had no future. 171. [underlined] North American Liberator. – 4. PRATT & WHITNEY. (MONOPLANE) 1942. [/underlined] Another American heavy bomber which came to Boscombe but which I did not fly. However there is quite a little story to tell about this aeroplane as I accompanied the Lyttel[deleted]e[/deleted]ton Mission to U.S.A to negotiate supplies of lease-lend aircraft. [inserted] X [/inserted] The numbers of those to go exceeded the capacity of a Boeing Stratoliner in which we were intended to be flown from Prestwick across the Atlantic, with the result that I found myself allocated to a Liberator used by the Royal Air Force Ferry Command. This flight in November 1942 was still something of an adventure and the conditions were worth recording. Aircraft No.592 had been stripped of everything internally; had no seating and only a few oxygen plug-in points along the sides. On seeing the absence of seats, stupi[deleted]e[/deleted]dly, I suggested installing a park bench down [page break] 64. the centre as at least something to sit on. After three hours sitting on this hard bench, I and the five others would willingly have thrown it overboard if we could, but to add to our discomfort we found that the next three hours had only returned us to our starting point, the weather having shut down on the American coast. The next two days were at stand-by with much shuffling of weather conditions, and that awful bench having been removed, we were suddenly told to be ready by 8 p.m. “We dressed as for the North Pole in sweaters, Sidcott Suits, flying boots, Mae Wests, gloves and helmets until quite immobile; and taxi out only to find the Stratoliner at the end of the runway with a flat tyre and we have oil pressure trouble. We taxi back, take off all the sweaty clothing and wait. By ten o'clock all is in order, and re-dressed in all that clothing again, off we go and this time for the full crossing.” [inserted] X [/inserted] The six of us were laid out on [deleted] t [/deleted] the floor head to foot with no heating and scarcely any light, and individual movement was virtually impossible. We flew mainly at 8000 ft. in clear weather until 200 miles east of Newfoundland when ice began to fly off the propellers and clanged against the fuselage in an alarming manner. At last we broke cloud over the New Brunswick coast at 2000 ft. By then a filter of light had crept into our airbo[deleted]u[/deleted]rn cell and I had managed to stagger upright and walked over the other reclining bodies to an Elsan situated right in the tail. This I found to be a reasonable seat when facing aft with a little window. So I rode the lavatory looking out over snow covered New Brunswick and Maine, a deserted pine-covered land with few signs of habitation until we landed at Presquisle, having taken sixteen and a half hours for that leg of the journey. After the finest breakfast I can remember at this staging post we re-embarked for Washington and I enjoyed the 750 mile journey, looking down on Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore from my point of vantage on the elsan. This took 4 1/2 hours; thus 20 hours and 45 minutes from England and considered a good trip. Shades of Atlantic travel 28 years [deleted] agg [/deleted] ago. [page break] 65. 172. [underlined] BEECHCRAFT TRAVELLER. – PRATT & WHITNEY WASP. (BIPLANE). 1942. [/underlined] In Washington I was taken in charge by Group Captain Heslop – ‘Slops’ of the British Technical Mission and a grand tour of the U.S.A. was planned to visit as many aircraft factories as possible. In this small single-engined biplane, with backstagger he flew me to Martins at Baltimore; a very gentle introduction to what was to follow. 173. [underlined] BEECHCRAFT [deleted] 2 [/deleted]. – 2. PRATT & WHITNEY WASPS. (MONOPLANE). 1942. [/underlined] This was a different six-seater type in which next day we visited Brewsters on Long Island, and eager to get my hands on this apparently viceless type I said I would fly it back to Bolling Field. But I discovered there were two vices which I had not observed with ‘Slops’ as pilot; the first was that it disliked a three-point landing and must be put down on the main wheels with the tail up: and the second that it had a method for operating the wheel brakes by ones toes pressing a little pedal attached to the rudder bar. This I had never experienced before and was my undoing. Correction of any swing on the runway required both rudder and toe-brakes and as the rudder effect at Ianding speed was not good I got tied up with trying to operate first one toe brake and then the other. The result was not only awful but could easily have been disastrous, as we swung right off the runway and dashed past various aircraft parked beside it, by the grace of God without hitting any, but completely out of my control. A shame-making performance in front of our Allies but ‘Slope’ took it and made no alteration to our grand tour! On November 16th in this same Beechcraft provided with a Naval crew from Anacostia Field we set out on our long journey, and I decided to leave the flying in better hands. Our first stop was Nashville (600. miles) which was a staging post for R.A.F. Ferry Command where many aircraft were being Re-fueled en route before flying the Southern Atlantic to Africa and the Middle East. Judging by the numbers I saw there this made flight delivery across the Atlantic an every day occurrence. Two and a half hours later we reached the smallest and most insignificant airport at Little Rock (famous for Eisenhower) and a further two hours on we arrived after dark over Dallas and Fort Worth, the lights of which made the most magnificent sight after so long a period of black-out at [page break] 66. home. Next day we visited Consolidated Aircraft at the famous Willow Run plant, almost exactly one miIe long under one roof and filled from end to end with Liberators under construction. Impressed I was, to say the least. Off again for another three hundred miles to refuel at Midland, and on this leg I renewed my personal acquaintance with the cockpit and commented “Beech is a nice quiet comfortable aircraft cruising easily at 185.mp.h. at 6,000 ft; is pleasant to handle except rudder is of little value, only disturbing the directional stability which it does to no mean extent if used at all coursely [sic]”. This may have been some of the cause of my shocking earlier arrival! "On again to Tuscon another 500 miles passing over Texas without seeing one mule or steer and no cowboys. Surprising how air travel misses the local industries – but oil wells plentiful". Yet another 500 miles to Burbank "On this leg I lay basking in the sun and gazed out over the Mexican border imagining tall hats and bronchos and not a little surprised at the barren rockiness of the country all the way from Fort Worth. We climbed up to some 12,000.ft to cross a high range at Palm Springs, and as it got dark the sunset became quite Egyptian, and soon below us was the largest carpet of lights I have ever seen en masse. So this was Los Angeles, almost unbeliev[deleted]e[/deleted]able in extent for so many miles in every direction. In such a fairy land it was quite a job to find Lockheed’s airport which was right in amongst all this. This is quite one of the sights of the world.” We had accomplished this journey in two full days and spent the next day visiting North American Aircraft, Douglas, Lockheed, Northrop and finished up with a wild ‘do’ in Beverley Hills. Next day a not surprisingly painful visit to Consolidated at San Diago where still more Liberators were being churned out by the hundreds. I am afraid I did not take as much interest in them as I should have done, and was only too thankful for the Beech to return me to Burbank and bed. Next day November 22nd began our return journey making Winslow to refuel man and machine, after 450. miles of very rocky barren country, and then proceeded 200 or so miles to Albuquerque – not the Mexican town I had expected but just another city, which I failed to appreciate in any way. [page break] 67. In the bitter cold of early morning we set off for Wichita nearly 600 miles on and here we had our first mechanical trouble with burnt out generators. Luckily we were at a small aircraft firm who fixed it soon enough for us to complete another leg as far as Kansas. By then the weather had turned sour to the East and next morning we had to make a stop at St. Louis and await clearance into Dayton some 300 miles further on. Cloud was very low, but we got in all right and next morning reached base at Washington. This was a most valuable survey of both American production methods, and advanced new design which I was shown. It was not all one way traffic as I was swapping our experience and difficulties in an attempt to help them avoid similar ones. At Burbank the 50 ton Constellation, doing its first flight trials, showed only too clearly the future of American civil transports. Elsewhere I had been shown mock-ups of 100 ton aircraft and engines of over 4,000.h.p., to say nothing of remotely controlled armament for the defence of big bombers double the size of current ones; eye-opening development we were unable to undertake in this country because of the strains of war. My last visits to Bell & Curtiss were made by airline to Buffalo, after which I flew on to Toronto joining up with the rest of the mission in Montreal where I found the same Liberator await[deleted]n[/deleted]ing clearance to Gander. By now the weather was changing from fog to snow and soon after landing we were grounded and remained snowbound for three days. During this time I took the opportunity in the quietness of a disused office to write my report. This I am glad to say was received favourably by those in high places, and was to have the desired effect of enabling this country to develop civil aircraft. After a calm and good crossing to Prestwick in nine hours, mostly at 15,000 ft but upwards to 23,000 ft towards the end (sucking an oxygen pipe and frozen stiff) I was glad to finish that journey of 12,000 miles and 85 hours flying, and land back on my native heath on the 28th anniversary of joining the flying Service, during which time I had never imagined I would fly the Atlantic. [page break] 68. 174. [underlined] AUSTER. – 130.h.p. GIPSY. (MONOPLANE). 1943. [/underlined] A puddle-jumper adopted by the Army which I found terribly noisy and toy-like, nevertheless it remained in the Service for at least 20 years, and must have been a better aeroplane than I judged it to be. In fact the Army Air Corps was founded on the Auster some of which still fly to-day. 175. [underlined] FOCKE-WULF. 190. – 900.H.p. B.M.W. (MONOPLANE). 1943. [/underlined] In June 1942 the first of this type was delivered into our hands intact by a German pilot who landed on Pemberry airfield on the South Wales Coast. I had immediately flown down there to have a look at this prize, and found ‘Batchy’ Atcherley had incarcerated the poor boy in a lavatory just to keep him safe. In dumb crambo the pilot had prevented anyone from climbing about the aeroplane by indicating it might explode. After a while, and as nothing had happened, valour overcame discretion and a full inspection ensued. We badly needed to know all about the F.W. 190. which was causing some havoc at the time, and was promptly put through its paces and stripped apart at Farnborough, which provided valuable information. Nearly a year later I flew this aircraft at Farnborough on a not particularly enjoyable flight. In the first instance the seat had been locked in the lowest position and I found my forward view completely blanked out. In any event it had a large circular nose which was not condusive [sic] to a good take-off and landing view even had the seat been higher. Second surprise was that I was warned that the left brake was much weaker than the right, but having got myself into the thing I was not deterred by that. The engine was an enormous thumping powerhouse and consequently it climbed off the runway at a very steep angle. Fore and aft it was much heavier than I expected, the ailerons being very good but with a tendancy [sic] to overbank [deleted] s [/deleted] while the rudder was without feel. The natural visibility on that day was poor which added to my discomfort at not being able to see anything ahead. With the nose down speed increased very rapidly and being thoroughly uncomfortable I made a landing approach at about 120/130.m.p.h. as at any lower speed there was considerable ‘sink’ with the nose well up. I touched down almost entirely [page break] 69. by feel cursing the inadequacy of the forward view, and as a result no doubt I thought it was soon time to apply the brakes. For the second time this was my undoing, for in a trice we swung off the runway to the right and I was careering across grass, once again missing parked aircraft by the grace of God, as rudder alone had no effect whatever in changing direction. We came to rest unscathed but in a muck-sweat with [deleted] t [/deleted] the though[missing letter] that valour is not always the better part of discretion. Two years later I was to meet the designer Dr. Kurt. Tank in circumstances I will describe later on. 176. [underlined] MILES M.28’. – 130 h.p. GIPSY. (MONOPLANE). 1943. [/underlined] Yet another Miles idea, and what a contrast to the one above. Heavily slotted and flapped with a stilt-like undercarriage, it was fool-proof and a child could use it. With an enclosed cockpit it was an amateurs delight and could land on the proverbial pocket handkerchief, but in spite of all that it did not sell. 177. [underlined] FAIREY BARRACUDA. – R.R. MERLIN. (MONOPLANE). 1944. [/underlined] I attended some carrier trials in H.M.S. Indefatigable when several new types were being tried for deck landing, I believe the Mosquito. At the end of the day which had been successful I was to be flown ashore to Prestwick and found awaiting me on the flight deck an old Barracuda. It was a typical Fleet reconnaissance type which looked a thorough christmas tree. The rear-gunner’s cockpit was enclosed by a perspex roof which as soon as I had been hurried through it was slammed down over my head, without knowing how to open the thing. The engine roared and before I knew where we were, we were over the bows and off. How thankful I was that I was not a crew member of a Barracuda. Practically deafened by the noise I was glad to touch down at Prestwick in one piece. Not my idea of a good aeroplane. 178. [underlined] VICKERS WARWICK. – 2. 2,000 h.p. CENTAURUS. (MONOPLANE). 1944. [/underlined] A development from the Wellington which introduced a remote control sighting system from the tail. I had a ride in the tail, piloted by Mutt Summers at Wisley and besides being im[deleted]n[/deleted]pressed with the gun-sighting [page break] 70. system, I was also impressed by the flexibility of Wallis’ geodetic construction on a much larger aeroplane than the Wellington. The movement of the tail and outer wings was rather sick-making but as I had seen a wing being tested to destruction in a test rig, when the tip of the wing flexed upwards to five feet, I had no qualms. 179. [underlined] SIKORSKY R. 4. HELICOPTER. – 1944. [/underlined] I have quite forgotten this single experience of handling a helicopter, but I see from my log-book that I did a bit of dual, and although not the simple thing I had imagined, managed to handle it fairly successfully in the time available. 180. [underlined] DAKOTA. – 2. PRATT & WHITNEY WASPS. (MONOPLANE). 1945. [/underlined] This was one of the unique of many unique flights that must have been made by this wonderful aeroplane, the war-time version of the great D.C.3. On the 11th April 1945, I received a message direct from Germany that our troops had just captured the design offices of Focke-Wolf and would I come at once. Hastily gathering together two or three experts we flew out of Hendon to Eindhoven and then Rheine, and found our H.Q. already established in some houses in Canabruk. It had been arranged that my little party would be at Focke-Wulf first thing next morning. [symbol] On arrival we were received as honoured guests and were at once taken to the board-room and introduced to the senior engineers. To my disappointment Dr. Kurt. Tank. had been flown back to England immediately after the place was captured, but his deputy proceeded to take us through their latest design projects beyond the F.W.190, and at once it was evident from the fact that each one of them was a swept-wing lay out, here was certainly something for us to learn about. At that time our aerodynamisist [sic] were only dimly aware of the great advantage that swept-wings conferred on future near-sonic and super-sonic jet aircraft design. German research obviously was ahead and I suppose there had never been a more open, or fruitful, design conference, moreover hard to believe such could happen within sound of the guns. After hours of interpreted discussion we were bidden to a feast [page break] 71. which I felt was guilding [sic] the lil[deleted]l[/deleted]y too much too acept [sic] from our enimies [sic] who were short of food themselves. Clutching a few bottles of Moselle perhaps I rather [deleted] hautil [/deleted] haughtily withdrew my party and flew back to London to find Kurt Tank himself. This I soon did, finding him in a bare room in Westminster under interrogation. Leaving him in the hands of experts I invited him to dine with my party at the Savoy that night. He was a man of great quality whom I thought deserved good treatment and perhaps a little fluid might enlighten us still more on his forward thinking. It transpired that what he wanted most was to be transported with the whole of his organization to England to continue the work they were doing. This raised the ugly question of employing Germans, and greatly to my disappointment the verdict was given that public opinion would not stand for it. [inserted] X [/inserted] America however took the other view with the result that most of the best technical talent was shipped to U.S.A. much to our disadvantage in the post war years; and the remainder were taken by Russia. Kurt Tank was sent back to Germany and eventually found his way to Argentine [sic], and later to India, where he designed in each country advanced fighters of the type we had been shown. This episode is a departure from the Dakota. Our pilot on this strange sortie was Lt. Daniels of the Royal Dutch Navy who had a reputation for coping with emergencies and who soon after was killed in one. He let me fly home as second pilot and I was glad for a few hours to take my mind off what I had heard and seen, which had the war not ended as it did, would have had us at great disadvantage. 181. [underlined] D.H. DOMINIE. – 2. 385 h.p. GYPSY QUEENS. (MONOPLANE) 1946. [/underlined] This was a classic design originating as the Dragon, and later the Rapide and finally converted into a flying class-room as the Dominie. It was one of Charles Walker’s most efficient civil transports of about 1937. vintage, and some are still flying at this present date of 1971. As usual with any D.H. aeroplanes, it was essentially functional, simple and in it's early days cheap. A delight to fly with absolutely no vices whatever, I am envious when I see one in the air and regret the number of years before I first flew it. [page break] 72. 182. [underlined] D.H. DOVE. – 2. 385. h.p. GYPSY QUEENS. (MONOPLANE) 1946. [/underlined] De Havilland’s contribution, before the Comet, to civil transport at the end of the war. It was a Rapide replacement, practical, modern, rugged and elegant, it was an immediate success and no less than 275. had been sold by the end of 1946. “A lovely aeroplane, handles like it’s namesake at an all-up weight of 7300 lbs. No noise, no vibration, excellent one engine out and very good view. I would say almost perfect”. Perhaps because it was the 21st. anniversary of my wedding day it was an appropriate one to be introduced to the Dove. It is still to be found in the air to-day in many parts of the world. 183. [underlined] BRISTOL FREIGHTER/WAYFARER. – 2. HERCULES. (MONOPLANE) 1946 [/underlined] Designed by Bristol’s towards the end of the war, in order to get a foot in the transport market. It was a straightforward workhorse, which by 1946 had proved it’s worth in a great many countries, as well as initiating Silver City Car Ferry business. I handled the aircraft with Cyril Uwins at Bristol, and having had a hand in egging them on with the project I liked it’s behaviour [sic] in the air. It felt solid on all controls but particularly so on the rudder; noisy indeed but not much vibration. Over 200 were built and many still in service. During the next four years, when C. in C. Technical Training Command I flew only my Avro. 19. 184. [underlined] D.H. CHIPMUNK. – GYPSY MAJOR. (MONOPLANE) 1950. [/underlined] The Tiger Moth trainer replacement which was designed and first built by D.H. Canada in 1945/6 but later transfered [sic] to England because of dollar shortage. In all over a thousand were produced at Chester. It was a lovely little aeroplane with beautiful controls and one in which one felt at home and joyful from the first moment of opening up the engine. I flew one very soon after retiring from the Royal Air Force and joining De Havilland’s at Hatfield. 185. [underlined] D.H.COMET. – 4. D.H. GHOST JETS. (MONOPLANE) 1950. [/underlined] A direct result of my visit to U.S.A. was the formation of the Brabazon Committee in January 1943. with the task of formulating [page break] 73. requirements for key categories of Civil aircraft we should need if Britain was to pIay any part in Air Transport after the war. The outcome was recommendations for, among others, a Jet transport; at first envisaged as an Atlantic mail carrier, but gradually evolved as a passenger type. The history of this development is fully set out in Martin Sharp’s “An Outline of the De Havilland History” as is also the story of the Dove and Ambassador – all three filling general requirements of the Second Brabazon Committee. The Comet first flew on 27th July 1949. – the first commercial jet airliner, but it was not until April 1950. that I had the exhilarating experience of flying with John Cunningham on one of his test flights. This is what I recorded in my log-book:- “A great experience, a ride to 40,500 ft. doing some stability tests: rate of climb quite astonishing and sitting inside one could not guess how quickly we reached 30,000. There is some noise but no vibration and one gets a distinct impression of being very high. Behaviour on controls seems excellent and most manoeuvreable [sic] at height. A marvellous sunset above a blanket of cloud and then down through it into the last twilight for a flarepath landing. Strange lack of appreciation of speed, especially when com[deleted]m[/deleted]ing downhill when we must have been doing about 500 m.p.h. No noise of wind rushing past the window, and as smooth as sitting in an arm chair. I wonder how passengers will take to height?” The first jet airliner service was inaugurated by B.A.O.C. on 2nd. May 1952. and led the world, and developed Commets [sic] are still flying to-day. Britain turned over a page in aviation history. 186. [underlined] D.H. BEAVER. – 450 h.p. WASP. (MONOPLANE) 1930 [sic]. [/underlined] The first in line of D.H. Canada’s S.T.O.L. types which have become world famous. The Beaver originated early in 1947. and was essentially designed to lift rough and ready loads to places where there was no other form of transport. It could be operated equally well on skis, whee[deleted]e[/deleted]ls or floats, in winter temperatures far below zero or in the heat of the deserts. From being an immediate success they have continued to operate in all corners of the world by fifty three airlines and charter owners [page break] 74. in about twenty seven countries. It was a lucky break for the Canadian Company who managed to aquire [sic] surplus engines at a cheap price, around which the design centred, but their great achievement was in the slow flying qualities which enabled it to take off and land in very restricted places. I found it very noisy but a grand robust, simple and pleasant aeroplane, very easy to fly with no tricks and a good view, and I thought everyone would like it, and there must be many happy users to-day. 187. [underlined] BOULTON PAUL BALLIOL. – R.R. Merlin (MONOPLANE) 1950. [/underlined] Designed as a turbo-propeller advanced trainer but the Armstrong Mamba for it did not suit and it was re-engined with a Merlin. It was nice to handle in the air, but very noisy, and the side-by-side cockpit was highly congested. The undercarriage was harsh and there was [deleted] a [/deleted] a distinct swing to one side on take-off and landing. Not very successful. 188. [underlined] AIRSPEED AMBASSADOR. – 2. 2600 h.p. CENTAURUS. (MONOPLANE) 50. [/underlined] Designed by Hagg as the third of the [inserted] Brabazon [/inserted] types constructed by D.H’s. It was a most elegant aeroplane carrying 49. passengers, and weighing just over 52,000 lbs. I flew in one on B.E.A’s. inaugural flight on the Paris service. This was a beanfeast with an excellent lunch provided on arrival. We returned at 15,000 ft. in cloud, and I thought the aircraft particularly smooth and comfortable, because on cruising power the engines seemed to be just ticking over. Alas only 22. were built but this efficient aeroplane, characterised by it’s high wing and triple fins and rudders, was operated for many years by B.E.A. as their Fleet leader, and is still doing good service for some charter operators. 189. [underlined] D.H. HERON. – 4. GYPSY QUEENS (MONOPLANE) 1952. [/underlined] This was a development from the Dove capable of carrying 15/17. passengers, which was, and still is, used as a short range feeder liner selected by the Queen’s Flight and by industrial firms. “A nice aeroplane the wings of which flex a good deal in turbulence, which made it a little tireing [sic] to fly in rough weather. Excellent on any one or two engines out conditions which caused no big change of trim. A bit sluggish laterally especially at low speed when rudder is needed to help bring up a wing.” [page break] 75. 190. [underlined] LOCKHEED CONSTELLATION. – 4. PRATT & WHITNEY. (MONOPLANE) 52 [/underlined] Ten years after seeing the prototype on the tarmac at Burbank I boarded one of B.A.O.C.’s to take me to Australia. In 1952 the ‘Connie’ was about the Iast word in airline travel and for comfort and ‘gracious living’ – much food and wine – it certainly was excellent. However although 3 to 4 days for that journey was regarded as fast, it needed some stamina all the same. Our route was London – Zurich – Beirut, where a night stop was made after a 12 or 14 hour day. A very early start next morning for Karachi, reached after about ten hours flying; an all-night flight followed to Calcutta for breakfast, and then another 7 or 8 hours to Singapore and another night stop. Early in the morning on to Jakarta, where we were kept locked in a room while a little brake trouble was being rectified: then another 8 or 9 hours to Darwin for a meal followed by an all-night flight ending at Sydney. In the heat of the Far East the stops on the ground felt worse by virtue of stepping out of an air conditioned aeroplane which, however monotonous, was more comfortable. The conditions of flight were almost perfect especially crossing the Alps at about 20,000 ft with visibility well exceeding one hundred miles in any direction; but after Calcutta we entered the much talked of Inter-Tropical Front area where the dreaded Cu-nim (Cumulo Nimbus) clouds towered upwards to well over 20,000 ft. This entailed flying through the tops; sometimes in severe turbulence, but one was thankful that ‘Connie’ didn’t have to push through the dense centres which were very much to be avoided. The object of this visit was to establish a D.H. base for Blue Streak at Woomera, then in its very early days, when life in the scorching desert could not be regarded as funny. After completing our business in Adelaide, Melbourne and Sydney, I flew back in a Quantas ‘Connie’ again, as far as Columbo and thence relaxed by P & O taking the best part of 3 weeks to get to England. I made those same long-stage flights several times during the fifties, and each time they seemed to get longer and more interspersed with uncomfortable experiences. The pallid passenger in the next seat who would sleep all over one through the long droning night, quite [page break] 76. immovable until literally heaved back into his own chair; the trials of being st[inserted]a[/inserted]cked up over Sydney in a violent storm and taking an hour or so to be lowered progressively from 15,000 ft to ground level, only to find the customs jammed full and still insisting on a ridiculously close inspection of the baggage of collapsed and overwrought passengers – Australian customs are not noted for their consideration. The many delayed take-offs and uncertainty of destination – these incidents and more led to the phrase ‘With time to spare go by air’. But this was still the piston-engine era – has the jet set changed all that? I will give one answer later. Within these long journeys I flew intercity in D.C. 4's and D.C.6’s Convairs and a Percival Prince, none of which I feel deserves individual mention except to extol the D.C.4. and say the D.C.6. never matched it because of unreliable engines. When things got too bad the magic name of De Havilland usually got me an invitation from the Captain to visit the flight deck and, perhaps a little unfairly, I passed a happier time with the air crew learning how things worked than with the motley assortment of passengers passing their time badgering the poor stewardesses who must w[inserted]a[/inserted]lk miles during one of these long stages. 191. [underlined] ARGONAUT. – 4. R.R. MERLIN. (MONOPLANE). 1952. [/underlined] A post-war conversion of the D.C.4. to take Merlin engines – R.R. entry into the airline business. While it gave the aircraft a better performance, it was the noisiest ever thought of and I was glad my experience of it was only a short trip to Madrid rather than a long journey to Africa. In spite of the noise they did good service for some operators and are still to be found flying on charter routes. 192. [underlined] PERCIVAL PROVOST. – 2. 500h.p. LEONIDES. (MONOPLANE). 1953. [/underlined] “A pleasant high-wing monoplane very quick on lateral, and good on other controls. It had accommodation for 8 or 10 people and was much less noisy than its smaller sister the Prince”. [page break] 77. 193. [underlined] VICKERS VIKING. – 2. BRISTOL HERCULES. (MONOPLANE). 1954. [/underlined] About 1944 George Edwards took over from Rex Pierson as chief designer for Vickers and once again in order to get a foot in on post-war civil aviation they developed the Wellington into a transport. At first this was done by geodetic fabric-covered wings on a new metal fuselage, but soon produced new metal wings and so turned it into a new machine. Ten years later I had the pleasure of flying through Central Africa in one, from Johannesburg to Nairobi, which was then called ‘the milk run’. After two false starts we got going for Lusaka, Nodola, Karme, Abercorn, and all stations North to Nairobi. This was a lengthy proceeding taking eight or nine hours, unloading and loading stores and supplies of every description. The aeroplane functioned all right but was a wearisome trip although most interesting to see how the daily necessities were being conveyed by air from town to town. Near Nairobi the wonderful effect of many thousands of flamingo, rising from the lakes as we passed over, was as if a pink carpet had suddenly been spread over the water, or a pink veil slowly waved over the desert. Here I joined a Constellation and via Khartoum, Cairo, Athens, Rome rumbled my way to Heath Row. While the Viking may not have been the most efficient civil aircraft, it was a well executed quick conversion of a military type, which entered service as soon as the war ended, and lasted the best part of twenty five years. 194. [underlined] VICKERS VISCOUNT. – 4. R.R. DARTS TURBO-PROP. MONOPLANE. 1953. [/underlined] This type was included as an addition to the requirements of the Brabazon VI, and became VI.A. Just as the Comet aimed to be a jump ahead of the world, so too did the Viscount become the first turbo-propeller civil airliner. George Edwards, and Hives of Rolls Royce, made a beautiful job of this highly efficient aeroplane, which introduced completely new standards of passenger comfort with much greater speed than previous piston-engine types. There were of course many 'doubting Toms’ when we first proposed this step forward, but still in service to-day it remains a winner. To discover for myself its fine qualities I made a journey in one to Istanbul and back in July 1953. The stage times were [page break] 78. London – Rome 3 1/2 hours; Rome – Athens 2 1/2 hours; Athens – Istanbul 2 1/2 hours. The smoothness in flight without any vibration and relative quietness was a great advance and no wonder the Viscount proved itself in so many countries. In those days the plain jet could not equal the turbo-propeller for fuel consumption, especially on shorter stage distances, but this was to change after about ten years. 195. [underlined] VICKERS VANGUARD. – 4. R.R. TYNE TURBO-PROP. (MONOPLANE). 1959. [/underlined] Following the success of the Viscount, George Edwards introduced a much larger and more powerful aircraft capable of seating about 100 passengers. However time was aginst [sic] him on this project, because the rapid development of the plain jet was fast eliminating the fuel consumption difference, and in spite of the good economics which the Vanguard showed in operation only twenty were built for B.E.A. The jet transport has clearly surpassed it on nearly all routes, both short and long, nevertheless the Vanguard is doing a good job in freighting, and I imagine will continue to do so for a long time. In 1959 I went on an inaugural proving flight with a bonanza lunch laid on at Nice. I often wonder who enjoyed it, because, not only did we take-off from Heathrow straight into cloud but remained solidly cloud bound, and were diverted to Rome in the same cloud. There we pecked at a bowl of spaghetti, hurriedly re-embarked and never saw the ground again until touch-down at London. A very happy day! 196. [underlined] BRISTOL BRITANNIA. – 4. BRISTOL PROTEUS. (MONOPLANE). 1959. [/underlined] Starting as a gleam in Auntie’s eye as a medium-range Empire transport at 94,000.lbs all up weight on four Centaurus piston engines, the designs of this type changed, and grew, to ultimately produce a long-range transport ending up at a weight of 175,000.lbs. Unfortunately it had a chequered and long-delayed introduction into service, being dogged with Proteus engine troubles amon[inserted]g[/inserted]st others, with the result that by the ti[deleted]e[/deleted]me it began operating for B.O.A.C. it had clearly become the last of the turbo-prop mainliners. The fact that it was able to practically double its weight in ten years, speaks volumes for the high standard of engineering of the structure. The ‘Whispering Giant,’ as the [page break] 79. Press christened it, still whispers it’s way around the world carrying goods and passengers at very economical rates and if it became famous for nothing else it might be regarded as the initia[deleted]o[/deleted]tor of the ‘package tour’ for to-day’s holiday makers. 79 aircraft were built so they should bring happiness to a great many yet. I have never had the pleasure of a long ride in one but was allowed to handle it briefly on a test flight, so briefly that I cannot comment. 197. [underlined] D.H. TRIDENT 2. – 3 R.R. Spey[deleted]s[/deleted] Jets. (MONOPLANE) 1966. [/underlined] This was to be my first, and so far only, experience of a journey by jet and I looked forward to apprising the latest product of my old firm. As soon as I boarded I settled down in a window seat prepared to watch all proceedures [sic], only to be followed by a man who plonked himself down alongside me, and it didn’t take long for my senses of smell and hearing to tell me he was pixilated. I did my best to glue my attention to the window and revel in the enormous surge of power thrusting us steeply upwards into our steady climb, and trying to guess our altitude and position as we crossed the coast. Throughout there was a rambling voice telling me he had come from Salt Lake City where he and his mother had emigrated from England (how I wished his mother had kept him there) but had spent a night with friends in London, and now he “thought” he was going to Cairo (I wished he was there). By now he was on his second large Scotch and we were at cruising altitude of about 40,000 ft. and I really could not bear this obnoxious piece of England any more. I quietly asked the Steward to take my passport to the Captain with a request that I might be invited to join him on the flight deck. This invitation was forthcoming and I spent about an hour listening to the familiar jargon of the aircrew and watching the Alps in miniture [sic] pass beneath us. As soon as we had left Genoa behind, all preparations for descent were being made and I returned to the Cabin hoping that my plagueing [sic] passenger would be asleep. But not so, as soon as I arrived back at my seat he saw me from across the aisle, where he had been leaning on two others, and clutching a still full glass he staggered across to me, [page break] 80. fell over, shot the glass full down my front followed by himself. The steward got him into another seat, mopped me up, and of all things put a little stewardess alongside him to look after him. This was hardly the best thing to do as he started to ogle her and and [sic] call for another glass. I was nevermore thankful to get shot of anyone, and after landing the last I saw of him was weaving his unsteady way up a corridor and sprawling over the B.E.A. desk, presumably trying to express his earlier thought about Cairo. So the ‘Jet Set’ havn’t [sic] improved conditions even if the aircraft have. [underlined] CONCLUSION [/underlined]. Variety is said to be the spice of life. I hope my experiences with nearly two hundred different aeroplanes have provided the reader with variety at least; and perhaps a little spice. The contrasts spread over these – and there have been many more that did not come my way – in the span of one’s life are truly an amazing record of the ingenuity and skill of man’s rapid progress in engineering; I doubt whether exceed or even equalled before. In the begining [sic] it was said aviation would become the means of uniting the peoples of this world in brotherly love and understanding. Whatever else it has done, and is doing, it has not [inserted] yet [/inserted] done that. Rather the reverse; and as for my brotherly love, I hope he fell into the Nile! From an all-up weight of under a ton, aircraft are now operating at two hundred and fifty tons, and designs of up to five hundred are in sight. From thirty miles an hour, thirteen hundred is now with us in the sky: and whereas twenty thousand feet in eight minutes was a freak climb, the latest fighter makes forty thousand in four minutes an everyday possibility. One could go on drawing such vast contrasts in many directions – from the carriage of a pig by Moore-Brabazon to prove that pigs can fly, to the arrival of plane loads of three or four hundred humans intent on having a good time, or if in uniform of destroying each other. Readers must draw their own conclusions what aviation is doing for the world; I can not. But I do know I’ve enjoyed it all. ENFORD[deleted character], E Wiltshire. 16.8.71. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Reminiscence of the Flying Characteristics of Many Old Type Aircraft Description An account of the resource A detailed analysis of very early aircraft and their flying characteristics. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Air Marshall Sir Ralph Sorley Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--Felixstowe England--Eastbourne (East Sussex) England--Bembridge Atlantic Ocean--Spithead Channel England--Cowes England--Stroud Scotland--Montrose England--Sunbury England--London Monaco Egypt--Cairo Iraq--Baghdad England--Felixstowe England--Aldeburgh Iraq Middle East--Kurdistan Middle East--Palestine Jordan Iran Middle East--Euphrates River Syria Yemen (Republic)--Aden Singapore Australia Borneo China--Hong Kong England--Kent United States New York (State)--New York France--Paris Nigeria South Africa--Cape Town Yugoslavia Norway Portugal Spain Denmark Japan Belgium Argentina Austria Brazil Canada Chile Greece China Lithuania Estonia England--Weybridge Scotland--Island of Arran England--Kingston upon Thames France--Dunkerque England--Hatfield (Hertfordshire) Newfoundland and Labrador New Brunswick Maine Maine--Presque Isle Washington (D.C.) 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Memoir Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 82 typewritten sheets Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971-08-16 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MLovattP1821369-190903-75 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Maureen Clarke Peter Bradbury aircrew Anson B-17 B-24 Battle Blenheim C-47 Chadwick, Roy (1893-1947) Defiant Dominie Fw 190 ground crew Halifax Harvard Hudson Hurricane Lancaster Lincoln Lysander Magister Manchester Me 109 Mosquito Oxford Photographic Reconnaissance Unit pilot Proctor RAF Boscombe Down RAF Calshot RAF Eastchurch RAF Hendon RAF Henlow RAF Martlesham Heath RAF North Killingholme RAF Pembrey RAF Prestwick RAF West Freugh Spitfire Stirling Swordfish Tiger Moth training Wallis, Barnes Neville (1887-1979) York https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/19/23382/BCrossWCrossWv10001.jpg bef7645dc586a37d3ef4f3f72b278326 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/19/23382/BCrossWCrossWv10002.jpg e4f974e832f2acde77294af2b1ff337c https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/19/23382/BCrossWCrossWv10003.jpg 3ea32f2da2d9869520daa0b7098f56dd https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/19/23382/BCrossWCrossWv10004.jpg 89b96e99bfd8e2ce41718e3889f290a5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Auton, Jim J Auton Description An account of the resource 26 items. The collection relates to Sergeant Jim Auton MBE (1924 - 2020). He was badly injured when his 178 Squadron B-24 was hit by anti-aircraft fire during an operation from Italy. The collection contains an oral history interview and ten photographs. The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Jim Auton and catalogued by IBCC Digital Archive staff. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. Some items have not been published in order to protect the privacy of third parties, to comply with intellectual property regulations, or have been assessed as medium or low priority according to the IBCC Digital Archive collection policy and will therefore be published at a later stage. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal, https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collection-policy. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-07-30 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Auton, J Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document WARSAW SUPPLY DROP 13-14 AUGUST 1944 When told that we were flying down to Brindisi to take on supplies for our next mission, Taffy [inserted] Lewis [/inserted] and I thought it was the ideal time to try out each others gun position. So, with the pilots permission, Taffy flew in the rear turret whilst I used the mid-upper. The flight was only one hour duration, for which we were both glad, as neither of us liked the change. For me the seat was too low and my view very restricted, and Taffy said, he felt in danger of falling out of the back of the plane. So when we took off for Warsaw we were both happy to be back in our normal flying positions. On this trip I was wearing for the first time, an electrically wired flying suit with socks and gloves attached and plugged into the aircrafts electrical system, this improved my lot considerably, for I had found, on previous operations, that when the beam doors were opened to swing the beam guns into position as we crossed the Adriatic Coast, on our way out. that the wind whistling round the rear turret, made it an extremely cold place to be. One thing that I noticed about this trip was the extra number of drifts that I was asked to take for the navigator, also the number of doglegs we did to avoid trouble spots, otherwise, it was the usual thing, systematic searching and hoping not to find. At long last we were approaching the target, “Warsaw”, then the fireworks really started. As we turned away from the Vistula, heading for the dropping zone, although keeping a sharp lookout for enemy aircraft, I could see that we were uncomfortably close to the ground and flying over an inferno, were [sic] people could be clearly seen moving between the burning buildings and coming up at us from all sides was a really colourful array of tracer etc. which, if one could forget the lethal aspect, was better than any firework display I have ever seen. As we started to climb away after the drop I found that my hydraulic controls did not respond so I changed over for evasive action and we found ourselves back over Warsaw taking another hammering. This was a bit of a shock after thinking that we had done the worst part of the job and were on our way home. Eventually we moved out of range and I began to breath easier, but not for long as back we went for a third time. continued …….. [page break] 2 [inserted] ( [/inserted] If the pilot had known what I was thinking about him at that moment, I would still be in the glasshouse today. [inserted] ) [/inserted] Apparently, the reason for our reluctance to leave Warsaw, was that as well as losing the pilot, one of the engines had been hit and the aircraft was turning on the dead engine and continued to do so for quite a while afterwards. This must have confused the enemy fighters out looking for us. At one point I saw and reported an aircraft with a flashing light on top, passing at an angle close beneath us. then later, from a different direction. [inserted] ( [/inserted] These aircraft usually worked in pairs, one acting as a decoy, to draw the fire, thus giving away the position, whilst the other one moved in for the kill. [inserted] ) [/inserted] Steve Appleyard, our beam gunner, was about to open up on this aircraft when he heard me on the intercom, thought I’d said lightning, so held his fire wondering what the hell a Lockheed Lightning was doing in this part of the world. When the pilot bailed out over Warsaw, the only one to see him leave was Bob Burgess, our engineer/second pilot, who immediately took over the controls and was far too busy trying to stay airborne to think of anything else, so that some time elapsed before the rest of the crew could be made aware. [inserted] Bob [/inserted] He first called the navigator up to the flight deck, then after a brief discussion, came on the intercom, to put the rest of us in the picture as to what had happened and what lay before us. Also we were each given the option of bailing out, which we refused. Because of damage sustained by the plane we could not gain sufficient height to get back over the Carpathian Mountains, so it was decided that we should carry on into Russia, and a landing would be attempted when there was enough daylight. Some time later the [inserted] Bob [/inserted] second pilot told us that he had been steadily gaining height and that we were now at 8,000 feet. This gave us a better safety margin if anything went wrong, and shortly afterwards something must have gone wrong, for we went into a very steep dive. I was sitting in the rear turret with the doors open and had to grab the sight bracket to save myself falling out backwards. I could not move and was just waiting for the bump but miraculously we levelled out at about 3,000 feet. When daylight came I left the rear turret and took up the beam gun position along side Steve. We were now low on fuel and [inserted] Bob [/inserted] the second pilot asked everyone to keep a sharp lookout for a possible landing site. Shortly afterwards someone spotted a concrete landing strip. On inspection we found that it had been rendered useless by sections having been removed at intervals along its entire length. Bob, however, decided to try landing in the field alongside, and after a dummy run, the navigator and the bomb aimer set about the task of getting the under-carriage down. continued ……. [page break] 3 This had to be done manually, due to hydraulic failure. When the main wheel on my side was down and locked, I looked across at Steve and gave him the thumbs up sign, but he shook his head. Things were beginning to look a trifle sticky, one wheel down, one up, low on fuel, too low to bail out and a pilot who had never taken off or landed one of these planes on his own. But no one seemed unduly perturbed as once again they went through the drill for getting the under-carriage down, and this time, it worked. The wheels were down and locked, but now there was another [underlined] flap on, [/underlined] [inserted] problem [/inserted] with everyone concentrating on the under-carriage we had lost sight of the landing strip, but fortunately not for long. All who could then took up [inserted] our landing [/inserted] [underlined] ditching [/underlined] positions and we came in to a perfect [inserted] X [/inserted] [underlined] three point landing. [inserted] touchdown [/inserted] What a relieved and happy crew [inserted] we were [/inserted] to be back on solid earth, no matter where it was. Our rejoicing, however, was cut short by the [inserted] Lt Noel Sloeat the [/inserted] navigator, who reminded us that we may still be in enemy held territory and must destroy all secret papers and equipment. This was soon accomplished, and for safety’s sake the guns were unloaded and cleared. We then moved forward to meet the nearest of several groups of soldiers and civilians who were converging on the plane from different directions, but [inserted] we [/inserted] came to a sudden halt as one of the soldiers cocked his rifle. They appeared to be very suspicious of us and kept pointing to the ashes of the burned papers and obviously asking about them. But as there was no common language between us it took a long time, using signs, to convince them that we were their allies. We found out much later from an interpreter, that they had initially thought we were Americans. Once they were satisfied as to our identities, the mood changed, everyone was happy and willing to help us in any way possible. By this time our thoughts were turning to food, this was easily conveyed to our new hosts, who provided us all with a hearty breakfast. The second pilot, navigator, bomb aimer and [inserted] I [/inserted] myself dined at the nearby village, whilst the top gunner, beam-gunner and the wireless operator were well catered for by the locals, as they stayed with the aircraft. It was at this meal that we had our first taste of vodka, we were all intrigued by the small glass of clear, [underlined] sparkling [/underlined] liquid by the side of each plate, but had no means of enquiring about it. Bob decided to sample it first, raised the glass to his lips then put it down quickly saying, “don’t touch it chaps, its poison”. On seeing our reactions, one of the soldiers took the glass and drained it in one gulp, indicating that it should not be sipped. After resting for a few hours we were transported by an ancient wagon over dirt roads and wooden bridges to Novograd, where we spent the night. The following morning we were flown to Poltava. Here the reception party included an interpreter so for the first time since landing on Russian soil we were able to discuss the situation and clear up a few points with the Russians. continued ….. [inserted] who stayed with the A/C [/inserted] [page break] 4 When everything had been sorted out we were taken in small [inserted] bi [/inserted] by-planes to a nearby rest camp. Then after four days of rest and relaxation were returned to Poltava by the same means. Here we said our goodbyes before climbing aboard a D.C.3, which was standing by to fly us to Moscow. The one thing I could not get used to as a passenger was flying without a harness and parachute. On all previous flights we had been equipped with these items and without them I felt extremely vulnerable. On arrival at Moscow Airport we were met by [inserted] British [/inserted] Embassy Officials, who for the next fortnight took care of our needs and acted as guides on trips to the Bolshei [sic] Theatre for ballet and opera also sight seeing tours around Moscow etc., From Moscow the [inserted] 5 [/inserted] R.A.F. members of the crew were posted back to the United Kingdom. Flying out on the fourth of September we landed at Cairo Airport on the seventh of that month. Travelling via Stalingrad, Baku, Teheran, Baghdad and Damascus. Our stay in Cairo was longer than we had expected or wanted, but at last, after almost two months we were on our way again, stopping at Malta, Sardinia and finally the South of England on the second of November, and what a contrast from the heat of Cairo to the freezing fog of Britain in two days, but we were not complaining. W. CROSS. R.A.F.V.R. REAR GUNNER WITH 31 SQUADRON S.A.A.F. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Warsaw Supply Drop 13-14 August 1944 Description An account of the resource William Cross Memoir of a supply drop to Polish fighters, during which they lost an engine and struggled to maintain height. The pilot had baled out leaving the rest of the crew to fly the aircraft. They landed successfully in Russian territory and met up with their troops. Afterwards they were transported to Moscow then back to UK via Stalingrad, Syria and Cairo. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Cross Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1944-08 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Four typewritten sheets Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BCrossWCrossWv10001, BCrossWCrossWv10002, BCrossWCrossWv10003, BCrossWCrossWv10004 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command South African Air Force Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Azerbaijan Azerbaijan--Baku Egypt Egypt--Cairo Italy Italy--Brindisi Italy--Sardinia Iraq Iraq--Baghdad Iran Malta Poland Poland--Warsaw Poland--Vistula River Russia (Federation) Syria Syria--Damascus Ukraine North Africa Ukraine--Poltava Iran--Tehran Russia (Federation)--Volgograd Russia (Federation)--Moscow Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Tricia Marshall Maureen Clarke Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-08-13 1944-08-14 205 Group 31 Squadron SAAF air gunner aircrew B-24 bale out bombing C-47 flight engineer navigator pilot Warsaw airlift (4 August - 28 September 1944) wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/19/23361/MAutonJ[Ser -DoB]-170119-11.jpg 711e1d6f0997172a9ee538cf2f621867 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Auton, Jim J Auton Description An account of the resource 26 items. The collection relates to Sergeant Jim Auton MBE (1924 - 2020). He was badly injured when his 178 Squadron B-24 was hit by anti-aircraft fire during an operation from Italy. The collection contains an oral history interview and ten photographs. The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Jim Auton and catalogued by IBCC Digital Archive staff. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. Some items have not been published in order to protect the privacy of third parties, to comply with intellectual property regulations, or have been assessed as medium or low priority according to the IBCC Digital Archive collection policy and will therefore be published at a later stage. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal, https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collection-policy. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-07-30 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Auton, J Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document [List] [William Cross flights to and from Warsaw] PILOT 206788. LT. W. NORVAL 2nd PILOT 2nd/LT. R. BURGESS. NAV. LT. Noel SLEED. BOMB AIMER. SGT. A. BATES. WIRELESS OPP. SGT Stan PAYNE. TOP GUNNER SGT Taffy LEWIS. REAR GUNNER SGT W. CROSS BEAM GUNNER. GUNNER S. APPLEYARD. [dividing line] WB. CELONE – BRINDISI [ticked] 13/8/44 13.35 – 14.35 WB BRINDISI. – WARSAW – UKRAINE [ticked] 19.20 – 05.30 DW [indecipherable word] – POLTAVA [ticked] 15-8-44 14.30 – 16.00 [?] POLTAVA – REST HOME [ticked] 15-8-44 16-30 – 16-55 REST HOME – POLTAVA [ticked] 19-8-44 11-30 – 11-55 D.C.3 POLTAVA – MOSCOW [ticked] 19-8-44 12-30 – 15-45 DC3 MOSCOW – STALINGRAD [ticked] 4-9-44 07-20 – 11-10 DC3 STALINGRAD – BAKU [ticked] 4-9-44 12-05 – 16-40 DC3 BAKU – TEHERAN 5-9-44 07-40 – 10-05 LOD TEHERAN – BAGDAD 7-9-44 03-15 – 10-30 LOD BAGDAD – DAMASCUS 7-9-44 11-00 – 13-30 LOD DAMASCUS – CAIRO 7-9-44 14-20 – 16-35 DC3 CAIRO – MALTA 1/11/44 09-25 – 15-40[?] DC3 MALTA – SARDINIA 2/11/44 05.30 – 08.00 DC3 SARDINIA – LYNEHAM 2/11/44 09-00 – 15-40 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource William Cross' Flights to and from Warsaw Description An account of the resource A list of 15 flights to and from Warsaw and aircrew. They cover from 13 Aug 1944 to 2 Nov 1944. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One handwritten sheet Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MAutonJ[Ser#-DoB]-170119-11 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Azerbaijan Azerbaijan--Baku Egypt Egypt--Cairo Italy Italy--Brindisi Iraq Iraq--Baghdad Iran Malta Poland Poland--Warsaw Russia (Federation) Russia (Federation)--Moscow Russia (Federation)--Volgograd Syria Syria--Damascus Ukraine Ukraine--Novohrad-Volynsʹkyĭ Ukraine--Poltava North Africa Italy--Sardinia Iran--Tehran Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Cross Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1944 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1944-08 1944-09 1944-10 1944-11 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Sue Smith air gunner aircrew B-24 bomb aimer C-47 navigator pilot RAF Lyneham Warsaw airlift (4 August - 28 September 1944) wireless operator https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/501/22592/MCurnockRM1815605-171114-021.pdf 0b8bc57160c8e208e9ed946757257721 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Curnock, Richard Richard Murdock Curnock R M Curnock Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Curnock, RM Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016-04-18 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Description An account of the resource 92 items. An oral history interview with Warrant Officer Richard Curnock (1924, 1915605 Royal Air Force), his log book, letters, photographs and prisoner of war magazines. He flew operations with 425 Squadron before being shot down and becoming a prisoner of war. The collection has been licenced to the IBCC Digital Archive by Richard Curnock and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document THE Prisoner of War [Symbol] THE OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF THE PRISONERS OF WAR DEPARTMENT OF THE RED CROSS AND ST. JOHN WAR ORGANISATION, ST. JAMES’S PALACE, LONDON, S.W.1 [symbol] VOL. 4. No. 37. Free to Next of Kin MAY, 1945 The Editor Writes – IT is just three years since on May 1st, 1942 we launched the first number of The Prisoner of War. For most of our readers three long years of strain and toil, of hopes and anxieties. “It is hard,” wrote Her Majesty the Queen in a message printed in our first issue, “for those who wait at home to go cheerfully about their daily tasks in the knowledge that someone dear to them is in exile and a prisoner.” But their long ordeal is coming to an end, as I write, and indeed for many thousands has already ended. By the time these lines are printed it may well be that all our men in Germany will once again be free. A Host of Friends This journal will still appear for a few months so long as there is any useful information to give to ex-prisoners of war and their next-of-kin, but, happily, it will no longer contain news of what is happening in the Stalags and Oflags, for they, I hope, will have become a very bad dream that is now over. From the first I have looked forward to the day when the journal in this form would no longer be needed. But there is sadness in the thought that I shall be saying good-bye to a host of good friends, personally unknown to me, but brought very close by means of correspondence. [Photograph of a large group of cheering men] Wild scenes of excitement at Stalag 357 as the camp is liberated. So Many Letters Never, I am sure, has a journal been so eagerly looked for each month by so many readers. Never has an editor received so many thousands of grateful letters as have reached my colleagues and myself month after month from relatives who were cheered and comforted by the scraps of news we were able to give them, heartened by the knowledge of what the Red Cross and St. John War Organisation was able to do for their men, but, above all, brought closer to their dear ones by the intimate revelations of what other prisoners were doing and thinking. Fare You Well! To all our readers and their men with whom they are once more united, I would say: “Thank you for your gratitude and your confidence. I wish you a full life and every happiness.” But in the general rejoicing, let us not forget the relatives of those who will not come back, and especially of those (few in number we believe) who in the last weeks of the war were marched out of the camps to death by hunger or exhaustion. Our hearts go out to them. News Without Delay Events are moving so rapidly in these great days of victory that the news of recent developments grows stale from hour to hour. The latest news of the camps is given on another page. The Secretary of State for War announced on May 1st that 43,000 prisoners had reached this country from North West Europe. A further 3,436 had been evacuated from Odessa. Many others have doubtless been liberated by the Red Army in the neighbourhood of Berlin and Dresden and by the American Armies on their way to Munich and the Austrian frontier. Sir James Grigg undertook to give out immediately any information, and next of kin may rest assured that they will be notified without delay of any definite news of their men. Transfers Cease The German Government has stated through the Protecting Power that all transfers of prisoners have ceased in areas under German control. The prisoners have been collected, as far as possible, in large Stalags, and the German Government has [Page break] 2 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 asked the I.R.C.C. and the Protecting Power to send representatives to these camps. When the German military authorities withdraw, these representatives will remain in charge of the camps until the Allies arrive. The “Master” Race The unspeakable atrocities perpetrated at the concentration camps are a revelation of the depths of vileness to which Germans have been brought by leaders who invoked their pagan instincts and barbaric lusts. The victims of these sub-human torturers and murderers were almost entirely Germans. Poles, Jews, and other Europeans enslaved by the “Master Race.” Ordinary prisoner-of-war camps were not exposed to any similar system of torture. 450 Miles Winter March The treatment of prisoners of war who were moved from camps in Silesia when the Russians approached is evidence, however, of the generally callous cruelty of the German to those in his power. They were marched for 450 miles in the depths of winter. The Germans had prevented them from making any preparations for the move, and failed to make adequate provisions for food and accommodation or for those who fell ill on the way. They were visited on the march by a representative of the Protecting Power, and a protest was made. The Secretary of State for War, answering questions on this matter, added that the Germans were becoming more and more incapable of looking after things in their own country, and he feared a good deal of hardship was inevitable. Some camps were grossly overcrowded by incoming prisoners from the East. “The LatestReprisal” A petty example of German vindictiveness has come in a report from Oflag VIIB and Stalag 357 (now captured), where the British prisoners were deprived of their mattresses, palliasses and most of their furniture ostensibly as reprisals for the ill-treatment of German prisoners in Egypt. The allegations, says Sir James Grigg, were entirely without foundation. An apt comment reached me from a prisoner in Oflag VIIB: “Just in case you should get hold of a garbled version of the latest reprisal, … our mattresses and 90 per cent of our tables and chairs were taken away. As you may imagine, we have improvised and everybody seems quite comfortable.” [Boxed] NEW ADDRESS If you have moved, do not forget to notify the Navy, Army, or R.A.F. authorities as well as the Red Cross of the address of your new home. It is MOST IMPORTANT that official news should reach you without delay. [/boxed] REPATRIATION ARRANGEMENTS By Major-General Sir Richard Howard-Vyse, K.C.M.G., D.S.O. (Chairman of the Prisoners of War Department) THE repatriation of British Commonwealth prisoners of war on the Western Front is the responsibility of SHAEF in conjunction with the War Office; we have been in close consultation with both authorities. The continued resistance of the enemy has necessitated certain modifications in the original plans, Instead of the great majority of the prisoners being freed at the moment of the signing of an armistice, and while still in their original camps, they are now being recovered by degrees. Some, mostly the sick, are found in camps and hospitals, some have escaped and reached the allied lines, but most of them are apparently being overtaken while on the march. This makes it easier as regards the numbers to be dealt with at any one time, but much more difficult from the point of view of making definite plans beforehand. Strictly speaking, a freed prisoner of war, unless he is sick or wounded, is no longer a concern of the Red Cross; but it is unthinkable that we should immediately lose all interest in him. We have therefore prepared, in numbers sufficient to supply every man, gift bags containing a razor and other toilet requisites, chocolate, cigarettes and a message of welcome. The message is from all the Dominion and Indian Red Cross Societies, and not only from the War Organisations. Many, but not all, the ex-prisoners will need other articles such as pullovers, pyjamas and socks, and these also we are providing on a liberal scale, as well as invalid diet and medical supplies. To assist in the distribution of these articles, to give as much information as possible to the men, while they await transport to this country, and to co-operate with the Army Welfare officials, we have enrolled a number of our own representatives. Helping in North-West Europe These plans have already been put into operation at Odessa, and, in order to complete the arrangements for North West Europe, not long ago I paid a visit to SHAEF. As the result, 40,000 gift bags with the necessary proportion of other supplies have already left this country, and another 60,000 are on order to go. Eight representatives have also left. The British Commonwealth character of this service is emphasised by the fact that these eight representatives include 3 British (one of whom has knowledge of Indian), 2 Australian and 1 each Canadian, South African and New Zealander. These have all gone to the zone of one particular Army Group and will be called forward to P.o.W. Assembly Camps as and when required. Similar arrangements will have been put into operation in other zones before these words appear in print. We are, of course, extremely anxious that our Gift Bags, and especially the Message of Welcome, should reach ex-prisoners of war at the earliest possible moment; and I am sure that SHAEF and the various Army authorities concerned will give us every help in this. But some men are sure to miss them, and stocks of Gift Bags are therefore being sent to a port of embarkation in N.W. Europe, and to all counties in this country where Reception Camps are being established. It will therefore be very bad luck if every man does not, at some stage or another, receive our gift. The speed with which repatriation is at present being carried out may make it impossible to issue the more bulky articles such as pullovers. We provided these originally in anticipation of a fairly long wait at staging or transit camps overseas, and no one is likely to grumble if this does not materialise. Reception Camp Welcome War Organisation representatives are also present at the Reception Camps in this country and are ready, in co-operation with Army Welfare, to welcome and help all repatriates. In particular, I hope they will be used to make arrangements for those who wish to be met on their arrival at their home station. Here again, I would emphasise that the speed with which men are being passed through the various stages of repatriation, though admirable in every other respect, inevitably results in administrative difficulties for the Red Cross. Reunion This brings us to the longed-for time of reunion, an event so intimate and so sacred that is seems inappropriate to intrude upon it, even in print. We think, however, that most next of kin will be glad to have advice on the very important question of diet, and with the kind help of the Ministry of Food we are drawing up some hints which we shall be circulating to all next of kin of repatriated prisoners. As regards the many other problems which may arise, we have also prepared some notes, which we have communicated to Joint Committees and Prisoner of War Representatives in all counties, who are therefore in a position to give advice where it is needed. N.B. – This article has of necessity been written in the second week of April and much of it therefore may be out of date by the time it appears in print. [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 3 Liberation Comes to Stalag IXA Described by SGT. THERON, of the 1st R.L.I., Union Defence Force, South Africa, who was captured at Tobruk [Photograph of a large group of men in uniform, cooking outside] Oflag 79 is liberated, and British Ex-p.o.w.s cook their first meal in freedom. THERE had been no Red Cross food parcels since the arrival of the British p.o.w.s from Silesia; all of them had walked the gruelling 500 miles and most were in a state of utter physical exhaustion. But the German radio announced on the 2nd April, that the American 3rd Army had penetrated deeply over the Rhine at Frankfurt; and hopes and morale soared. The pet phrase in the British compound was the “Three P’s” – Patten, Parcels or Peace! Rumours were rife, but at least hunger was replaced by the excitement of imminent liberation. Then came the blow. On Wednesday, the 4th April, at 4 p.m., all senior men were sent for by the German Commandant and told that on Thursday all fit men would move out on foot. The news hit us all very hard, as most of the lads had just completed a previous “hike,” and had barely recovered from its effects. Mass sick-parades were held; and the ruling of the Senior British Medical Officer was that those who could manage to walk should do so in order to protect the really crippled and weak. The Germans had threatened to force everybody out, and such action would have meant certain disaster to many. We were in three categories – the walking fit; the not-so-sick who were to be transported; and the serious cases who were to remain in Stalag hospitals. Those Who Remained At 8 a.m. on Thursday the 5th April, the marching columns left, and we who remained watched their straggling line disappear into the trees about a mile from the camp. Along the road leading past Stalag IXA there were evident signs of German withdrawals – on foot, by cart and horse, and in trucks hundreds of Germans were streaming back from the front. In the valley our fighters straffed incessantly. We were told that all men in camp would remain indefinitely but we couldn’t believe that the Germans would allow us to be retaken so simply. It was apparent by 3 o’clock that only a very skeleton guard would remain. Volunteers from among the guards were called for, and eventually at 5 p.m. all who remained were three officers and 26 other ranks. Their attitude was one of complete resignation – the camp was virtually ours. All afternoon and during the nigh the battle-sounds came closer, and very few men slept that night. The whole camp seemed tense and uncannily quiet. Friday dawned sunny and clear – except for a distant rumble all was quiet. The morning dragged to 11 a.m., and still no sign of Allied tanks. Spotters reported German tanks on the hill behind the camp and we feared a battle might develop in our vicinity. Everybody was ordered to get into barracks and remain quiet. At 11.15 a.m. the German Acting-Camp Commandant formally handed the keys of the camp to our senior officer. [Photograph of a large group of cheery men behind barbed wire gates] The gates of Stalag XIB open to release the British captives within. At a few minutes after midday a line of tanks was spotted coming towards us from the east. We could scarcely breathe. I grabbed a pair of binoculars from a German officer and in the tense excitement could only see a blur! German or ours? It meant so much. The Germans knew, however, and fell in neatly, ready to hand over to the first American soldier. All this while the camp was quite deserted and incredibly quiet. A shot passed overhead, and shortly afterwards at exactly 12.30 p.m. the first Sherman reached the gates. At Last! The p.o.w.s were held in check until the Germans were disarmed, and then as the main American convoy moved up pandemonium broke loose. Singing, yelling, cheering , prisoners mobbed the liberators – everybody was shaking hands with everybody else. Incoherent babbling and tears were frequent signs of a relived gladness that is beyond description. All that day Americans poured past, and the starved and smokeless p.o.w.s had armfuls of cigarettes and “C Rations” handed to them. It was a great day. The next morning truckloads of chocolate, cigarettes and chewing gum rolled into camp. The Yanks were incredibly kind to us and only asked that we re- (Continued on page 11) [Pager break] 4 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 PRIVATE D.W. GARDNER, liberated by the Russians, from Stalag XXB and now home again was prominent in his camp in helping to produce shows. In this article he takes us – BEHIND THE SCENES [Two photographs of actors in stage shows] These two shows produced at Stalag XXA, Sinbad the Sailor, (Above) and The Wind and the Rain (Right) show the ingenious costumes that can be produced in a prison camp. YOU have probably all had letters at one time or another from your friends or relations who are P.o.W.s, with the phrase, “We had a jolly good show last night,” or “We had a dance last night,” with perhaps more details. What lies behind these phrases? Way back in 1940 about two hundred tired and rather dirty P.o.W.s arrived at Stalag XXA, in Thorn, Poland. After finding somewhere to sleep, someone came into the barrack saying, “There’s a show on in such-and-such a barrack in half an hour.” A show? What kind of a show? Let’s go and have a look. Several hundred men crowded into a sleeping barrack, facing a “stage” made out of table-tops. There they listened to a mouth-organ band with a drummer. Oh, yes, there was a drummer complete with different-sized jam tins is place of drums. Interspersed with monologues, the band played for about an hour, bringing memories and forgetfulness to the weary audience. The first show was born, and it was the same in every camp. The Germans were amazed at the enthusiasm shown by the men to “dress up” and amuse themselves. Time passed; Red Cross parcels began to arrive. With the main worry removed, the shows became more elaborate. Money began to come into the camps from the men who were working. Permission was given to buy instruments. A violin was followed by a piano, then came accordions, trumpets and saxophones, through the Red Cross; until at last dance bands, quintets and even military bands came almost to perfection. The idea of a “show,” in those days, was to have the band on the stage; then it would come off for periods to let the concert party give short sketches or perhaps a monologue or song. The whole show was held together by a compère. This type of show was rather unwieldy and depended too much on the compère. Producers became more ambitious and split in two directions. One concentrated on straight shows, such as “Journey’s End,” “Dover Road,” and “Dr. Clitterhouse,” the other on musical comedies. The musical comedies were usually more popular, but were well balanced by the drama. Many men found themselves talent to write these shows, usually “two and a half hours of music and mirth,” to quote posters. These shows brought out the amazing ingenuity of the average P.o.W. Take almost any show based on a civvy street film. The producer asks for a Chinese costume, a girl’s evening dress and sailor’s costume amongst others. The Chinese costumes are made out of dyed pyjamas with dyed Eastern decorations. Sailor’s costumes – Air Force trousers, a blue roll-neck sweater with cardboard anchor stitched on, and a paper hat completes the dress. Ladies’ evening dress – a sheet cut and stitched to shape, decorations by coloured paper stitched round hems and neck or on the skirt. There were a thousand and one “tricks” – wigs and moustaches made from Red Cross string, 18th-century dress, hoop skirts made with wire and crêpe paper, cardboard evening dress collars, paper ties, paper umbrellas, suit of armour from empty tins straightened and “sewn” with wire, blouse from a shirt trimmed with crêpe paper. These large shows were limited to large camps, but even the smallest camps arranged some sort of show. Perhaps they had a band – an accordion and a drum, or a mouth-organ and a guitar; and they had their little “jam-session” with everyone singing or learning to dance. Many will look back on those long years with memories of their “first appearance” and the knowledge that they tried to, and did, break the monotony. [Picture of a dance band with a singer] A “turn” with the dance band at B.A.B. 20. [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 5 BARBED-WIRE UNIVERSITIES [RAF Crest] The story of study at Stalag Luft VI is told in illuminated book* [University crest] [Boxed] FOREWORD BY TAKING ADVANTAGE OF THE FACILITIES offered through the channels of the Red Cross Society it has been possible to establish in a Prisoner of War Camp this Education Organisation, an outline of which is given in the following pages. To convert this period of enforced military inactivity into one of further training is our final aim. The principal value of the scheme however lies in its power to provide a distraction from Boredom and an antidote to Mental Stagnation.” E. Alderton. [/boxed] This is the Foreword of the book, reproduced in facsimile. “THE moments we forego, eternity itself cannot retrieve,” run the words of an old proverb. Mindful of this ancient truth, N.C.O.s of the Royal Air Force, imprisoned in Stalag Luft VI (later 357). Formed a study circle in preparation for taking examinations and so qualifying themselves for post-war appointments. The venture became known as the Barbed-Wire University. The British Red Cross and St. John War Organisation sent books and materials and arranged for the despatch and handling of examination papers; no mean undertaking when the courses on the “University’s” curriculum included as many as 84 different subjects. The men behind the wire produced an illuminated prospectus, which told how: “This unique school was formed to provide educational facilities for flying personnel interned in Germany. The aim of the school is to expel boredom and mental stagnation by providing educational courses which can be profitably put to use in post-war life.” Their Majesties’ Good Wishes Lord Clarendon showed Their Majesties the original manuscript, and later a copy of the prospectus was sent to Buckingham Palace. Its receipt there was acknowledged by Lady Katherine Seymour, Lady-in-Waiting, who wrote: “The King and Queen have seen the illuminated book from Stalag Luft VI N.C.O.’s Education Committee. Their Majesties are both deeply impressed by the beautiful workmanship which has been put into the book, and by the splendid courageous spirit with which it has been completed. I am to say that the Queen hopes the booklet will meet with every success.” The book did meet with great success, 10,000 copies were printed and sold in the United Kingdom. The illuminated prospectus has been reprinted in colour and is now on sale, price 2s., at bookshops and bookstalls. Studying Under Difficulties Study and examinations were carried out under incredibly difficult conditions. Five times the “Barbed Wire University” was moved to a different locality; and each move meant a loss of books and a fresh search for suitable accommodation at a new camp. The Germans allowed no artificial lighting in prisoner of war camps until after 4 o’clock in the afternoon, and as the men had to sit for their examinations between 2 p.m. and 5 p.m., this ruling caused considerable inconvenience. The rooms where they worked were unheated, and frequently the temperature there dropped below freezing point. Sometimes there were no tables or chairs, and Red Cross packing cases were utilised as furniture. In Other Camps Stalag Luft VI has not, however, been unique in its experiences. Almost every university in other P.o.W. camps has had to contend with similar difficulties. At Oflag VIIB the university, which was formed in 1940, was the first of its kind. It had 17 different faculties and a library of 50,000 books. The officers sat for their examinations in a storeroom because it was the quietest place. During one examination a bag of pepper in the store burst unexpectedly; somebody kicked a football accidentally through the window, and as a crowning disturbance pipers held a bagpipe practice in the immediate vicinity. The illumination in the room used for study at Luft VI came from “fat lamps.” These ingenious little lights were made with margarine saved from the candidates’ rations, or bought with precious cigarettes from the ration of a friend, and old suspenders used as wicks. Improvising at Stalag IVB, blackboard chalk was concocted from a mixture of toothpaste and plaster of paris baked in an oven. Equestrian Ingenuity Men at Stalag 383 wishing to learn horsemanship formed an Equestrian Society and built a dummy horse from an old wooden barrel. Occasionally the German guards were persuaded to loan the society a live cart-horse. By March 24th this year no less than 16,122 applications to take examinations had been received from British P.o.W.s in Germany. Over long years of captivity men whose minds might have become stagnant in thought and warped in outlook through enforced idleness, have learnt by their attendance at barbed-wire universities and stalag schools to conquer boredom and fit themselves for post-war work. LIBRARIES FOR EMPIRE REPATRIATES SEVEN camp libraries are being given by the War Organisation of the British Red Cross and Order of St. John to reception centres in this country for repatriated prisoners of war of the Dominion Forces. The books are of a type that ate scarce to-day, but are in great demand. They will include volumes of standard works on travel, biography, arts, science, classics, etc. Books on British country life are particularly popular. The centres are already well supplied with fiction from their own Dominions. BOOKS FOR THE VOYAGE Twenty-four bales of books and magazines have been sent to Odessa by the British Red Cross and St. John Hospital Library Headquarters to provide reading matter for repatriated prisoners during their voyage home. * THE ROYAL AIR FORCE SCHOOL FOR PRISONERS OF WAR, STALAG LUFT VI, obtainable from bookshops and bookstalls, price 2/-. The trade distributors are:- Messrs. Simpkin Marshall (1941), Ltd., 12, Old Bailey, London, E.C.4. All profits on the sale of the book will go to the Red Cross and St. John Fund for prisoners of war. [Page break] 6 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 FIRST TASTE OF FREEDOM BRITISH AND AMERICAN PRISONERS OF WAR LIBERATED BY THE RUSSIAN ARMY PASS THROUGH ISTANBUL IN CHEERFUL MOOD ON THEIR WAY HOME FROM ODESSA [Photograph of a ship at sea] [Photograph of a man in a uniform coat] A pilot officer in board keeps warm in Russian fur cap and greatcoat. [Photograph of a group of men on a ship] THUMBS UP expresses the high spirits of the liberated prisoners of war. Welcome at Brussels Reprinted by courtesy of The Times From The Times Special Correspondent THERE can have been few episodes more touching in the wartime experience of the Belgian capital than the daily arrival last week of prisoners of war, mostly British, released by the allied armies in Germany, and the manner in which they have been welcomed, refreshed and given a new start on their way to England. They came by hundreds – on several days more than 1,000 were registered – and the stream still flows in. To deal with them, all concerned, from Military Headquarters “A” Branch (whose business, primarily, it is) to the Belgian voluntary welfare workers and Belgian boy scouts, have worked all day and half the night. Prominent as always in service of this kind has been the British Red Cross and St. John War Organisation, which concentrated on assisting the liberated prisoners as soon as the first batch reached Brussels last Tuesday. These came from the advanced collecting centres in transport aircraft which, after landing them at the Brussels airport, filled up with supplies and took off again for the front. Mingled Joy and Sadness The men arrived at the Red Cross offices in the Rue de la Loi just as they had left their prison camps, and the spectacle was one of mingled joy and sadness for those who saw them – joy in their new freedom and return to friends, but sadness at the drawn, weakly, subdued look of so many. They told of marches for weeks on end, between camps in Germany, since the beginning of the year, with barely enough food to keep life in them. While on the move they were deprived of the Red Cross parcels without which, in the established Stalags, they would have died. Besides those brought in by air, a multitude arrived by other kinds of transport, including bicycles, or on foot. Tree men came on a German fire engine which, they said, they had driven all the way from Hanover. Every man was given a linen bag containing toilet articles, pyjamas and underwear, writing and smoking materials, handkerchiefs, and a card with the message “best wishes for a happy return home,” from the Red Cross organisation of the Empire. Many tired eyed lighted up at the sight of the handkerchiefs. Most men wanted first to put into words their gratitude to the Red Cross for all that its care had meant to them in their captivity, and many were in tears as they did so. Several hostels had been quickly got ready and meals with every sort of delicacy that the men’s state of health permitted or demanded were provided by Naafi. The men who came in by road all spoke of the wholehearted help that they had received from the troops, British and American, all the way down the line, including the sharing of their rations. They leave Brussels in better heart, cheered and comforted by the efforts of many different people with a common bond of practical sympathy. BRUSSELS, April 23. [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 7 The came home via Russia [Photograph of ranks of men in warm clothing and uniforms] Allied prisoners freed by Soviet troops marching towards Odessa. By courtesy of Pictorial Press. IN an Army Reception Camp on the green slopes of a Buckinghamshire wood, 590 liberated prisoners of war, back from Odessa, spent Easter Sunday in England – for many it was the first in five years. They were on their way home on 42 days’ leave – with full pay and double rations. No doubt every man agreed heartily with the Camp Commandant’s policy of seeing them through the last formalities with the utmost speed and efficiency, The atmosphere of the camp is informal and friendly and discipline is kept to a minimum. Soon after arrival the ex-prisoners have a square meal. The follows form-filling concerning arrears of pay, kit, medal claims, and so forth. Each man receives an initial payment to cover immediate expenses. He has a thorough medical examination and visits the radiology department for an X-Ray. The Quartermaster completes the gaps in uniform and equipment. Naafi is there to provide cigarettes, chocolate and the ever-popular cup of tea. Their Problems Solved To the Welfare Office in the middle of the camp drift those with problems, large and small. Working side by side with the Army welfare officer is a representative of the British Red Cross and St. John War Organisation. The men are obviously reassured by the friendly sight of her uniform, and she in turn is touched by their overwhelming gratitude – not just for any help she is able to give to them in this office, but as the personification of what Red Cross has meant to them in prison camps. A corporal in a parachute regiment enters the office diffidently. He is not sure whether his problem is in the welfare category. He is anxious to trace his wife, a corporal in the W.A.A.F. The latest address he has of a camp in the Midlands is several months old, and he fears she has been moved or even sent abroad. Within three minutes the Red Cross officer has put a call through to the camp, and in another three minutes the corporal is speaking to his W.A.A.F. wife, excitedly making arrangements for their reunion. Many problems had arisen through the irregularity of mail in prisoner of war camps in Germany in recent months. Some men in outlying working detachments had received scarcely any letters since D-Day. They wished to verify the addresses of their wives and families. The Welfare Office checked changes of address caused sometimes by bombing, by telephoning directly to the local police. Middle East Welcome Personal contact with the Red Cross was, however, made before reaching England. Many repatriates spoke warmly of the magnificent reception accorded to them in the Middle East. Red Cross personnel boarded their ships at Port Said as soon as the ships had docked. Once ashore, meals and entertainment were arranged, and on the second day an impromptu dance was organised at very short notice. It was not known how many ex-prisoners would wish to go, but over 1,000 attended and the evening was an outstanding success. The ladies of the party consisted of 15 Red Cross and St. Johns welfare workers, some 30 Wrens and 45 British women residents. A cabaret show, an excellent band and plentiful refreshments were put on. Many men told the Red Cross Middle East Commissioner that this party did more to restore them to normality than anything else that could have been planned for their entertainment. At the end of the evening O.C. Troops of one of the transports called for three cheers for the Red Cross, and 1,000 men roared their appreciation before singing “God Save The King.” Their Adventures Interrogation by the Army Intelligence Corps is a very important part of the machinery of a reception camp. Repatriates are eager to collaborate, hoping to help their less fortunate comrades. Typical of the experience of many prisoners was that of Private Perkins, who went to India with the Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry in 1937. After service in Iraq, Palestine and Egypt, he was eventually captured at Tobruk, and after thirteen months in an Italian prison camp he arrived at Stalag VIIIB. He became one of a small working party at a benzine factory situated in a part of Germany which during the last weeks he was there had thirty visits from “our friends the Yanks … complete with their headaches,” as he described the raids. Towards the end of 1944, the demeanour of the guards became noticeably gloomier, and by a contrary process, the spirits of the prisoners rose. Finally, on January 21st, the Germans evacuated the major part of the camp westwards, and Private Perkins in the outlying working party was “one of the lucky ones” who escaped. With Polish and French ex-prisoners he hid in the woods for five days. They broke into a German magazine for food, sledges were hastily improvised, and piled high with tinned meat, sugar and coffee. The Russian army took this area in an encircling movement and the prisoners finally contacted the Russians 10 kilometres behind their lines. Precious possessions collected for years in a prison camp had for the most part to be left behind. But in a few cases, P.o.W.s had clung tenaciously to some favourite object. One man was playing his guitar in the reception camp. It had been sent out to his prison camp by the Red Cross; he had learned to play it there, and managed to bring it all the way home. Another man had arrived in England complete with typewriter. Private Baggott, captured in Crete and a P.o.W. for four years, worked in a grube (coal mine) attached to the same camp. When the Germans evacuated in a hurry he hid in the roof of the bathhouse and escaped detection. Red Cross parcels kept him going and later, according to a prearranged plan, he sheltered in a nearby Polish house. Many of his companions were hidden by the Poles in spite of frequent German searches. When the Germans had finally left the village, the prisoners, who had been a week or more in hiding, declared themselves to the newly arrived Russians. After much hospitality and kindness, the P.o.W.s made their way to Cracow, Lublin, Warsaw and other cities to which they were directed by the Russian armies, until they were all gathered together at Odessa. And there, daily, more trainloads arrive, to be shipped via the Middle East, to a Buckinghamshire reception camp and then home. B.C.S. [Page break] 8 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 Official [On next part of double page Reports from the Camps] [Photograph of a group of men outside a large building] OFLAG VIIB. When this camp was visited in February general health was reported to be good. Report on conditions during the forced march of British Prisoners of War from Stalag Luft III, Sagan and Stalag Luft VII, Bankau, to Stalag IIIA, Luckenwalde, due to the advance of the Russian armies. STALAG LUFT VII, BANKAU On 17 January the Camp Leader was told that the prisoners would have to be ready to evacuate on foot in an hour’s time. On leaving, each prisoner was issued with 2 1/2 days’ marching rations. To start with no transport was provided for any sick who might fall out of the column, and the only medical equipment available was that which could be carried by the medical officer and three orderlies. On reaching Karlsruhe, the prisoners were accommodated in an old brick factory, and two field kitchens were provided to cook for 1,550. When they left Karlsruhe, a small horse-drawn wagon was provided to transport the sick. Tribute was paid to the assistance, both moral and physical, to the accompanying British medical officer and the two padres. At Schonfeld, some biscuits and a little coffee were issued. The column was marching again by 5 a.m. and reached Jenawitz, where they were issued with a modicum of fat meat and some pea soup. On January 24 and 26 they rested. On January 29 they arrived at Peterwitz in an exhausted condition. On February 1 they left Peterwitz and marched to Frausnitz, where they remained until February 5. Before leaving they were issued with bread, margarine and meat. They marched to Goldberg, where they were put into cattle trucks – an average of 55 men to each truck. The train journey to Luckenwalde lasted three days; the men had no water on the train for two days. As a result of this march and the deplorable conditions under which it was undertaken the morale of the men on arrival at Luckenwalde was extremely low. There were numerous cases of frost-bite, malnutrition, dysentery and other illness. Prisoners of other nationalities also marched under much the same conditions and arrived at Luckenwalde in an exhausted condition. STALAG LUFT III, SAGAN On January 27, 1,000 prisoners from the East Compound were marched out of the camp. Each man collected one Red Cross parcel to carry with him. The move was to be made on foot and no transport whatever was available for the march, which lasted eight days. No preliminary preparations were made by the detaining power, and the prisoners were forbidden to make any preparations in anticipation of the event. Small sledges manufactured by the prisoners out of Red Cross material were confiscated, and improvised ruck sacks and kit bags were forbidden. No provision was made for the care of those who might fall sick on the march or for the carriage of their equipment, and throughout the whole journey the only transport available to the column consisted of two horse-drawn wagons which were reserved for the carriage of German equipment. The march was made in stages of about 18 kilometres per day. On the way a number of men from Belaria and other Compounds joined the column, bringing the number to 1,415. The daily rations throughout the march consisted of one half-loaf of bread per man and one issue of barley soup. The provision of water was entirely haphazard and on many days the only water available was such as could be begged or bought for cigarettes on the way. The prisoners were kept for many hours in the open after a hard march in severe weather conditions until accommodation could be arranged, the only shelter provided on each occasion being roof cover. The marching conditions of prisoners from other compounds of this camp were similar to the above. STALAG IIIA, LUCKENNWALDE This report deals solely with those prisoners of war who have been evacuated from other camps. The layout of the camp is in no way changed. There are prisoners of many nationalities, each nationality being segregated. The British prisoners who recently arrived are also separated from those who were there before. British officers from Stalag Luft III are in a compound known as “Oflag IIIA,” where there are 1,357 British and 461 American prisoners of war. All the compounds are overcrowded. Triple-tier beds have been provided, but in many cases the wooden boards are lacking. About 100 men sleep on the floor. In the Oflag these conditions are somewhat better, but even here some officers have to sleep on the floor. All the barracks need repairs. Woodcutting parties bring wood daily to heat the barracks. There is a great shortage of eating utensils in all the quarters. Washing facilities are totally inadequate. Medical officers are doing everything possible to help the sick, but they are very much hampered as there are practically no medicaments or drugs. Most of the prisoners of war have only the clothing which they stand up in. There is no laundry and the prisoners are unable to wash their only sets of garments. Religious services are held regularly. (Visited February, 1945.) [Photograph of a large group of men outside] These men were still prisoners but hopefully awaiting liberation when this picture was taken at Stalag IVC. [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 9 Reports from the Camps [Boxed] In every case where the conditions call for remedy, the Protecting Power makes representations to the detaining Power. Where there is any reason to doubt whether the Protecting Power has acted it is at once requested to do so. When it is reported that food or clothing is required, the necessary action is taken through the International Red Cross Committee. [/boxed] [Photograph of actors on a stage above the orchestra in the pit below] THE SHOW AND THE ORCHESTRA. The professional touch characterises this scene at Stalag IVB. At Other Camps – HOSPITAL AT BILIN This has always been a good hospital and at the time of the visit contained 42 British patients. Treatment is given by a German doctor and two Serbian assistants. Dental treatment is given by a French dentist. The British patients would appreciate the appointment of a British doctor to this lazaret. (Visited January, 1945.) HOSPITAL AT SANDBOSTEL Five American and one British patient in this hospital have very high praise for two Serbian surgeons and the treatment they receive from the Germans. The hospital appears to be one of the best. (Visited January, 1945.) OFLAG VIIB, BEICHSTATT There has been no change in the general layout of the camp since the last visit, except that two new huts are now nearly completed. At present there are 1,846 officer and other ranks, but more officers are expected, in which case facilities for bathing, washing, cooking, etc., will be inadequate. At present hot showers are available twice a month. The scale of rations has recently been cut and is now the same as that of non-working German civilians and not that of German depot troops. Four British medical officers are in charge of the camp hospital. The general health is reported to be still good. No improvement has been made in the lighting conditions, and the prisoners’ eyesight is suffering in consequence. Mail has taken longer of late and many letters arriving by airmail were posted at dates varying between July and November. During January, the Germans gave orders that all prisoners of war should be deprived of their mattresses. Almost all tables, chairs and benches were removed, and all public rooms were closed, except the Catholic chapel. The excuse given for this was alleged bad conditions at a German prisoner of war camp in Egypt. Similar reprisals were put into force at Stalag 357. Strong protests have been made to the German authorities by His Majesty’s Government. (Visited February, 1945.) STALAG IVA, HOHNSTEIN At the time of the visit there were 4,753 prisoners of war in the area of Stalag IVA. Most of these were distributed in 60 British Work Detachments. There has been no change in the general layout of the camp. At the time of the visit the stock of Red Cross parcels was very low. The medical officer stated that a fair supply of drugs was obtainable from the German authorities and that there was a supply of British drugs. He was allowed to visit work detachments in the immediate neighbourhood and stated that the co-operation of the German medical officers was the best he had experienced. It was unfortunate, however, that there was no British dentist in the whole Stalag. The clothing situation on the whole was fairly good, each prisoner of war having two complete outfits. There was one British chaplain at the camp and he was allowed to visit work detachments as often as he wished. Work Detachments.– Five work detachments in the Hoyerswerda district were visited. No. 502, Grube Brigitta.- There has been no change in this camp since the last visit. There were no military targets in the immediate vicinity and the camp was provided with covered slit trench air-raid shelters. The 140 British prisoners of war are employed on loading and unloading wagons or repairing rails for the Grube Brigitta. They work about ten hours a day and every second Sunday is free. The medical officer in charge gave a very good report on the infirmary where a new room is under construction. No. 531, Grube Ostfeld.- This camp also has good covered air-raid shelters. 90 British prisoners of war are employed in workshops and on forestry. They work 7-10 hours daily and every third Sunday is free. Living quarters are not very attractive, but a new barrack is nearly finished and should bring about a change for the better. Twice a week a sick parade is held by a civilian doctor and serious cases are sent to the hospital at Konigswartha. The Y.M.C.A. chaplain pays visits from time to time. No. 508, Grube Erika.- 293 British prisoners of war work on the mine railway. The nearest military targets are about three miles away from the camp and the men are able to seek protection in the slit air-raid trenches. Living accommodation is entirely satisfactory, as also are the heating and lighting facilities. The supply of drugs and medicaments was reported to be fairly good. A daily sick parade is held by two polish doctors and twice a week by a civilian doctor. Recreation facilities are well organised. This is reported to be a good camp. No. 543, Grube Heye III.- There were no serious complaints from this camp, where 45 British prisoners of war are employed on railway and surface work in the mines. Good air-raid shelters are provided, although there are no military targets in the neighbourhood. BAUTZEN DISTRICT Five detachments were visited in this area. At No. 1274.- 70 British prisoners of war are employed on timber work. The camp has recently been transferred to a new barrack and there have been considerable improvements. The prisoners of war are building air-raid shelters for themselves which are not yet finished. At No. 1184, Kronprinz Kirschau, [Page break] 10 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 [Photograph of a team of eleven men] Football team at Stalag IVA. Most of the P.o.W.s in this camp were distributed among 60 work detachments when the camp was visited in January. the camp strength has lately been increased to 97 British prisoners of war, who load and unload waggons. The prisoners of war have hot showers and washing facilities in the factory as there is no running water in the camp. There were no serious complaints. Mail from England is said to take about one month to arrive. No. 1091 is situated in the small village of Neukirch. There are only 20 British prisoners of war, who work in a box factory. Saturday afternoons and Sundays are free. At No. 1007, Loebau.- 204 British prisoners of war work in a sugar factory. During the sugar season only every third Sunday is free. The camp was slightly overcrowded, but at the end of the season at least 80 men would be transferred, when conditions again would be satisfactory. There are no complaints from No. 953, Loebau. Several camps were visited in the Dresden district. A new camp, No. 1325, has been opened at Radebeul. The prisoners of war live in two barracks in a small compound. They have covered air-raid shelters. There are no complaints. Work Detachments Nos. 1308, 1311, 1320 contain American prisoners of war. (Visited January, 1945.) STALAG IVB, MUHLBERG There were nearly 7,000 British prisoners of war and 3,000 Americans in the camp at the time of the visit. This has caused considerable overcrowding in the bungalows, where for some time two men shared one bunk and many prisoners of war slept on the floor, benches and tables. Bathing facilities are good, but their use is somewhat limited by the numbers in the camp. Cooking for British and American prisoners of war is done in one kitchen, staffed by 52 British. During the recent overcrowding, when several thousand American prisoners of war were in transit through the camp, there were several cases of contagious diseases, particularly diphtheria and malaria. Supplies of drugs and dressings have not been very good and the promised improvement by the Germans in this respect did not materialise. In the camp hospital there is also a shortage of drugs and dressings and surgical equipment. The dental station is in the care of British and American dental officers, and fillings and extractions are done satisfactorily. Stocks of materials are adequate and an average of two new dentures a week is permitted by the authorities. Clothing stocks have rapidly diminished owing to prisoners of war from the Western Front needing complete new outfits. There are two Church of England, one Presbyterian and one Roman Catholic chaplains on duty and services are regularly held for all groups. There is a new German commandant in charge of the camp, and satisfactory relations exist between the authorities and the British and American prisoners of war. Great difficulty, however, is experienced in obtaining any material improvements to the camp under present conditions. (Visited February, 1945.) STALAG IVC, WISTRITZ At the time of the visit there were approximately 7,000 British prisoners of war and 80 Americans in the camp. Most of these were distributed in the 53 work detachments. The general conditions of all work detachments is fairly good. There is an American and a British camp leader. At the main camp the British staff is allowed to shelter in a cellar. Red Cross parcels are kept in a storeroom in the town. Two British prisoners of war work there all day long. Work Detachment 22A, Brux.- This visit was made very soon after aerial attacks on targets in this vicinity on December 25th, when 9 British prisoners were killed and 18 wounded. Six barracks were completely destroyed and four others were damaged. Some of those which were destroyed were completely burned out, destroying a quantity of clothing and personal articles. In the event of air attacks, prisoners of war are allowed to leave the camp or go to a cellar about ten minutes’ walk away, where they can remain until the “all clear.” During the attack on December 25th those prisoners of war who were killed had remained in the camp. The barracks are being rebuilt and should be in use by the end of February. The 2,210 British prisoners of war at this camp work in nearby villages and in factories. For the majority working hours are from 7.30 until 5. Most of the men now have every other Sunday free. The medical staff consists of one medical officer and eight orderlies. The general state of health of this camp is good, though there are a number of men who should be removed to a camp where the work is lighter. Work Detachment No. 51, Brux.- The strength of this camp is 1,773 British prisoners of war. The majority of them work in the Columbus mine. So far there have been no casualties from air attack, but prisoners of war are allowed to go outside the camp during an alert or to the shelters in the compound. There were no complaints about material conditions. Work Camp Tschausch III, Brux.- 659 British prisoners of war live in five huts and work in the Tschausch mine. The health of the men at the camp has so far been very satisfactory. There were no serious complaints. During air raids prisoners of war are allowed to use the covered slit trenches in the compound, but many prefer to go down the mines. Work Camp No. 258, Niemes.- 57 British prisoners of war work here in a wood factory. There were no serious complaints from this camp. Covered air-raid trenches are available near the camp compound. Work Camp 53A, Deutsch Pankraz.- 50 British prisoners of war are digging trenches for the laying of gas pipes. There were no complaints., A daily sick parade is held by a civilian doctor. Work Detachments Dux III.- 32 British prisoners of war work at a porcelain factory. Living quarters are not at all good though treatment of the prisoners of war appears to be quite satisfactory. The question of quarters was discussed with the Stalag authorities. Work Detachment 395A, Tscherzowitz II.- 62 British prisoners of war are lodged in an old inn. There are no military targets near the camp. This was reported to be a good camp. Work Detachment No. 32, Wurzmes.- This is a new camp containing 109 British prisoners of war captured on the Western Front. The men live in buildings attached to an old coalmine consisting of a stone building in a small compound. There are no military targets near the camp. Washing and bathing facilities are satisfactory. Heating and lighting is in order. Medical attention in the camp is given by a British doctor. (Visited January, 1945.) [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 11 Relief by Road and Rail IMMEDIATELY conditions in Germany began to deteriorate, and transport became difficult, the British Red Cross and St. John War Organisation asked the International Red Cross in Geneva to do everything possible, and to spend whatever was necessary, to solve the urgent problem of supplying relief to British prisoners of war. The prisoners had in many cases been moved from organised camps and were being sent far away to unknown destinations. These conditions made it impossible to get Red Cross parcels to the men in the usual way, and over a period of weeks practically nothing got through to those on the move. Then in early March the I.R.C.C. was able to send about 500 tons of food and medical supplies across Switzerland to the small eastern frontier station of Buchs, where 50 German railway waggons arrived to collect them. On March 10th the consignment reached Moosburg, 30 miles north-east of Munich; and here P.o.W.s unloaded the waggons. Moosburg was for a time used as a distributing centre from which parcels could be sent by lorry on to camps in South Germany, Austria and part of Northern Czechoslovakia. It has now been overrun by the Allies; alternative distributing centres have been set up at Ravensburg and Markt Pongau. Further trainloads of supplies left during the last few weeks. Lorry Convoys Tour Reich Early in March, Canadian and American lorries were moved from Toulon to Geneva, and on March 7th the first “flying column” of 25 left Switzerland, via Constance, with 120 tons of food and medical supplies. The drivers were Swiss nationals accompanied by German guards. At the frontier the convoy split up. Six trucks carrying petrol, oil, and some medical supplies crossed Germany to the port of Lubeck. Of the remaining 19 lorries, 18 reached the Carlsbad and Marienbad area, and the supplies they carried were distributed among 18,000 British and American prisoners, some of them at Prague and Eger. Stalag VIIB received the contents of the last lorry, which broke down en route. After delivering their loads the empty lorries proceeded to the distributing depots. It was planned to run a shuttle service between Moosburg, Ravensburg, and Markt Pongau and outlying camps. 177 Tons of Food Four special convoys, each consisting of 12 lorries, accompanied by a car or motor cycle to act as “scout,” left Switzerland between March 12th – 18th. These vehicles were driven by Canadian prisoners of war and between them carried about 177 tons of food, medical supplies, soap and boot-repairing material. They headed for Southern and Central Germany with the object of contacting the prisoners on the move. Further convoys left Geneva on April 6th, 7th, and 8th bound for Leipzig and Torgau, and others left on April 13th, 14th and 15th for Central Germany. To obtain the earliest possible information of the whereabouts of P.o.W.s in transit an I.R.C.C. delegate travelled a day ahead of the first convoy, whilst scout vehicles explored secondary roads, along which it was apparently the practice of the Germans to move prisoners on foot. The provision of lorries, petrol, lubricants and spare parts is co-ordinated by S.H.A.E.F., and further lorries, in addition to those already in operation, are available with the I.R.C.C. for use as and when an opportunity arises. The I.R.C.C. has been able to get some food supplies to prisoners on the march in Northern Germany, and in the area around Berlin, as well as to others further south. [Boxed] UNITED NATIONS’ WARNING THE Governments of the United Kingdom, the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, on behalf of all the United Nations at war with Germany, hereby issue a solemn warning to all commandants and guards in charge of Allied prisoners of war, internees, or deported citizens of the United Nations in Germany and German-occupied territory and members of the Gestapo and all other persons of whatsoever service or rank in whose charge Allied prisoners of war, internees or deported citizens have been placed, whether in the battle zones, on the lines of communication or in rear areas. Individually Responsible They declare that they will hold all such persons, no less than the German High Command and the competent German military, naval and air authorities, individually responsible for the safety and welfare of all Allied prisoners of war, internees or deported citizens in their charge. Any person guilty of maltreating or allowing any Allied prisoner of war, internee or deported citizen to be maltreated, whether in the battle zone, on the lines of communication, in a camp, hospital, prison or elsewhere, will be ruthlessly pursued and brought to punishment. They give notice that they will regard this responsibility as binding in all circumstances and one which cannot be transferred to any other, authorities or individuals whatsoever. W.S. Churchill. H.S. Truman. J.V. Stalin. [/boxed] Liberation Comes to Stalag IXA (Continued from page 3) main in camp and under control. Camp foodstuffs were checked, guards appointed to prevent looting and uncontrolled movement. The camp offices became orderly rooms, and in a short time the p.o.w. cage settled down to wait until transport could be provided to take the men home. German rations were considerably increased and augmented by the American “C” ration. The kitchen staff worked overtime. Men who had been on the borderline of starvation were filling up! We got fresh meat, too, through a Frenchman, Jean D., who came to the orderly room with a request to be allowed out of camp to collect five cows which were wandering around without an owner. (And this was in Germany where every egg was counted!) He got an official permit and an hour later the main gateways looked like a farmyard. Jean said, “Ze sheep zey do not want to leave ze cows.” Our own details were sent to take over the bakeries, and all German military food-dumps were confiscated and brought into camp. At last the starved, hungry men seemed to brighten up physically – there was a great change. A harassed American captain burst into the orderly room. Nearly 300 Hungarian women, ill-clad and exhausted, were marching up the road near the camp. Could we do anything to help? When we found the women they were far from being hysterical or weepy, and marched courageously a further 8 miles to a small village where all were billeted in houses. Their guards had fled and they had had no food for two days. Can you imagine a British p.o.w. speaking German to a Pole, who could speak a little Hungarian? That was how we talked. These experiences formed only a part of all we saw in the days which followed. Now we are free and safe, and it is almost too good to believe; but still we feel there is something missing. Our there in Germany are many of our comrades; maybe they are still marching. We hope and pray for their speedy release. [Page break] 12 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 How They Help Abroad [Photograph of a large group of people watching five women on a race track] Red Cross and St. John girls in Rome act as “race horses” for a Derby held by British troops at Rest Camp 50. A CONSTANT stream of generous gifts to the Duke of Gloucester’s Red Cross and St. John Fund for the work of maintaining vital services to prisoners of war is contributed by large organisations and individual subscribers in the Dominions, the Colonies and Allied and neutral countries throughout the world. It is only possible here to mention briefly some of the ways and means by which money has been raised abroad. A mining town in Northern Rhodesia recently sent £250, a portion of which was the result of a concert given by the Nkana pupils of the Broken Hill Convent, one of whom has a father a prisoner of war in Germany. The sum of £11,012 from the total resulting from “Target Month” inaugurated by the Governor of Northern Rhodesia was set aside for the benefit of prisoners of war, while another £2,456 13s. 6d. came from the 1944 Rhodes Founders’ Special War Effort. From Ceylon has come a third donation of £100 given by the Columbo Rowing Club, members of which take a keen interest in the welfare of prisoners of war, and expressed the wish that this money should provide sports equipment. Many donations have come from Persia, among them the sum of £1,000 from the wives of the British staff in the oilfields area; and a gift of £10 from New Zealand was inspired by the arrival from a friend in England of the guide to the Prisoners of War Exhibition which was held in London last May. Portuguese friends in Loanda, Portuguese West Africa, sent a sum of nearly £600, which they asked might be devoted to a special gift for British prisoners of war, and £500 of it was used towards replacing the library at Stalag VIIIB, which had been destroyed by fire. The people of Kenya never fail to remember the needs of British and Dominion prisoners, and a large proportion of their gifts has been earmarked for parcels, one special appeal organised for those in the Far East resulting in £3,000 being remitted. In Nakuru a fête was organised by a small mixed community of Europeans, Africans and Asians, which realised £3,118 13s. 11d. The performance of the operetta H.M.S. Pinafore and a sale of work for which the United Nations Junior Group in Cuba was responsible raised £250. From the Cyprus Soldiers’ Aid Society as a token of appreciation of the work of the Educational Books Section and the Indoor Recreations Section for Cypriot prisoners and internees £100 was received. £7, also from Cyprus, was given from the collection taken at the harvest festival service held for the patients and staff of a military hospital, while £100, to which the British, Indian and Arab communities had contributed, arrived from Addis Ababa. A generous gesture in the form of £555 towards parcels for their less fortunate comrades in appreciation of the help rendered to them by the British Red Cross was made by prisoners of war who had escaped to Switzerland and were interned there. The sympathy and understanding which prompts men serving overseas to send donations is demonstrated by the sum of £17 15s. for their fellows in captivity which was sent by a Free Church chaplain to “help your great work of bringing cheer and joy to those who are always in our thoughts,” and by men using a recreation hut in Iceland who have sent several donations from their collecting box. An R.A.F. station in West Africa donated £260 3s., half the result of their “Charity Week,” of which one of the major attractions was a football match between representative R.A.F. and United Service teams. The “swear box” of one Dominion regiment which had served its purpose as a fine receiver and had come to be regarded as a donation box, was taken overseas and was with the regiment during a bad incident in which some of the officers were left without clothing. Their predicament caused some swearing, which reminded them of the box, for which a search was made, and it was recovered, although the top had been cut off by a piece of shrapnel. The box was later presented to the Red Cross with a further donation. An endeavour by No. 54 Sub-District (Bone), B.N.A.F., “to make Darkest Africa resemble Merrie England” with an old English fair on St. George’s Day was instrumental in raising £1,300. All the familiar attractions of the showground were there – swing-boats, coconut shies, hoopla, fortune-tellers, and even a maypole under the palm trees! “The British soldier, having bought a buttonhole from a flower girl (specially relieved from her duties at the nearest military hospital), was able to take his choice of travel on an old-fashioned railway, driven by a chimney-pot-hatted driver, in an old-fashioned carriage where a charming crinolined girl would ride with him, or – masterpiece of improvisation! – be lifted 50ft. from the ground on the end of a 20 ton crane and given a bird’s-eye view of the fair as the crane swung round. A Light A.A. regiment which had a rest centre in Holland started a fund to entertain 70 children in the town on Holland’s Santa Claus Day. The response was so good that there was a surplus of £62 after the party was over, half of which was given for p.o.w.s. The headquarters of the 165th Field Regiment, R.A., showed great enterprise in their special Red Cross Week, when they collected £617. The R.S.M. had to pay to inspect the men’s billets, the Signals Section suddenly charged a fee on all telephone calls, the Quartermaster added purchase tax to articles drawn from stores on a certain day, and the officers were charged a fee on entering the office. Several men gave their rations, from which an Italian civilian made a cake for a competition, and another man produced and sold an illustrated magazine for the cause. One gunner sportingly volunteered to have his much-criticised moustache shave off by the higher bidder (all bids being forfeited), and this was done at a public gathering by the winner who had to hand over 35s. [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 13 [Cartoon] HE GOT ANOTHER LETTER SAYING “KEEP YOUR CHIN UP” The Letters They Write Home Show for People in England Stalag 357. 4.10.44. I WISH to bring to your notice the general outline of a scheme which, though not of an educational nature, I am sure will be of interest to you. There have been several exhibitions in England appertaining to prisoner of war life but, to our knowledge, the Stalag Theatre has not as yet made its début. The entertainment side of prisoner of war life is extremely important and, indeed, essential to the well-being of any camp. Great progress has been made in this field, and it is felt that the history of the theatre will be of interest to people in England. With this in mind the entertainments committee of Stalag Luft 6 have put before the Air Ministry proposals for the staging of a show on our return. It is hoped that the Royal Air Force will sponsor it and that the proceeds will go to the Red Cross Society. Sir Richard Howard Vyse has been informed of the plans, and although we are awaiting a reply from the Air Ministry, the organisation of the show is being carried out in readiness. Full details are not available, but if you can imagine the P.o.W. Exhibition at Clarence House being staged with a prisoner of war entertainment background, you will be able to realise what is being attempted – in short, prisoner of war life in all its aspects to be brought to the stage. This is one “post-war plan” in which we are the senders instead of the receivers. Missed Train at Leipzig Stalag IVF. 14.1.45. I’VE been out three times this week, twice to the hospital (once for a funeral, unfortunately) and yesterday. I visited two small camps a long way from here. We got there all right, but the return journey came to grief rather badly, as our first train was late and we missed our connection to Leipzig. The next train only went to a place about 15 miles from our destination, as we were deposited there at one o’clock in the morning, and set out on a two-hour walk to the next station in the hope of getting another train. We succeeded in this, after waiting from 3.15 until 4.45 a.m., and we finally got to the camp at 7 o’clock this morning! The stars were glorious, and the frost was very hard, but the ice-bound road made going bad. Such expeditions certainly remove the monotony of life! My companion is always a German interpreter. - From an Army Padre. Can Manage at a Pinch Stalag XVIIIA. 7.1.45. I HAVE received three N.O.K. parcels and eight cigarette parcels from you, so far. Am sorry to say that parcels and letters are rather slow these days. We are hoping that this situation will not last for long, and anyway we can manage at a pinch. Received the snaps, and think they are grand. I am studying English just now; one of my chief ambitions is to write a book when I get home. I am “chief cook-and-bottle-washer” of a combine of five men – two Australians, one Tasmanian, my pal from Birmingham and myself. Will give you a tip or two on cooking when I get home. We are getting lots of snow, and it is a white, lovely world – to look at it; the mountains are a marvellous sight. By Train Through Germany Stalag IVD. 16.2.45. It is some time since we have had any Red Cross parcels, and there does not seem to be much hope of any more. Still, the war must end some day! This past week we have travelled [Boxed] SEND US YOUR STORIES The Editor will be glad to consider for publication brief first-hand stories of humorous incidents or of incidents illustrating the ingenuity, courage or high morale of British prisoners of war in prison camps or during repatriation and homecoming. Any interesting action photographs (not groups or individual portraits) will also be welcome and will in due course be returned. Address: Editor, “The Prisoner of War,” St. James’s Palace, London, S.W.1. [/boxed] about 280 kilos. in all to and from work. I think I do more travelling in one week than I did in all my life before the war – that is by train. Be a P.o.W. and see the world, or at any rate some of it; joke, I don’t think! Special Work on Railway Stalag IVD. 4.2.45. Thanks for letter dated 8/12/44, the first one since Christmas. It must be good to see the old streets lit up again. We have still got bags of work on the railway. There’s more to do every day. We’ve been getting up at 3 o’clock and catching the train at 4 a.m.; returning to camp at about 8 or 9 at night, so you see we haven’t much spare time. I am thankful to have to-day off (Sunday). No personal parcels or fags have arrived for me since before Christmas. Two Red Cross parcels between three for a fortnight. We’ve been out on a special job, and it is a good thing we can get a sleep on the train. I hope you have received some of my mail; ours is coming in dribs and drabs. “Roll On the Boat” IVF. 26.12.44. WELL, it’s nearly over now, and it hasn’t been too bad. We had a concert last night; I did the stage – a big boat cutting through the waves, and underneath “Roll on the Boat.” The show was good – two hours of it. My effort was cartooning to music. Ten Days Solid Knitting Oflag 79. 1.1.45. I MADE everyone in my room a Christmas present of sorts. These included pillow cases, serviettes, ash trays, etc. I also made, or rather knitted, a woollen blanket out of unpicked socks and old pullovers, which I raffled in this company for the Red Cross. I made £407. The blanket took ten days’ solid knitting. Disgustingly Indolent Stalag 383. 21.1.45. PROSPECTS are brighter than they have been for some time just now, not only because of the news, but because two trucks of Red Cross Invalid parcels have arrived. We have been issued with one between three. There is little news to tell you – but for skating in the morning and hibernating till the German lesson in the evening, my life at the moment is disgustingly indolent. [Page break] 14 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 Groups from the Camps[Photographs of groups of men] STALAG IVA, STALAG 383, MARLAG UND MILAG NORD, STALAG IVF, STALAG XIA, STALAG XVIIA, STALAG 398, OFLAG VA [Page break] MAY, 1945 The Prisoner of War 15 REPATRIATES’ NEWS Free Telegrams REPATRIATED British prisoners of war from Germany immediately on reaching this country, whatever the hour of the day or night, will be able to send a free telegram to their home address in the United Kingdom announcing their safe arrival. This facility is being granted by the General Post Office. Repatriates’ Rations It has been officially announced that British P.o.W.s and Dominion and Allied P.o.W.s on recuperative leave in this country will receive double civilian rations for a period of six weeks. Men who have a medical certificate will receive an allowance of 14 pints of milk and three eggs a week. Ex-P.o.W.s’ Votes Ex-prisoners who wish to use their vote at the forthcoming General Election (or at a by-election) can get their names included in a Service Register by signing an electoral declaration not later than four days before nomination day. Musicians and Artists Repatriated P.o.W.s who are professional musicians or artists may be interested to know that the Indoor Recreations Section of the British Red Cross and St. John War Organisation has certain limited stocks for free issue. The goods available include:- Instruments. – Ukeleles, guitars, violins and flutinas. A few clarinets, fluted and piano accordions may be available in the near future. Sheet Music.- Scores for practically all types of instruments. Choral music, vocal scores of operettas, miniature scores, popular sheet music and instruction books. Artists’ Materials.- Small boxes each containing drawing paper, box of water-colour paints, coloured crayons, brushes, rubber, ruler, pencil and pen. Applications for any of these goods will be accepted only from repatriated P.o.W.s who are either professional artists or musicians, or who have been studying art or music whilst in camp. Applicants must give their full name and present address, as well as their P.o.W. number and prison camp address, and apply in writing to: The Indoor Recreation Section, Prisoners of War Department, St. James’s Palace, London, S.W.1. Books for Study The Educational Books Section will continue to advise and supply books to repatriated P.o.W.s who wish to complete a course already begun under the auspices of the Section. Only books now in stock will be available, as no new purchases can be made for this purpose. South African Red Cross The London Committee of the South African Red Cross which has functioned in England for the past five years acts as liaison between their headquarters in South Africa and the British and Dominion Red Cross in the United Kingdom. Three-quarters of the Committee’s work is connected with thousands of Springboks who were captured by the Italians in North Africa; and later, when Italy collapsed, were transferred by the enemy to P.o.W. camps inside Germany. Hundreds of these men have now been freed by the Allied armies advancing from the west, and they are arriving almost daily in England on their way back to South Africa. If any relatives or friends in this country want to get in touch with South African ex-prisoners, they should write or telephone to:- The South African Red Cross, Grand Buildings (Second Floor) Trafalgar Square, Whitehall 5328. London, W.C. Or:- The South African Red Cross Bureau, 71, The Drive, Hove, Hove 7505. Sussex. They Won Tug-of-War British ex-prisoners returning from Odessa competed in a tug-of-war contest on board the ship which was bringing them back to the United Kingdom. Their opponents were men of the Army, Navy and R.A.F., homeward bound on leave from the Middle East. In spite of all hardships endured during captivity, the ex-prisoners won. Their prizes were vouchers to be spent in the barber’s shop, but the winners asked that they might receive cash instead if they wanted to present it to Red Cross and St. John in appreciation of the help the Organisation had given them whilst they were prisoners. Back to Civvy Street Voluntary camps for repatriated prisoners of war, discharged or released from the Service, are being set up all over the country by the Army. They are to be known as Civil Resettlement Units, will be run like leave camps and will help to put men in touch once again with civil life from which they have so long been estranged. Finding a Wife A British P.o.W. asked Red Cross headquarters in Brussels to find his wife, a Dutchwoman known to be nursing with a British Army Civil Affairs detachment in Holland. Within a few hours she was located and sent to Brussels, where husband and wife met at Red Cross headquarters. All Escaped P.o.W.s Home All escaped P.o.W.s who have reached a neutral country have been repatriated except a few in Switzerland who are either unfit to travel or have volunteered for temporary war work. Thanks to General Ike “Our gratitude for all that has been done by our American Allies for our prisoners released is being conveyed to General Eisenhower.” Mr. Churchill in the House of Commons. Examination Successes W/O. ALAN SAXTON, who obtained first place in the Intermediate Examination of the Auctioneers’ and Estate Agents’ Institute last year, has repeated his success in the Final, passing with First Class Honours and being placed first in order of merit of all candidates both at home and in prisoner of war camps. At the examination of the Law Society recently held in an officers’ camp, all three candidates for the Final Examination were successful, Capt. J.M. Wallace being awarded Distinction, and another candidate, Capt. J.A. Hogg, passed the Special Intermediate Examination with First Class Honours. Lt. H.D.D. Duffield has passed the Final Examination of the Building Societies’ Institute, and has been awarded the “Sir Enoch Hill” prize of £8 8s. for the best candidate. Capt. F.V. Corfield has completed the Bar Final Examination and has been awarded a prize of £50 by the Middle Temple on the result of his examination. In the examination of the Co-operative Union, Cpl. A.S. Chambers obtained Distinction and Cpl. H. Wheeler, Bdr. S. Trelease, Cpl. F.M. Scoates and Sgt. J.E. Keefe obtained First Class in the paper on Window Display. During the last month over 300 examination results have been announced, the proportion of total successes being 78 per cent. Pass Lists Still Available Copies of pass lists for July to December, 1943, and January to June, 1944, are available on application to the Educational Books Section, The New Bodleian, Oxford. 3d. in stamps should be sent for each pass list. [Page break] 16 The Prisoner of War MAY, 1945 Camp Transfers and Liberation Following is the latest official information:- April 24 Oflag VA was evacuated by train on March 31st, and the destination was stated to be Oflag VIIIB, Eichstatt, but the prisoners did not arrive there and it appears they were taken to another camp. Stalag XIIF has been moved to Wehrkreis VII in Bavaria. Stalag XVIIA was evacuated on April 1st, and the destination was stated to be Braunau on the Austro-German frontier. Oflag IVC has been overrun and the prisoners liberated, except for certain selected officers who had been transferred before the arrival of the Allied Forces. Oflag 79 was reached by the Allied Forces on April 12th. Close upon 2,000 officers and 400 other ranks, most of them from the British Commonwealth, were released. April 26 Stalag 344 was evacuated by the Germans when the Red Army approached Lamsdorf in January and the prisoners were forced to march westward. About 850 of the prisoners managed to escape to the Russian lines and have now been repatriated from Odessa, but the great majority were transferred to various camps in Central Germany. It is known that men from this camp were moved to Stalags IXA, Zeigenhain; IXB, Bad Orb; XIC, Mulhausen; XIIIC, Hammelburg, and XIID, Nuremburg, from which camps a number of them were recently recovered. April 30 Stalag VB, Villengen – 69 recovered. Stalag VIIB, Memmingen – 772 recovered. Stalag 383, Hohnfels – 1,970 recovered. Work detachments of Stalag IVD have been liberated at Erderborn, Orberroblinger, Etzdorf and Teutschental. At these four places there have been recovered respectively 16, 32, 315 and 182 British prisoners of war. May 1 Marlag und Milag Nord, Westertimke, was liberated on May 1st, but a reliable report has been received that the bulk of service personnel previously held there was moved on April 10th toward Lubeck. Stalag 357. The majority of prisoners were evacuated before it was liberated by British forces. Camps in Wehrkreis IV, and Stalag IIIA. With the exception of Oflag IVC, which was liberated, it is not known whether the men in these camps have been liberated or whether they were moved farther south before the link-up between the Russian and American Armies. Oflag VIIB. Except for those in hospital this camp was evacuated on April 15th for a destination near Munich. Stalag XVIIA was evacuated westwards and was expected to arrive at Braunau, near the Austro-German border, about April 19th. Stalag XVIIIIA [sic]. Prisoners were marched toward Markt Pongau and Landeck. It has been reported that large batches of prisoners of war have been for some time marching south and south-west towards Bavaria. Some of these must be from camps originally in Eastern Germany and Poland which were evacuated previously, and some also from Wehrkreis IV. Some of these men have already arrived in camps in Bavaria, and where this is known their next of kin have been informed. It is, of course, also possible that there may be considerable numbers of prisoners still in German hands in the district of Northern Germany between the British and Russian Armies, as it is known that some of the men from camps in Poland were marching in this direction earlier in the Spring. Next of kin are assured that directly any information about their particular prisoner is known in this country, they will be notified by the Service Department concerned. Repatriated prisoners are able to send a telegram to their families immediately upon arrival in this country. Camps Containing British Commonwealth Prisoners of War Still Held by the Germans on May 1st, 1945. Oflags IVB Konigstein-Elbe XC Lubeck Stalags IIE Schwerin IVA Hohnstein IVC Wistritz bei Terlitz XIA Altengrabow 317 Markt Pongau 398 Pupping XVIIIA Wolfsberg Luft I Barth-Vogelsang Luft IV Wobbeln bei Ludswigslust New Camp Markt Pongau New Camp Braunau or Neukirchen Hospitals Ukermunde Luftwaffen Lazaret 4/XI Wismar Bilin Schleswig Haid Linz Wolfsberg Spittal/Drau Salsburg Informary Konotau Ilags Liebenau, nr. Tetnang Rauenburg Wursach Laufen Spittal Detention Camp Stralsund-alt-Faehre. NEXT OF KIN PARCELS Suspension and Return CONDITIONS in Germany no longer allow of the transport and delivery of next of kin parcels. So it has been decided, in agreement with the War Office and the General Post Office, that next of kin parcels which have been collected by the Post Office from the Next of Kin Parcels Centres at Finsbury Circus and Glasgow shall be handed back to these Centres for return to the senders. The parcels will not be reopened by the Red Cross, but will be returned exactly as received from the General Post Office. This work is bound to take a considerable time, and the parcels cannot be dealt with in the order in which they were originally despatched. The Red Cross will write to the sender of each parcel when it is ready to be returned. No enquiries should be sent to the Parcels Centre before this letter is received, as no information will be available abut parcels not already dealt with. Later on, parcels which have left this country, but which have not reached Germany will, so far as possible, be returned in the same way to the Red Cross, and then forwarded to the senders. HELP FROM WALES Saundersfoot and neighbouring villages in Pembrokeshire recently raised £616 10s. 8d. for the Red Cross through a bazaar and other entertainments. COUNTY REPRESENTATIVE Please note the following change: DORSETSHIRE: Miss E.M. Williams, Wimborne Red Cross Office, 22, East Street, Wimborne, Dorset. PLEASE NOTE As there may be news of interest to repatriated men in The Prisoner of War, copies of the journal will be sent to next of kin for three months after the return of their ex-prisoners to this country. [Boxed] FREE TO NEXT OF KIN THIS journal is sent free of charge to those registered with the Prisoners of War Dept. as next of kin. In view of the paper shortage no copies are for sale, and it is hoped that next of kin will share their copy with relatives and others interested. [/boxed] [Boxed] NUMBER, PLEASE! PLEASE be sure to mention your Red Cross reference number whenever you write to us. Otherwise delay and trouble are caused in finding previous correspondence. [/boxed] Printed in Great Britain for the Publishers THE RED CROSS AND ST. JOHN WAR ORGANISATION, 14, Grosvenor Crescent, London, S.W., by THE CORNWALL PRESS LTD., Paris Garden, Stamford Street, London, S.E.1. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Prisoner of War May 1945 Description An account of the resource The official journal of the Prisoners of War Department of the Red Cross and St John War Organisation. This edition covers the Editors comments, Repatriation Arrangements, Liberation comes to Stalag IXA, Behind the Scenes about theatrical endeavours, Barbed Wire Universities about formal studies in camps, First Taste of Freedom photographs of ex-POWs passing through Istanbul, Welcome at Brussels, ex-POWs returning via Odessa, Official reports from the camps, Relied by Road and Rail, a warning to the camp commandants about mistreating POWs, How they help abroad about funds sent to the Red Cross from around the world, Letters from POWs to family at home, photographs from the camps, Repatriates news, Exam results, Camp transfers and Liberation and Next of Kin parcels. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1945-05 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 16 printed sheets Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MCurnockRM1815605-171114-021 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Angola Belgium Belgium--Brussels Cuba Cyprus Czech Republic Czech Republic--Prague Ethiopia Ethiopia--Addis Ababa Egypt Egypt--Port Said France France--Toulon Germany Germany--Bautzen Region Germany--Berlin Germany--Dresden Germany--Goldberg (Schwerin) Germany--Hannover Germany--Hohnstein (Grafschaft) Germany--Karlsruhe Germany--Leipzig Germany--Luckenwalde Germany--Ravensburg Germany--Sandbostel Germany--Schönfeld Iran Kenya Poland Poland--Żagań Sri Lanka Sri Lanka--Colombo Switzerland Switzerland--Geneva Turkey Turkey--Istanbul Ukraine North Africa Poland--Tychowo Lithuania--Šilutė Czech Republic Czech Republic--Karlovy Vary Germany--Moosburg an der Isar Ukraine--Odesa Germany--Mühlberg (Bad Liebenwerda) Czech Republic--Cheb Lithuania Angola--Luanda (Luanda) Germany--Hammelburg Austria--Pupping West Indies Germany--Hoyerswerda Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Great Britain. Red Cross and St John war organisation. Prisoners of war department Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Anne-Marie Watson Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1945-05 aircrew entertainment escaping ground personnel Holocaust Navy, Army and Air Force Institute padre prisoner of war prisoner of war arts and crafts Red Cross Stalag 357 Stalag 3A Stalag 4B Stalag 7A Stalag 8B Stalag Luft 1 Stalag Luft 3 Stalag Luft 4 Stalag Luft 6 Stalag Luft 7 the long march Women’s Auxiliary Air Force https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/694/22459/MBarrettR1863228-170515-14.1.pdf d5e62d11ea789d7bb3cff3423033695d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Barrett, Raymond R Barrett Description An account of the resource 30 items. An oral history interview with Leading Aircraftsman Raymond Barrett (1924 -2017, 1863228 Royal Air Force) a memoir, diary, documents and photographs. He served as an engine mechanic in North Africa, Italy and India. The collection has been donated to the IBCC Digital Archive by Raymond Barrett and catalogued by Trevor Hardcastle. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-05-15 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Barrett, R Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Information booklet Iraq and Persia Description An account of the resource Pages extracted from the information booklets given to servicemen posted to these countries. They give general information about the countries, their political situation, local customs, weather. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Printed pages small illustrations Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MBarrettR1863228-170515-14 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Iraq Iran Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1339/22065/SValentineJRM1251404v10083.1.jpg 24ee2112a2210ae010e34edede5003e5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Valentine, John. Ursula Valentine's newspaper cutting scrapbook Description An account of the resource 131 items contained in a scrapbook. Mainly newspaper cuttings of events from May 1942 to 1945. Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document THE PLANNERS OF VICTORY GIVE US A SMILE FIRST pictures of the meeting in Teheran of the leaders of Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union were received in London last night by special aeroplane. It was the first time Marshal Stalin, President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill had met together and the first personal meeting of Stalin and the President. The picture below was taken at the Soviet Legation in Teheran. Stalin, wearing his Marshal’s uniform, and the President are in specially good humour. Mr. Churchill, whose smile is more restrained, is in the uniform of a Commodore of the R.A.F. Other pictures of the leaders with their staffs and a 69th birthday party for Mr. Churchill are on the Back Page. [photograph] [photograph] Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The planners of victory give us a smile Description An account of the resource Photograph 1. Stalin and Churchill both in uniform sitting either side of Roosevelt with a building with windows in the background. Photograph 2. Stalin and Churchill both in uniform sitting either side of Roosevelt. In the background several officers of different nationalities and services. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Two newspaper cutting mounted on a scrapbook page Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph Text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SValentineJRM1251404v10083 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Civilian Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Iran Iran--Tehran Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1943-12 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource David Bloomfield Steve Baldwin Requires A related resource that is required by the described resource to support its function, delivery, or coherence. Workflow A completed Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) Roosevelt, Franklin Delano (1882-1945) Stalin, Joseph (1878-1953) https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1339/22064/SValentineJRM1251404v10082.2.jpg 4c99d87848781ee52c5c027cd9c1c8d1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Valentine, John. Ursula Valentine's newspaper cutting scrapbook Description An account of the resource 131 items contained in a scrapbook. Mainly newspaper cuttings of events from May 1942 to 1945. Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document TUESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1943 [underlined] Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin: We agree on plans and timing for destruction of Hitler [/underlined] United Nations are determined to make a peace which will banish the scourge of war DECISIONS REACHED BY CHURCHILL, ROOSEVELT AND STALIN DURING THEIR FOUR-DAY CONFERENCE IN TEHERAN WERE ANNOUNCED LAST NIGHT IN THIS DECLARATION SIGNED BY THE THREE LEADERS: “We, the President of the United States, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, and the Premier [missing word] the Soviet Union, have met these four days past [missing word] this the capital of our ally, Iran, and have [missing letters]aped and confirmed our common policy. “We expressed our determination that our nations shall work together in war and in the peace that will follow. “As to the war – our military staffs have joined in our round table discussions and we have concerted our plans for the destruction of the German forces. We have reached complete agreement as to the scope and timing of operations which will be undertaken from east, west and south. “The common understanding which we have reached guarantees that victory will be ours. “And as to peace, we are sure that our concord will make it an enduring peace. We recognise fully the supreme responsibility resting upon us and all the United Nations to make a peace which will command the good will of the overwhelming mass of peoples of the world, and banish the scourge and terror of war for many generations. “With our diplomatic advisers we have surveyed the problems of the future. We shall seek the co-operation and active participation of all nations, large and small, whose peoples in heart and mind are dedicated as are our peoples to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will welcome them as they may choose to come into a world family of democratic nations. “No power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their U-boats by sea and their war plants from the air. “Our attack will be relentless and increasing. “From these friendly conferences we look with confidence to the day when all the peoples of the world may live free lives untouched by tyranny and according to their varying desires and their own consciences. “We came here with hope and determination. We leave here friends in fact, in spirit, and in purpose.” Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin: we agree on plans and timing for destruction of Hitler Description An account of the resource Headline: united nations are determined to make peace which will banish the scourge of war. Announces decision made by Churchill. Roosevelt and Stalin during the Tehran conference. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1943-12-07 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource One newspaper cutting mounted on a scrapbook page Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SValentineJRM1251404v10082 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Civilian Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Iran Iran--Tehran Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1943-12 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource David Bloomfield Steve Baldwin Requires A related resource that is required by the described resource to support its function, delivery, or coherence. Workflow A completed Churchill, Winston (1874-1965) Roosevelt, Franklin Delano (1882-1945) Stalin, Joseph (1878-1953) https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1186/18578/SWatsonC188489v1-1.pdf 41dce93a36a706458878ffce711dc143 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1186/18578/SWatsonC188489v1-2.pdf 78bceef44f30c4e1a4f2d533cd690cd9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Watson, Clifford C Watson Description An account of the resource Five items. Two oral history interviews with Flying Officer Clifford Watson DFC (1922 - 2018, 1384956, 188489 Royal Air Force), a memoir, his service and release book, and a scrapbook containing photographs and documents. He flew operations as an air gunner with 150 and 227 Squadrons. The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Clifford Watson and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017-06-28 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. Some items have not been published in order to protect the privacy of third parties, to comply with intellectual property regulations, or have been assessed as medium or low priority according to the IBCC Digital Archive collection policy and will therefore be published at a later stage. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal, https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collection-policy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Watson, C Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document Photograph JUST ANOTHER TAILEND CHARLIE CLIFF WATSON DFC HUNTINGDON JUNE 1989 [page break] [underlined] SEQUENCE [/underlined] [underlined] File [/underlined] [underlined] Page [/underlined] [underlined] Location [/underlined] [underlined] GROUP O [/underlined] D 3 Joining up [underlined] AC2 [/underlined] 4 Babbacombe - 11 ITW Newquay [underlined] LAC [/underlined] 8 Troopship HMT Mooltan - Freetown - Capetown G 7 Southern Rhodesia - Bulawayo [underlined] LAC [/underlined] 8 EFTS Belvedere Scrubbed TIGER MOTHS [underlined] AC2 [/underlined] 10 A/G Course, Moffat ANSONS [underlined] LAC-Sgt [/underlined] 11 Polsmoor Transit Camp [underlined] Sgt [/underlined] J25 14 HMT Monarch of Bermuda 15 West Kirby - Bournmouth 17 25 OTU Finningley - Bircotes - WELLINGTONS 18 30 OTU Hixon - Sieghford 19 Leaflets to Paris Wedding J26 21 West Kirby - HMT Johan Van Vanderbilt K1 23 Algiers - Blida - 150 Sqdn WELLINGTONS K2 27 Fontaine Chaude (Batna) [underlined] FIt/Sgt [/underlined] LT 32 Kairoaun LU 35 On leave in Tunis, Chad in Jail MT 46 End of First Tour - 47 raids 47 2 BPD Tunis - 500 mls. by lorry to Algiers HXM Capetown Castle - Greenoch - West Kirby NS 49 Screened 84 OTU Desborough 50 Norton, Sheffield Discip. course 53 W.O - 6th June D Day [underlined] W/O [/underlined] OS 55 Aircrew Pool, Scampton - HCU Winthorpe STIRLING 56 Syerston Lanc. conversion LANCASTERS P 57 227 Sqdn. Bardney – Balderton [underlined] P/O [/underlined] 60 DFC [underlined] F/O [/underlined] 63 End of Tour - VE Day Q 67 Redundant - Photographic Officer, Farnborough 68 u/t Equipment Officer 61MU Handforth [underlined] GROUP 4 [/underlined] 69 Lager Commandant, Poynton prison camp 2W 75 Civvy Street, Whitehaven Relay Service [underlined] MR [/underlined] . 79 Development Manager, Metropolitan Relays London 44 83 To Kenya, Kirksbridge Farm, Kiminini Kitale 48 85 HM Prison Service Asst. Supt. gr2 555 95 Civil Aviation Radio Officer 556 Mbeya Radio Supt. 557 103 UK leave PMG1 – Flt/RO lic. C. & G. 670 104 Eastleigh - Mwanza 107 Royal visit 680 113 UK leave 114 Entebbe Telecomm. Supt 115 Kisumu 700 123 Nairobi Comm. Centre Ast. Signals Officer 720 129 UK leave 750 134 Nairobi HQ & retirement 800 135 Laikipia Security Network 96 151 Pye Telecommunications, Cambridge Project Engineer [page break] [underlined] ILLUSTRATIONS [/underlined] 12A Air Gubber Coiurse 24 CAOS Moffat 15A Finningley Reg. Whellams 20A Bride & Groom 1/3/43 CW in flying kit CW & HF at Richmond 26A Stan Rutherford with Hilda & Cliff at Richmond Bill Willoughby (NAV) at Whimpey port gun position Bill Willoughby & Stan Chatterton in their pits at Blinda 44A Pantelleria target photographs 48A CW with Mum, Barnoldswick Skipper & B.A. with Hilda at Richmond Skipper & Hilda at Richmond 48B Skipper& [sic] B.A. with Cliff at Richmond Stan Rutherford in the snow, at Bircoates Outside Chalet at Blida Wimpey at Kaircan 48C At Richmond CW & Hilda 52A Warrant Officer parchment 54A three of Aircrew peeling spuds at Scampton incl. Frank Eaglestone 56A F/O Forster DFM 2nd tour Nav. C.W. W/O Foolkes at rear of NJ-P 64A Crashed Remains of 9J – O 64B F/O Cheale, F/O. Bates S/Ldr Chester DFA with F/O Cheale, W/O Foolkes & F/O Forster DFM 64C More of 9J – O 64D F/O Ted (Ace) Forster DFM, CW & W/O Pete Foolkes 64E CW with rear turret of 9J – O CW with motor-byke Sgt. Geoff (Doogan) Hampson, Flight Engineer 64F Newspaper cutting Start of Second Tour – Frank Eaglestone, Ted Forster & Pete Foolkes More of 9J – O 64G Ted Forster Ready for Gerry? Lunchtime over Homberg [sic] 64H P/O Bates (My last tour Skipper) Part of F/O Bates’ usual crew 64J F/LT. Maxted (Gunnery Ldr) Pete Foolkes and F/O Sandford (spare gunner or Sqdn Adj?) More of 9J – O 64K Doogan again More of 9J – O 64L DFC Citation 64M Apology from H.M. 64N F/O Croker’s Lanc. on Torpedo dump at Wyke Christmas Dinner at Wyke Reverse of Pete’s Xmas Card 1989 Part of F/L Croker’s letter with Xmas Card 66A-H Examples of Battle Orders [page break] [underlined] DEDICATION [/underlined] The section dealing with my R.A.F. career is dedicated to Lady Luck who shows no compassion, is completely immoral and yet cannot be bought. After a remarkable interview on television recently, Raymond Baxter asked of Tom Sopwith "To what do you attribute your tremendous and unparalelled [sic] success over such a long period?” In his 94th. year he replied “Luck, pure luck”. His reply was the same when asked again at his 100th. birthday party. This must apply to every aspiring aviator, and I was no exception. [page break] [underlined] THE EARLIEST YEARS [/underlined] My first ten year or so were spent in Yorkshire, having been born on the [deleted] 22nd [/deleted] [inserted] 11th [/inserted] of February 1922, at 45 Federation Street [inserted] the home of my paternal Gt Grandparents [/inserted], Barnoldswick almost opposite nr. 26 where my Grandparents lived, and about two years after my father was demobbed from the Kings Own Yorkshire Light lnfantry after the Great War. My sister Winifred Sofia was born almost two years later on the 2nd. of January 1924. About that time the family moved to a shop at 33 Rainhall Road where my father established a wireless business. I attended the infants school only 50 yards away, often joined by Winifred. At the shop, my father built radio receivers of the "Tuned Radio Frequency" type, (TRF), a good 10 years ahead of the superhet. At the same time he held one of the first radio amateur licences in Yorkshire, with the callsign 2ZA. His aerial was a wire to the top of a 50 ft. pole in the back yard and starting with a spark transmitter his first radio contact was with another amateur in Colne, whose transmitter output was connected between the gas and water pipes, He had no means of measuring his frequency but thought it was somewhere around 300 KHz. (1000 metres) He soon progressed to using valves and gradually higher frequencies, though almost everything was really trial and error. When communication progressed to "working" other countries the prefix G was added to UK call-signs. He once told me that his first telephony transmission was achieved using a GPO carbon microphone in the aerial circuit. The only receivable broadcast wireless station at that time was the BBC's 2LO and when people heard it for the first tine there was indeed great wonderment and excitement In 1926 came the general strike. Money was very scarce and people were hungry. There was no money coming in and the shop closed down. The family moved to a house in Rook Street, close to the railway bridge and opposite the cobler's [sic] wooden workshop. Most of us wore clogs in those days, with leather tops and laces, and iron-shod wooden soles. Before going to war my father had served an engineering apprentiship [sic] , and worked with steam engines. With outstanding debts at the shop and a wife and two small children to support, he volunteered to work with L.M.S. railway company, and drove a train between Barnoldswick and I think Skipton. The engine was pelted with stones at some of the bridges and he was very unpopular with the strikers, althought [sic] many of them were quite happy to use the train. Thus the family was sustained and he received a letter of thanks and a medalion [sic] from the chairman of L.M.S. When things returned to normal the family moved again, to nr. 14 School Terrace in Dam Head Road and Winifred and I attended the infants and Junior Schools across the back street. My mother was able to resume working at the mill as a cotton weaver with her sisters Molly and Annie. Their brother Jim -my uncle- was a 'twister', that is he connected the cotton threads on the warp to tails ready for applying to the loom for weaving. The noise. in the weaving sheds was deafening and weavers were quite adept at lip reading. This had a great influence on their broad northern accent. Most weavers operated six looms, loading manually the weft into the shuttles before changing them. My uncle Charlie -the brother of my paternal grandfather=- was a manufacturer employing about a hundred people running 500 or so looms. I remember the big warehouse doors and the lift which was operated by water pressure. To go up, just turn on this tap!. Going down transfered [sic] the water back into a holding [page break] tank. There were two offices, large wooden boxes, one on each side of the big doors and just under the ceiling. Accessed by ladders. One office was for uncle Charlie and his clerk, and the other for the more junior staff. When I called to see them in 1941 I noted the intercom. system between the offices. It comprised, at each terminal, two empty Lyle Golden Syrup tins one for speaking into and the other for receiving. they were connected by two lengths of taught string which vibrated the diaphragms being the bottoms of the tins. I was surprised at their effectiveness. There was also a loop of string pulled manually between the two places with a small box attched [sic] for transferring documents. I was impressed. Uncle Charlie said he would consider changing the strings after the war. At School Terrace my father carried on building wireless sets in the attic and also helped his friend Tom Shorrock who owned the local radio relay service. This comprised a wireless receiver and amplifiers connecting some hundreds of houses with a pair of bare wires to loudspeakers at a cost of ninepence per week for each loudspeaker. The idea appealed to my father and he was able to instigate some technical improvements. By then the wireless manufacturing industry had become well established and radios became readily available. My father had paid off his debts and was discharged from bancrupsy [sic]. At this stage we moved into a new house at 25 Melville Avenue. which was nearer to Fernbank Mill for my mother but also had an inside toilet and bathroom. It also had electricity mains in place of the more customery [sic] gas lighting. An electric soldering iron must have seemed luxurious after heating a copper bit on a gas ring. Our school was only a few minutes walk from home. Gisburn Road Council School. I remember it and the teachers very well, Mr Alfred Green Petty.the Headmaster, Miss Housen who tought [sic] music english and poetry, and above all Mr Heaton who tought [sic] arithmetic, citizanship [sic] and physics. Miss Housen did not think much of my efforts, I couldn’t sing and disliked poetry, but I got on fine with Mr. Heaton, who also tought [sic] my father over 20 years earlier. Over a fairly long period he gave me extra homework in arithmetic most nights, generally a problem or two and he checked the results next day. It was almost private tuition and thanks largely to him, I excelled in the subject. I think children’s attitudes' in the main were very different to those of the present day. Discipline was strict by consent, not fear. Reward was achieved by effort alone and there was friendly competition between us. Most of us got the cane for some minor offence like climbing over the school wall, in my case refusing to stand in the front of the class and recite ‘the wreck of the Hesperus’. We did respect our teachers. About this time we moved to a house in Headingley for just a few weeks and then on to. Fence, which we knew as wheatley Lane. During that period my father was working in London at Stag Lane fitting the electrics in Rolls Royces. My mother worked at the cotton mill nearby and Winifred & I were looked after partly by Mrs. Ingham who had a sweet shop. Our stay in Fence was also [deleted] m [/deleted] of short duration. Tom Shorrock was a friend of Mr. Ramsbottom who was struggling with a one programme radio relay system in Keighley. He already had thriving electrical business and Tom introduced my father to him. So we moved yet again, to Keighley, and my father became Engineer and Manager of Ramsbottoms Radio Relay Service in the centre of Keighley. From 33 Lister Street, the Receiving and Amplifying Station the wires branched [page break] out on the roof tops in all directions. By then there were two BBC programmes, Home Service on 342 mtrs, and the Light Programme on 1500 mtrs, so they converted to two pairs for two programmes. We were living at 25 Lawnswood Road but soon moved to a new house at 21 Whittley Road. I recall helping Leslie Wright – Dad’s foreman to erect a garage which cost £7.10.0 to house the new Austin 7 which cost £75 taxed and insured. The other personality I remember well was Walter Spurgeon, chief wireman. Winifred and I attended Holycroft Council School. Some of the lessons were by listening to the radio, an innovation in those days, and it was my job to check the radio was working, each morning. It was in Keighley that Mrs. Alice Kilham, my father’s secretary came on the scene. She lived in Oakworth with her daughter Mary, her husband being in a sanitorium being treated for TB. During very cold winter around 1933 the snow was six feet deep and they came to live with us at Wittley Road. Winifred and I were in the Girl Guides and Boy Scouts respectively and we decided to take the Signaller badge which meant sending and receiving the morse code. We were told the speed required was 12. Having established a battery and buzzer, and a morse key and headphones by the beds in each bedroom, we soon memorised the code and communicated with each other, quickly reaching 12 words per minute. Eventually we progressed to 18 words per minute and then went to take the test. Only then did we find that the speed required was 12 LETTERS per minute, not words. 12 letters is only 2 words per minute. However this faux pas proved very useful about eight years hence. After just a few years in Keighley, the system was working well and no longer presented a challenge. My father was approached by a group of businessmen from Norwich who were interested in the “wired wireless” system. They were owners of radio busineses [sic] who felt they shouId have a stake in the competition and bank managers hoping to earn a quick buck. All the bank managers were Yorkshiremen. So Norwich Relays Ltd. came into being with premises in St. John Maddermarket, and my father became Engineer and manager, taking with him his secretary and foreman Lesley Wright from Keighley. Allan Moulton joined the firm and was responsible for obtaining wayleaves, that is obtaining permission from owners to put wires on their property. He was a popular figure in Norwich, his main qualification for the job was that he played cricket for Norfolk and knew most people who mattered. Leslie died whilst in his thirties in Norwich. Once again we moved house, to 119 Unthank Road, and Mrs. Kilham and Mary moved into a cottage in Blickling Court near Norwich Cathedral. Winifred I went to the Avenues Council School initially but not for long. I remember getting a prize for my ‘lecture' on how a TRF wireless worked, showing them the working radio I had made. Probably not very accurate but there was no-one present who could contradict me, fortunately. At 13 I changed to the Norwich Junior Technical School in St. Andrews. Soon after we moved house yet again to a new house, “Wayside", in Plumstead Road, on the boundary of Norwich Aerodrome. Winifred then joined Mary at St. Monicas private school. On Saturday mornings I attended Art School on the top floor. I achieved very little there, the art master quite rightly concentrating on pupils who showed some potential. For an enjoyable two years we concentrated on technical [page break] subjects, woodwork, maths, physics, Chemistry, mechanics, technical drawing, metal and woodwork etc. The masters I remember well, ‘Chemi’ Reed the principle, Mr. Abigail, Mr. McCracken and Mr. Lishman. At the end of two-year course I transfered [sic] to Unthank College in Newmarket Road, joining the 5th. form. This was big change for me, the emphasis was on classical subjects, in English literature we spent a whole year studying Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night's Dream and Spencer's Fairy Queen. I couldn't: get interested in either but I later achieved a credit in the School Certificate by answering questions on A.G. Street’s Farmers Glory which I read in bed the night before the exam. Mr. Bertwhistle the English Lit. master was furious. For Physics and Mechanics I had tuition from Mr. Horace, the Principal's son and on Wednesday afternoons I visited “Chemi” Reed's house at 33 Britannia Rd. for tuition. In early 1939 my father, Mr. Moulton and Mrs. Kilham acquired six run-down relay firms and the Nuvolion loudspeaker factory in South London from a Mr. Olivisi, a Frenchman. My father moved to Stretham to a flat in Pullman Court and Mrs. Kilham and Mary and to duCane Court in Balham where the Moultons also had a flat. My mother and Winifred moved to a house in West Norwood and I became a boarder at Unthank College. Soon after taking the School Certificate I joined my mother in London and we moved to a flat in New Southgate. I became articled to George Eric Titley, a Chartered Accountant in St Paul’s Churchyard, commuting to the city 6 days a week by underground. Rail fare was tenpence return per day and I was paid ten shillings per week. Fifty pence in 2004 currency The firm was Gladstone Titley and Co. at 61-63 St. Pauls Churchyard and I was the junior with qualified accountants Joe Oliver, Clarke and Jenkins, and Miss Miller the Secretary. It was amusing 6 years hence when I barged into a Board Meeting at 69 Lavender Hill, Sqdn/Ldr Jenkins still in uniform was sitting there when F/O Cliff Watson appearedstill [sic] in Battledress. Jenkins was called up in 1940 as an Account Squadron Leader. On the 3rd. of September 1939 War was declared and any plans we all had for the future were kiboshed. During the blitz in 1940 to be nearer my father and to help out at Relays we moved home to Ascot Court in Acre Lane, Clapham. [page break] [underlined] JOINING UP [/underlined] . The outbreak of war found me as a clerk articled to a Chartered Accountant in St. Paul's Yard. London. At the age of 17 1/2 it went without saying that within a year or two my occupation would be changed way or another. In the family Radio Relay business men were already leaving to join to Forces. My father was on an army reserve and expected to be called up at any time. I felt my best course was to abandon accountancy for the time being and try and help out; so I joined the firm as a General Factotum. During the Blitz on London my job was fault-finding and replacing the overhead lines, knocked down by Jerry bombers where buildings and whole streets were destroyed. The Radio Relay Service, a two programme four wire system in those days, linked the BBC with some tens of thousands of homes in South London, homes where the radio was never switched off. The system carried air raid warnings also. All too frequently the radio was interrupted by an announcer at Scotland Yard with “Attention please, here is an important announcement, an air raid warning has just been officially circulated". There were occasions when bombs were dropped before the sirens sounded, but never before the announcement was made on our Radio Relay System. September, aged 18 1/2, I found my employers were trying hard to register me as being in a reserved occupation. The Manager, Allan Moulton, had already been successful in his own case, which was reasonable. Someone had to run the firm and my father had sailed off to Abbysinia [sic] in March. At the time I was working literally 18 hours per day and my fifty bob per week hardly paid for digs. On a very rare afternoon-off I was walking down Kingsway and tried my luck at the R.A.F. Recruiting office. One look at an applicant for aircrew wearing glasses brought an instant decision from the man at the door. I walked along the Strand and down Whitehall, and having removed my spectacles tried the Royal Navy. I completed the application form and was told that I would be called for interview eventually, but there was a very long waiting list. I tried the R.A.F. again about a week later having left-off my spectacles for several days, and an application form for training as a pilot was completed. Had I previous flying experience? Yes. Fortunately I was not asked for details, as a passenger with Alan Cobham's Flying Circus might not have carried much weight. - In 1936 we had lived at a house called "Wayside” in Plumsted Road, Norwich, on the Mousehold aerodrome boundary, with a panoramic view of the aerodrome, and I was fascinated by it all like most boys of my age. It was to be three months before I heard from the R.A.F. - the Navy had missed the boat – I was to report to the Aircrew Selection Board near Euston station, on the appointed day about a week hence, for 'medical and academic examinations'. The letter added that in the maths exam `log tables but not slide rules are permissable [sic] ’. The great day arrived, and at 8.30 am. with about 80 other applicants we were told there would be three one hour written exams, Maths, English and General Knowledge, followed by a medical and a brief interview. Maths was a typical 5th. form end of term test, and English an essay with a wide choice of subjects. General knowledge was mainly common-sense. One of the questions I recall; "Is the distance from London to Warsaw nearer 100, 600 or 2000 miles?”. The Medical Exam was carried out by about 6 examiners, probably Doctors, on a production Iine basis. 3 [page break] Then the interview after a delay of some hours. Three uniformed R.A.F. officers who had obviously been places in previous wars. "Why do you want to fly"? I have forgotten the particular piece of flannel I used, but it brought no comment and another member of the Board fired his shot, "Which is colder, minus 40 Centigrade or minus forty farenheit [sic] ? Instant answer to that, I'd hear. it before somewhere. The third member asked "that does your Father do" I replied "He is an officer in the R.A.S.C. fighting the Italians in Abbysinia [sic] ". This brought a chuckle from two of them for some reason and the interview was over. I would be advised by post of their decision after the exam. results had been studied. A week later I was told to report to Euston for attestation, actual reporting for duty would follow after some weeks. There was a brief ceremony and I was given a document which stated that " AC2 Clifford Watson 1384956 has been accepted for training as a pilot in the R. A. F. and is to be prepared to report for duty of a few days notice". It went on to state further that his teeth should receive the earliest attention, one extraction and two fillings. About three months later my call-up papers arrived, and meanwhile I had met two other local lads whose paths had converged with my own and were to stay parallel for the next six months or so. Raymond Colin Chislett, the son of a Battersea butcher, .and Tom King., of Wandsworth. The three of us reported to the R.T.O. at Paddington and joined a party bound for Babbacombe near Torquay. During the week at Babbacombe we were issued with uniforms, introduced to drill and Service discipline, lectured on the history of the R.A.F. and told something of what the future held for us. We were made to feel that we really belonged and were indeed priveleged [sic] to be chosen to follow in the footsteps of 'The Few'. We were perhaps more than a little naive to think that we were all destined to become fighter pilots, but we were made to feel that the fate of England and the empire rested entirely with us. The Bombers were taken for granted and were not in the forefront of than news at that time. In any case we Londoners had seen our Fighters in action and - we admit it - imagined ourselves in their shoes. There was a tremendous urge to get on with it and to make a success of it. A great sense of urgency prevailed. I remember well that first day in the Royal Air Force. We were advised to write down our Service numbers so we wouldn't forget them, and above all, we had strawberries and cream for tea. The last I saw of strawberries and cream for about eight years, and as for forgetting one's Service number...! Perhaps it was intended as a joke, but we were taking everything very seriously. At the end of the week there was another Pep talk, very well delivered by a Squadron Leader - and equally well received. He remarked that about Babbacombe, people will say "Never in the History of human conflict, have so many been burgered [sic] about by so few". A misquotation of those immortal words. He went on to say that the two most important weeks in your R.A.F. careers are the first and last, and "you have already survived 50% of them, Good Luck chaps, and have a good trip". There was probably a lot more feeling and sincerity behind those words than we realised at the time. He had seen it all and been there 'in the last lot'. "Have a good trip” was to have real meaning in due course. A short journey by train took us to no. 10 Initial Training Wing at Newquay for 8 weeks of ground training. We were accommodated in [page break] Trenance Hotel, one of many taken over by the R.A.F. Another hotel was used for lectures in Navigation, Airmanship, Aerodynamics, Engines, Aircraft Recognition, Signalling, R.A.F. Law and Administration, etc. etc. some drill and P.T., and swimming in the local baths. The sea and beach were out of bounds due to mines and other surprises awaiting the enemy. I had to concentrate hard in the classroom on everything, except signalling. The required speed for sending and receiving morse was 12 words per minute and I had been happy at 18 w.p.m. in the Boy Scouts. The 18 w.p.m. came about through a misunderstanding. My sister Winifred (a Girl Guide) and I were learning morse for our Signaller badges and were told that a speed of 15 was required, so we practiced until we were competent at 18. It was only when we took the test that we learned the required speed was 15 letters and not words per minute. However this mistake was now serving me well. The only part I did not enjoy was the cross-country runs, but someone had to be in the last three. After two weeks we were told now that we had smartened-up a bit we would wear white flashes in our caps so we would not be mistaken for real airmen. There was great speculation as to where we would go for flying training. Maybe stay in Britain, or was it to be Canada, U.S.A., South Africa or Rhodesia, and was there not a possibility of it being Australia?. Meanwhile we must concentrate on passing the current hurdle, it could not by any means be taken for granted that we would all pass the course. In fact after only four weeks, four out of the original 50 were "scrubbed" - a new word to add to our rapidly 'increasing vocabulary. After about 5 weeks we were issued with some flying kit, boots and Sidcot suits, goggles, helmet and a full issue of gloves - silk, wool, chamois and gauntlets. 4 pairs worn together, and a fifth, electricalIy heated, yet to came. We were not to know that it would be 15 months before we wore any of this. I doubt whether our destination was known to anyone at I.T.W. except that it was overseas somewhere. Seven days embarkation leave and the entire course was posted to West Kirby, no. 1 P.D.C., near Birkenhead on the Wirral. We were joined by about 300 other u/t Pilots from other I.T.W.s and it was just a matter of waiting for the draft. There were parades each morning and we were allowed out of camp at mid-day. It was here that Tom, Ray and I teamed up with John Heggarty, a u/t Pilot who had been at 11 I.T.W. in Scarborough. He was from Birkenhead, of Anglo/French parentage. The four of us visited Liverpool every evening, a place crowded with Navy, Army and Air Force types mostly in transit to somewhere or other. Scores of ships were loading in the Mersey, but after a couple of weeks it was a special train for us to Greenock on the Clyde for immediate embarkation on the "Mooltan", a merchant ship of same 30,000 tons. Our 350 were accomodated [sic] on "D" Deck, just above the water-line, where we spent most of our time, not by choice but by order. Some slept on the mess tables, others under them, with the top layer of bodies in hammocks, a crippling device. To realise that hammocks were the traditional sleeping arrangements for British sailors left me unimpressed and I felt that something far more superior could have been devised. However, navies of many countries seem to favour them. Once aboard, there was no going back. On the second day aboard we were tugged down the Clyde and next morning counted over 40 big ships steaming very slowly in a north- 5 [page break] westerly direction out at sea. Obviously we were bound for Canada, hence the heavy flying kit .and four pairs of gloves. A week ought to see us in the St. Lawrence. How wrong we were. the convoy was shepherded by some very impressive naval ships, Cruisers, destroyers etc. and Sunderland flying boats were in constant attendance for the first few days. After three weeks of steaming in all directions, first into the freezing cold, then warmer and finally very hot indeed, at 0500 one day the engines slowed and finally stopped; a rattling of chains and then silence. All very dramatic but a buzz on the P. A. system told us we had arrived in Freetown. Portholes were to remain closed. We may go up on deck but on no account were we to remove our shirts nor buy anything from the natives. By mid-day the temperature below decks was almost unbearable and there was no respite from that for a further two weeks. Salt water showers were available at all times, it was just a matter of stripping and walking through the shower. No need for a towel, but in any case that was reserved for absorbing perspiration and we became accustomed to the salt water. Food on board was very good under the circumstances. Two orderlies from each "table" would collect it from the galley (vocabulary still improving) and dish up, and after the meal two more orderlies would clean the tables and wash up. The chores were shared on a roster basis at each table, and each had some duty to perform every few days. We were very fortunate in that we were cadets and not yet real airmen we spent some of our time attending lectures in the second class lounge. We estimated there were about 3000 troops aboard. There was lots of talent for the almost daily concerts. A daily newssheet called "DER TAG”, together with the P.A. system kept us up-to-date with the news. The 9 o-clock news was a must. Five weeks out of Liverpool it who getting cold again, even below decks, and greatcoats were essential deckwear for the endless lifeboat drills. There were lifeboats but for most of us it was a matter of parading on deck near a stack of Carley floats. The subject was better not discussed, there was no satisfactory answer to abandoning ship. The Mooltan carried one gun mound at the stern above the propellers, manned by a RoyaI Artillery crew in transit. It seemed to be of about 4" calibre but was not fired during our voyage. It was said the deck would cave in, but this might have been an exaggeration. There were also two ramps off the stern for depth charges of which there was a supply near the ramps. The sixth week was really cold and wet and we estimated our position as somewhere in Antarctica. We then turned more or less north and after a total of seven weeks dropped anchor late one afternoon a few miles out at sea, with much speculation about our location. At about 7 pm. the shore was like Blackpool illuminations. Wherever we are, don`t they know there's a war on? A buzz on the P.A. system told us we would be disembarking next day and our British currency would be of no use to us in this foreign country. We should hand-in all currency, and get a receipt which would be exchanged for local currency when we got ashore. Next morning we entered the docks and disembarked. It was only then we found we were in Durban and were taken straight to the Transit Camp at Clairwood. The army contingent remained on-board and were understood to be bound for action in the Middle East. So we had arrived in South Africa, and a very congenial and pleasant place it turned out to be. [page break] [underlined] SOUTHERN RHODESIA [/underlined] . Clairwood Camp was just a few miles from Durban and there we spent 7 days, very enjoyable, but for the first two days, stoney broke. We had handed in all our money aboard ship but it was to be 10 days before it was exchanged for local currency. However, we seemed to get into Durban every day and we were made very welcome in the Service canteens and clubs. Before I left England, I was given a card which stated that LAC Cliff. Watson was the son of a respected member of the Battersea Rotary Club and any co-operation afforded to him would be greatly appreciated. I noticed the Rotary insignia at the doorway of a Barclays bank in Durban and asked to see the manager. Could I please borrow £5 and I would refund it as soon as I was paid. 45 years later I would certainly not undertake such a venture. It happened to be the first Friday in the month which was the day of the monthly Rotary luncheon. The three lads from Battersea were invited to lunch and each given £10 on condition that we did not refund it. This was hospitality indeed. Several times in Durban we were entertained by the local people, and of course the environment was completely strange to us, so were the bunches of bananas, pawpaws and other fruits. After about a week to regain our land legs, we embarked on a train and steamed north. The train was a coal burner and we were aboard for 3 days bound for Bulawayo. Food on the train was really first-class. At one stage we were told to disembark for a spot of exercise [sic] and whilst this was in progress the train moved off. We were marched in a direction at right-angles to that of the train and met up with it about an hour later. This was my first experience of African trains, and the 4-berth cabins, rather superior to even today's "sleepers" in Britain. Looking back on it 35 years later when I was concerned with radio communications between trains and stations in the U.K., - my firm was trying to Introduce a communications system-, I recalled chatting with the Radio Officer in his Radio Cabin on the train whist he was on the morse key in contact with the station at Mafeking. It was many years later that communication with trains in Britain was established. After a very pleasant three-day journey, we arrived in Bulawayo and buses took us to Hillside Camp, formerly the Agricultural Show Ground. We were accommodated literally in what had been the Pig Sties. These were merely wattle poles supporting corrugated iron roofs with hessian round the poles to represent walls. The whole structure was whitewashed and with plenty of fresh air the accommodation was ideal. There must have been about 600 trainee pilots at Hillside Camp, and we embarked on a second I.T.W. course of ground training. There was however a single Tiger Moth on which we learned to swing the prop. and start the engine. So at last we had sat in an aeroplane although it wasn't going anywhere. At least it was supposed to be anchored down, but an Australian did taxi it a hundred yards or so after an evening of celebration. Our stay in Bulawayo was certainly very pleasant, we visited Cecil Rhodes grave at Matopas, the ancient ruins of Zimbabwe, spent weekends on farms, enjoyed the swimming and so on, but our minds were on the war of which we were not feeling a part. Pearl Harbour had brought the 7 [page break] Americans into the fray, several Capital Ships had been lost and things were going badly 'up north'. In January came a very welcome posting, to 25 E.F.T.S. (Elementary Flying Training School) at Belvedere, on the outskirts of Salisbury. Here the day started at 0400 and we enjoyed tea and toast of our own making before assembling at 0425 for two-mile march to the airfield. By 0500 half the course would be standing-by for flying and the other half lectures and more ground training. Breakfast was between 0900 and 1030 hrs. which included the 2 mile march each way, and after breakfast the two halves of the course changed over. Flying started on the sixth of Jan. with what was to be a typical day, with 30 minutes of flying instruction at 0515, and lectures after breakfast. Addresses by two ex-fighter pilots F/O Newton and a Flight Sergeant whose left leg was in plaster. The following day I managed to get in an hour’s flying with P/O Bentley, concentrating on turns, glides and climbing. From the outset the instructor frequently cut the throttle without warning sometimes deliberately putting the aircraft into a spin. then telling the pupil to get on with it. My next flying session was with Ft/Sgt Oates as P/O Bentley was on leave and in six weeks of flying instruction managed 12 hours with 7 different instructors. A final three hours was spent with F/O Newton in one hour sessions and I was full of confidence and looking forward to the C.F.I.'s test the following day. Maybe in retrospect I was over confident, even though most of my friends had been "scrubbed", including Hancocks, Robinson, Morgan, King, Barlow, Vivian, Bolton, Friend, Britton, Jones and Fry. Having made what I thought were two acceptable circuits and landings, the C.F.I.'s final remarks were "Sorry old lad, but as a Service Pilot you make a bloody good rear gunner". I did not regard these as being the words of the Prophet, but so ended my career as a u/t Pilot after 9 months in the R.A.F. All was not lost however, like all the others whose Personal file was stamped "wastage", I found myself at Disposals Depot, which also happened to be at Belvedere, and in good company. All of us were sadly disillusioned and disappointed at failing the Pilot's Course, and the reasons given for the apparent failure were seldom accepted. Where do we go from here in the long term was the main question, and the opportunity to influence this came at an interview at Group H.Q. in Salisbury. The only guidance came from others who had already had their interviews and were awaiting a posting. The alternatives appeared to be many, we could opt out completely and remuster to ACH GD, reduced to the lowest rank of Airman 2nd. Class and thence take pot luck with no trade and no personal ambition. But we had joined the R.A.F. with too much purpose for this to be acceptable. We could apply for training as Observer which at that time embraced both Navigator and Bomb Aimer duties, but we were meeting chaps just starting that course who had waited six months for it after failing the pilot's course, and this indicated that it could be a year more before we qualified. The most logical answer appeared to be the Air Gunner Course which lasted only six weeks, and apparently with hardly any waiting list, so in less than two months it seemed we could become a sergeant with half a wing, not quite what we set out to achieve, but a far cry from where we stood at the time. At the interview at Group H.Q. I asked why I had failed and was shown the comments made by my instructors. With the exception of the [page break] C.F.I.’s comment they were all favourable and I became a little argumentative. For the first time I learned that on the C.F.I. test I had climbed at less than full throttle but at the correct air speed with the normal rate of climb. What I should have done apparently was give it full throttle, keeping the correct air speed and letting the rate of climb take care of itself. On the training aircraft the emphasis had been on speed and rate of climb whereas it should have been on speed only and full throttle. I remarked that the C.F.I.'s aircraft was more like a Gladiator than a Tiger Moth. The alternative careers were as we had deduced amongst ourselves and I applied to remuster to u/t Wireless Operator/Air Gunner and to do the A/G course as soon as possible. This was approved on the spot, and my file was endorsed “Watson requests an A/G course merely for the quickness in getting onto ops." I was supposed to start the course the following week. It was to be three months before I was actively posted to Moffat to do the Air Gunner Course, and the greater part of this was spent on leave, returning to camp periodically to check progress. We had only to walk along the road away from town to be offered a lift which generally meant spending the rest of the day with new friends, and quite often arranging to spend a week or so with them. It was on the 15th. of Feb. Tom King and I were spending 10 days leave with our hosts Mr. & Mrs. Bedford at Poltimore Farm, Marandellas that we listened to Churchill's speech, with the dreadful news of the fall of Singapore. This led to a general discussion on the likely future plans of the war and it was generally felt there would be an allied landing at Dakar with the assistance of the French, and the forces would move north and then east to catch Rommel in a pincer movement. Not too far out in our argument, only 2000 miles, but we had the general scheme and timing right. Later we were shown around the tobacco "barns" where 12,000 leaves were drying in each of 10 barns. My diary records that "one of the most interesting things we were shown was the castrating of 300 pigs" A rather messy business", perhaps I was less squeamish in those days. Later about 2000 head of cattle were dipped including 3 wicked looking bulls. The two children tried to keep us amused, and with great success. We repaired their bicycles, small car, swing and dolls' house furniture, the dolls house being about 20 feet square. We carved out the names Wendy (8) and Cliff (20) on a tree and really began to enjoy the Rhodesian way of life. We cycled over to Chakadenga Farm and had tea with Mrs. Nash and also met the local jailer. We tried to repay all this kindness by making ourselves generally useful, and I recall changing the oil in Mrs. Nash's Chevrolet and repairing the lights. We also refitted the long-wire aerial on the house radio and refurbished the engine house which accommodated the lighting plant and batteries. We tried to spend.as much time away from camp as possible, our idea being 'out of sight, out of mind'. Occasionally the S.W.O caught up with us and we were detailed for guard duty on the aerodrome, a 12 hour guard working 2 hours on and four off. The complete guard comprised 6 airmen, 4 on standby in the guard room, one cycling around the aerodrome and one standing in a sentry box at the side of the double gates which were normally closed. There were neither fences-nor ditches linking the gate posts and it was easier to drive a car onto the airfield on the wrong side of the gate posts than to bother with the gate. Generally the Orderly Officer carried out his inspection about 7.pm. but on one 9 [page break] occasion suddenly appeared about 3 am. from the direction of the airfield and drove up to the main gate on his way out, parking so near the gate it could not be opened. I turned out the guard, which took about 5minutes and we were treated to a tirade and lecture covering several subjects including how utterly futile the guard was. One of the chaps said “you are absolutely right Sir" which made matters worse and he stormed back into his car. The headlights had been left on and the car wouldn't start, so we leaned our rifles against the sentry box and pushed the car backwards so we could open the gates. Finally the entire guard pushed the car forward and it started without trouble, but headed back towards camp. We decided to remain at the open gate, and a few minutes later the car returned at great speed, and disappeared through the gate in a tremendous cloud of dust without further formality. We had good laugh but it did little for the morale of chaps whose ambitions had been thwarted and who felt they were wasting their time in the R.A.F. and, even more so in guarding a gate which had no real purpose with blank ammunition and rifles which it would be too dangerous to fire. By the end of March the aerodrome guard was taken more seriously and comprised 24 Europeans and about 60 Africans, which meant the remustering aircrew trainees were on guard every few nights. I was given the job running the Post Office and Stores which exempted me from guard duties but also curtailed my leave periods. On the 3rd. April Tom King and 20 others were posted to 24 C.A.O.S. at Moffat, near Gwelo, about half-way between Salisbury and Bulawayo, for their Air Gunner Course. The intake was 50 per month and we wondered where the other 40 had come from. Meanwhile Ray Chislett the other member of the Battersea trio- was doing extremely well at Cranbourne flying Oxfords. Root and Robertson were killed the previous day in a Harvard whilst officially on practice instrument flying but actually beating up a tree and misjudging matters On the 1st. of May, I was posted to Moffat and started the A-G course. Things seemed to be happening in our favour at long last; and had been delayed because of a large influx of remustered ground crews who had got out of Singapore just in time, and also another large influx of Aussies for Air Gunner training. It was good to see Tommy King pass out as a Sgt. A-G and for Cpl. Luck to receive his commission. On Sun. the 10th. of May there was a church parade in best blues and khaki topee, held in Gwelo. Two days later L.A.C. Chick Henbest, u/t A-G ex u/t Pilot shot a large hole in his own aircraft's tail. When he as charged with the offence he brought an expert witness, the Station Armament Officer ! - to state that such a thing was technically impossible. The Air-Gunner training was partly intergrated [sic] with that of the Navigator's, and on the 13th. May on such an occasion 'Ace' Buchanan and another A-G, piloted by Sgt. Reed, force-landed near QueQue and were missing for 5 hours In the four weeks at Moffat we carried out 9 hours of Air firing in Anson aircraft using a Vickers Gas Operated gun of .303 calibre. This was mounted on a Scarfe ring with the gunner standing and firing at a drogue towed by a Miles Master aircraft. 200 rounds were fired during each exercise [sic] , the 3 "pans" of ammo. having been filled by the gunner and then 'doctored' by an armourer with faulty rounds, and other simulated faults. The only turrets available were on the ground, and comprised an ancient Frazer Nash, Daimler and electrical Boulton & Paul. A total of 4 hours was spent in them. We were supposed to swing the [page break] turret aiming at moving light images on the wall but in practice the bulbs in the ring-sights were all faulty. On the 29th. May we graduated and were presented with brevets and tapes. The course was posted to Capetown but I had to report to Salisbury to give evidence at Gooding's Court Martial. Gooding had stolen my Agfa Carat camera and scores of other items in Bulawayo. Meanwhile on the news, 1000 Bombers over the Rhur [sic] again and 37 missing. A few days previously the very first raid on this scale was made on Cologne with 44 aircraft missing. The Middle-East war was becoming more intensive and in Russia Jerry was in real trouble, but we seemed a very long way from it all. One of my friends on the Pilots course was Ian Smith who lived in Salisbury and with whom I used to go looking for buck in the early mornings. Ian had failed the course like most of us but being a Rhodesian had obtained his discharge locally and joined the Southern Rhodesia Light Battery currently at the K.G. VI barracks. I went to the barracks in the afternoon and saw Norman, and was introduced to Solomon, Slim and other Rhodesians in the S.R. Army Medical Corps. After tea in the mess we went to the local bioscope to see 'East of the River'. On the 13th. of June I managed to get another 19 days leave which was spent with Mr. & Mrs. James at their farm at Gilston, about 16 miles south of Salisbury. With three Aussies we had a wonderful holiday, riding, cycling, tennis, swimming, all at the farm. We rode up to the bushman's caves in a copje 4 miles into the bundu and photographed them. To the Aussies it was like being home and I concluded there was no alternative to this sort of life. On my return to Disposals Depot my stolen camera was returned to me and I found that Gooding was on yet another charge,- stealing a W/T Set - . A few more days leave to say cheerio to all my friends in Salisbury, and I returned to Gwelo to find that I was posted to Bulawayo to give evidence at the Court Martial. I stayed with Mr. & Mrs. Rose for a week or so and spent some time at the Cement works where Mr. Rose was Manager. I was offered a job there if I would return after the war and for a long time this formed the basis of my post-war plan, but a great deal was to happen before that time came. The Court Martial was a very formal affair, and Gooding was charged with theft on about 45 counts. He had not disposed of anything he had stolen for personal gain, and pleaded Kleptomania. He was sentenced to dismissal from the R.A.F. after immediate return to U.K., and recommended for psychiatric observation. He survived the war, certified unfit for Military service and resumed his career with a firm of solicitors in Surrey. The case was finished just in time for me to join the rest of the course on the 1st. of July at Bulawayo station. In Gwelo I had bought a tin trunk which was now nearly full of presents, pyjamas for Hilda, stockings for Mum, embroidering material, tobacco, cigarettes, jam and so on. After a 55 hour train journey we arrived in Kapstaad and enjoyed Iunch with John Heggarty before joining another train to Retreat and the drive to Polsmoor Transit Camp by bus. It rained heavily for a couple of days and the activity was just one big reunion. I met friends I had not seen since Newquay. Dicky Aires and Jack Frost were there as Sgt. pilots, Howard Iliffe (1090111) and Bob Hildred also, having trained as pilots at George, in the Union. Arthur Brittain a Sgt. Observer and Stewart Evans who was in the Officers Mess at Kumalo. In the next four 11 [page break] weeks we spent most of our time in Capetown, making a beeline for the Soldiers Club. The welcome we received from the South Africans was positively overwhelming, and people were literally queueing up to entertain us. On the 4th. of July a group of four of us including Ray Chislett and two Maltese soldiers met Mrs. Williams and had tea at her flat. After tea we motored out to a vineyard and got quite merry on four glasses of their own wine. On the way out one of the tyres was punctured and it took us less than three minutes to change the wheel. In the evening we went to the Odeon Bioscope at Seapoint with complimentary tickets which appeared from out of the blue. Howard. Iliffe, John Heggarty and I spent a great deal of time together in Capetown where Howard & I met two young ladies. One of them, introduced as Cheri de la Chene said she was French and had spent five years in Paris, but she could not understand my efforts at speaking French. John Heggarty had quite a brainwave and I introduced him as a member of the Free French Forces,-L'Aviation Francais Libre-. John was absolutely fluent in native French and soon discovered that Cheri was neither French nor a University student, but a schoolgirl of 14 at the Convent. Whilst in Capetown I met Binedall with whom I used to correspond before the war, and he gave me a large matchbox which I left with Mrs. Williams' mother to be collected after the war. I have left it rather too late. The climb up Table Mountain with Ray was very interesting and from the top we had a wonderful view of Muizeuburg. This reminds me of one night during a trial blackout at Muizenburg, Heggarty and I met Mrs. Macbeth who invited us to dinner on the following day. We gladly accepted and on arrival at the house next day referred to her as Mrs. Shakespeare. This was laughed off and we spent a very enjoyable evening. After dinner we went to a show in Muizenburg and met a lady who had lived near Battersea Park. In 1952 in Mbeya in Tanganyika I was talking to another 'Radio Ham' in Muizenburg arid mentioned my faux pas with Mrs. Macbeth's name. He said he was living in Mrs. Macbeth's guest house and she had related the story at dinner only a few days previously. Stuttafords of Adderley Street provided a very interesting experience for Heggarty and me. We wandered into a tea-room the likes of which we had never seen before, it seemed the ultimate in luxury. We asked mildly for just two cups of tea but up came the whole works of silver teaset with lots of pastries and cakes. We said no thankyou, really, just two cups of tea, but the lady was adamant. We said it was jolly nice but funds were limited and the cakes were beyond our means. She said she would be very cross if we didn't have at least half a dozen cakes and then gave us a bill -for 1/3d. Fixed charge for two, she said. Wonderful people, it was embarrassing at times. We called in a Milk Bar for a milkshake and they insisted it was on the house. We would buy a bunch of grapes for a 'ticky', -3d- and they refused payment. One Saturday Ray and I spent the day with the Brandt family who lived at Rosebank . We went for a run with them in the car in the afternoon, round Table Mountain and took some very good photographs. They also drove us to the Lion Match Company's factory in Capetown, where we were given a tour - and quite a lot of labels- a wonderful finale to my first trip to Africa. After meeting up with our old friends whose paths had taken many different ways and finally converged, but not without the loss of several due to accidents, the resentment at failing the pilot's course had just about worn off. The original crowd of rookies at Newquay were still basically together and covering all aircrew 'trades'. Someone had [page break] [photograph] [underlined] AIR GUNNER COURSE [/underlined] [underlined] APRIL 1942 [/underlined] [underlined] 24 C.A.O.S. MOFFAT, GWELO. [/underlined] [underlined] S. RHODESIA [/underlined] [page break] [underlined] POSTSCRIPT [/underlined] The A/G course was rather an anti-climax after the concentration and determined outlook on the pilots course. Most of us felt we had wasted our time and had been let down. During a "lecture" on the Browning gun by Cpl. Paddy Gilligan he noticed correctly that my eyes were closed and pointing to me, yelled "You, what was I saying?", I replied "You were saying 'as the breach block moves to the rear the cam on the rear sear rides along that on the barrel extention [sic] . . . ' There followed a discussion on my detailed phraselogy [sic] and he wound up by shouting "Your problem Watson is you don't speak effing english". I replied that I try to speak the King's english Cpl! and that did it, he swore to fix me. Study of the Browning gun comprised learning parrot-fashion the sequence of events and other odd statistics such as effective range and rate of fire. There was a drawing on the wall which gave us some idea of what it looked like, but the Browning was something for the future, the R.A.F. currently uses the V.G.O. or so we were told. The following day Gilligan told me to go to the billet and make sure the African had cleaned all the lampshades, including the one in his little room. This I did and two hours later reported they were all clean. The next day with no preamble I was told to report to the Orderly Room immediately. I was marched in to the C.O. and charged with failing to carry out an order, and also making a false report. Gilligan gave evidence and said the lampshade in his billet was filthy, I could not have checked it. The C. O. accepted this and I was given a severe rep. and 7 days jankers. I went straight away to the billet and I asked the S.W.O. to accompany me. He delegated a Sgt. Clerk and together we checked the offending lampshade. Sure enough it was filthy. I found the african cleaner and he swore that he had cleaned the shade but the Cpl. had then made him change it for one in the next but where they were all dirty. We all trooped next door and saw that all were indeed filthy except one. The Sgt. could see what Gilligan was up to and endorsed my written report addressed to the C.O. which also applied for redress of grievance. The result was that my Severe Rep. was cancelled and so was the balance of the jankers. At the end of the course the exam. papers were marked by Gilligan and he gave me 61% in all subjects which was the absolute minimum for a pass. Again I wrote to the C.O. and he agreed that Gilligan was up to his tricks again. He changed the exam. results to an average of 93% If I had not been so argumentative I could very well have "failed the course" 10A [page break] to fly the thing, but there was a lot of other work to be done also. A cutting from the Rhodesia Herald whilst at Moffat spelt it out:- I wished to be a pilot, And you, along with me; But if we all were pilots, Where would the Air Force be? It takes guts to be a gunner, To sit out in the tail, When the Messerschmitts are coming, And the slugs begin to wail. The plot's just a chauffeur; It's his job to fly the plane; But it's we who do the fighting, Though we may not get the fame. If we must all be gunners, Then let us make this bet; We'll be the best damn gunners That have left this station yet Nearly half a century later it does seem somewhat corny. 13 [page break] [underlined] OPERATIONAL TRAINING. [/underlined] And so to the 2nd. August 1942; we boarded HMT J/6, The Monarch of Bermuda and were shown to our cabins, stowed our kit and were issued with passes to go ashore until 1500 hrs. A last look at Table Mountain and Kapstaad and at 1630 on the 3rd. we left South Africa, hoping and firmly intending one day to return. The 10 day voyage to Freetown was a very pleasant cruise, escorted by two Battle Cruisers and three Corvettes and accompanied by The Empress of Russia, we ploughed along at a steady 12 knots. Our favourite pastime was reading the inter-ship messages on the Aldis lamps. Among other things we learned that one of the Empress's boilers was u/s and shut down. Which limited the speed of the whole convoy. There were several U Boat warnings during daylight and these coincided with lifeboat drills, which were taken very seriously. The accommodation was very good, all the R.A.F. NCOs being accommodated six in each cabin. The cabins were equipped as they had been for luxury cruising pre-war, each with a toilet room with saltwater shower. The portholes remained open the whole time, but this time we were on 'A' and not 'D' Deck. In the Sgts Mess Italian P.O.W.'s waited upon us, and make a very good job of it. All fatigues are carried out by them and they caused no trouble at all. The vigilance of the Polish guards probably influenced that, their bayonets being fixed ALL the time, and there were few words passing between the guards and prisoners, just a few gestures with the bayonet. The Poles had been in action since August 1939 and were a long way from home, first defending their country, evacuating to Yugoslavia, and then making their way to Abadan to join the British. There were 1800 Italian prisoners aboard, mostly captured in Bardia and Tobruk about two years previously. They were a meek and miserable-looking lot. One of our 'stewards' who we called 'Grandpa' was a Cpl Major, and had medals for the Bolshevist and Abbysinian [sic] wars. He spoke very little English, but excellent French, and in return for a few cigarettes made me a bracelet in which he put photos of my fiancee [sic] , Hilda, and me. The material was similar to duralumin and he claimed it was a piece from a shot-down British Bomber in Abbysinia [sic] , a most unlikely story. His only tools were a pen-knife, a razor blade and a 4” nail for engraving. The Italians were confident the Axis would win the war and were expecting Stukas, Fokker Wolfe Condors and 'U' Boats to appear at any time. There were several hundred European civilians aboard, mostly evacuees from Alexandria and Cairo, who seemed to think they owned the ship. Many of them were ducked during the Crossing the Line ceremony, we claimed exemption, being old timers at that sort of thing!! There was some form of entertainment almost every evening; mainly variety concerts organised by the troops. During one of these I recall a wounded ex 8th-Army Soldier impersonating Stanley Holloway in his Northern accent with a poem, "The Reason Why" The unity of Empire .is seen in ships galore, As they plough in convoy fashion, to Britain's island shore, Across the world's big oceans, around continents as well, The Bulldog breed keeps up the creed that history will tell. We've roughed it on this convoy, we've lived like herded sheep, Yet all can see, it's got to be, if freedom's cause we'll keep We're mixed like breeded cattle, the R. A. F. as well, [page break] That R.A:F. who two .years ago Just drove the 'uns to 'ell. They say the good ship Monarch, J6 her tag, goes back to Afric [sic] shortly, but always behind that Flag. The Flag we're fighting Jerry for, the Flag of which we're proud, the Flag which may be a tattered rag, but with honoured blood endowed. In that environment and atmosphere this was pretty stirring stuff. On the 14th. of August we dropped anchor in Freetown. Just as a year ago, it was very hot and humid, with an overcast sky. This time we were not restricted to below decks, but enjoyed the freedom of the ship and were able to trade with the natives. Sunderland seaplanes were seen patrolling out to sea, with Walrus amphibeans [sic] doing about 60. m.p.h., around the harbour. There was lots of signalling between ships and we could cope with the morse, but the semaphore was too advanced and clever for us. Sunday the 16th at 0600 the Monarch and the Empress slipped out of Freetown and rejoined the Royal Navy out at sea. We were a little concerned for an hour or two, as the sun was rising on the port beam, but we eventually turned right and the sun returned to it's proper place, astern. We expected to reach England by thursday, but rumours of the invasion of France were rife and my diary actually records that this might delay us a little!. The general topic of conversation was what would it be like going through Customs. We were advised on the P.A. system to hand in any unauthorised arms and ammunition, including loot taken from the enemy. I had 3 kitbags, a tin trunk, suitcase and issue R.A.F. webbing and packs, and somewhere in that lot was 25 lbs. of sugar, 10 lbs of tea, 8 pairs of silk stockings, 2 dress lengths, 15lbs. of jam, lady's pyjamas, 2000 cigarettes and other dutiable material. I also had a very small .22 revolver in my pocket and decided to risk it. It was really a toy, hardly a weapon of war. In the very early hours of the 26th. of August we docked at Greenoch. An hour later our party of 240 or so assembled on deck with a mountain of kit, all newly trained sprog aircrew sergeants. The train pulled in to within 100 yards of the ship and in less than 30 minutes we were on our way by train to Glasgow, then on to London. Whilst changing stations in London, I telephoned the office, BATtersea 8485, at 0730 and was disappointed that Hilda was not yet at work! We arrived at no. 3 P.D.C. Bournemouth and moved into luxury hotels, expecting to be sent on leave immediately, hardly worth unpacking, but this was not to be. We were interviewed several times, medically examined, kit reorganised and generally messed about for a week. According to my pay book, I was a Sgt. Air Gunner, u/t Wireless Operator, and at one interview I was told that this could not be so. Either I could stay as a Sgt. A-G or lose my tapes and become an AC2 u/t Wireless op., eventually doing a wireless op. course. It was emphasised that the whole business of training was highly organised into streams, and once in the main stream it was better to drift with it rather than to try and change course. Streams could not cross, but only merge. All very academic and enlightening so it was agreed that u/t wireless op. would be deleted from my paybook, and of course, having done a couple of tours as a rear gunner I could always apply for a wireless course. 15 [page break] That's what the man said and I was in no position to argue, 'Just a couple of tours'. A week later we were on leave, and Hilda met me at Waterloo after just over a year apart. We had a few hours in London before going up to Barnoldswick to take my mother by surprise. After five rather hectic days of visiting relatives and friends we returned to London and met Hilda's parents and relatives, for just one day before returning to Bournemouth. We were billeted in an attic at Ocean Lodge and took our meals at the Vale Royal. The food was the most unappetising and uninteresting we had seen in the R.A.F. so far. Life in Bournemouth consisted entirely of parades, square bashing, P.T. drill, lectures and swimming, each activity taking place some miles away from the previous one. Bournemouth was full of sprog air crews, 90% Sergeants, few realised what the future might hold, and; in retrospect, I don't recall even thinking about it. We were clear of Bournemouth on the 2nd. of October, and posted to 25 O.T.U., Finningley. near Doncaster. The first 14 days were spent in lectures, practical work on guns in the armoury, and in firing on various ranges. We were introduced to the FN20 rear turret and relieved to have the opportunity of stripping the .303 Browning guns. We who had trained in Rhodesia did not advertise the fact that we had never actually seen a real Browning gun, only a wooden model, all our air-firing having been carried out on V.G.O.'s [Vickers Gas Operated) guns. We had spent several hours in a turret on the ground in Rhodesia. A Boulton & Paul electrically operated mid-upper type as fitted to a Defiant but bearing no resemblance to the rear turrets of Wellingtons and Whitleys. 11th. November was relatively peaceful at Finningley. In the world outside the Allies had landed in North Africa and occupied the coastal strip from Casablanca, through Oran to 50 miles east of Algiers where the big build-up was taking place. Jerry was being pushed towards Tunisia and Rommel's Afrika Corps was in full retreat in Libya, having been pushed out of Egypt, The Huns marched into hitherto unoccupied France and hard fighting was still going on in Stalingrad. Madagascar was in British hands. My diary records that Jerry lost over 600 aircraft in two days, according to the B.B.C. Nearer home I also recorded that "I flew today for the first time with my pilot, Sgt. Rutherford, and with Sgt. Bishop, W/optr., on circuits and bumps. Our Navigator Allan Willoughby is at Bircotes doing cross-countries". For some of us the pace was slow, and some of the time was spent in 'Brains Trust' sessions. Here a team of experts would sit on the platform and questions on any subject would be asked by the rest of us. In reply to the question "How do you think we should deal with the Huns after the war?", the M.O. replied "Castrate the bloody lot, the R.A.M.C. could do that in only a couple of weeks". Most of the discussions however were in a more serious vain. Over this period the weather was not very good. No 14 Course crews have been helping the Landgirls digging up potatoes and 12 Course chaps were heaving coal, We then had coal and coke allocated and delivered to our billets, which eliminated the need to pinch it from the Officers' Mess. we were accomodated [sic] in the peace-time married quarters close to their Mess. One of our Wimpies from Bircotes crashed into a Beaufighter near Caernarvon where my sister was stationed in the W.A.A.F. There were no [page break] [photograph] [photograph] [underlined] REG WHELLAMS [/underlined]] 1333520 [underlined] AT 25 OTU FINNINGLEY [/underlined] (10 FORSTER RD. WALTHEMSTOW E.17 ) 16A [page break] survivors. A Defiant crashed near my home in Barnoldswick and we pressed on with the routine of local flying, stripping nothing more interesting than guns, and lectures and so on. My diary records that on the 9th. December, after a little over two months we were taken by lorry to Bircotes to fly as a crew. Losses were high, on a Bullseye on London we lost three aircraft. One of them apparently ditched without trace near the French Coast, the only clue to this being their dinghy which would have been released automatically striking the water. A second crew headed by Ft/Lt. Anneckstein crashed into the watch office, killing the Bomb Aimer who was stretched out in the bombing position. A third crew crashed on landing at Bircotes, without fatality, but with the crew rather shaken-up. We were living Nissen huts about 2 miles from the 'hangars' and 3/4 mile from the in the other direction. The place was a sea of mud in parts and we generally washed AFTER breakfast for some reason which eludes me after 45 years One point in favour of Bircotes, it was on the Great North Road and just before Christmas I enjoyed a 48 hr. leave with Hilda in London! I met Tommy King in Battersea who was a Rear Gunner on Halifaxes with three ops. to his credit, all to Italy. A brief respite and back to Bircotes. The flying aspect was proving more interesting now, I could see a little beyond my own situation and get involved to some extent in the general carry-on of working as a crew. We had a first-class Skipper, Sgt. Stan. Rutherford, a down-to-earth tough New Zealand sheep farmer. Our Navigator Allan Willoughby from the West country whom we regarded as the Academic member of the crew, but who suffered greatly from air sickness. On those occasions our Bomb Aimer Stan Chadderton from Liverpool took over the navigation without any problems. Stan trained as an Observer - which included both Bomb aiming and Navigating in the U.S.A. and we were thus very fortunate in having a standby navigator. Our Wireless Operator Harry Dyson was from Huddersfield possibly the socialite of the crew, and fancied his chances in the rear turret, giving me a welcome change on occasions. I started the New Year well by having four runaway guns, over Missen, the bombing range, splattering a main road. The safety catches were 'off' and the guns ready for instant action almost all the time the air, and the reason the guns fired has not been fully explained. I vaguely put it down to a build-up of hydraulic pressure in the triggering system. This did not fool the Armourers who put it down finger trouble on my part - literally. By the 7th. of Jan. we had completed all our day-flying details of cross-countries, bombing, air firing etc. and were suddenly posted to 30 O.T.U. Hixon, in Staffordshire to complete the night flying excercises [sic] . It took three days visiting various sections to obtain signatures on a Clearance Certificate before we were free of Finningly [sic] , and the after we arrived at Hixon, we were despatched to the satellite airfield at Seighford. A week later we were still without aircraft at Seighford and when the Skipper, Navigator and W/op went to Finningley to collect one, Stan Chadderton & I took French leave and shot off to see respective Hildas. It was on that leave that Hilda and I decided to get married and arranged for bans to be called in Seighford and Battersea. On the 24th. Jan, our night-flying excercises [sic] almost completed we enjoyed a new experience. We were put on the battle order and briefed for an attack on Lorient. Everything was rushed and finally when 17 [page break] boarding the aircraft -which was u/s-, the raid -or our part in it- was cancelled. We were to have dropped six 500 lb. bombs in 10/10ths cloud and were warned about the fighters and lots of flak. We found later that the Americans had bombed Lorient in the afternoon followed by 121 aircraft of Bomber Command that night. One Stirling was lost. In early Feb. we were doing a 6 hour cross-country operational excercise [sic] simulating a real trip and towards the end of it were joyfully bombing what was thought to be our target on the bombing range. After dropping two sticks of 11 1/2 lb. practice bombs the "target" lights were extinguished and although we remained over them for a further 20 minutes they did not come on again. Thirty minutes later "W" William landed at base amid great consternation. Apparently the O. C. Night Flying had thought we were lost and had been sending up rockets. These were seen by the Stafford Fire Brigade who came dashing out to Seighford expecting a major disaster. On reporting to the Watch Office the Skipper was congratulated upon a successful bombing attack on Hixon aerodrome. A few nights previously Jock King and crew had crash-landed on the Yorkshire moors. They were over the North sea, badly iced up and losing height gradually until they ran out of it on the moor. The aircraft was a complete write-off and the Rear Gunner very badly injured by the Brownings crashing into his chest. On the 7th. Feb. the whole crew went to the local church and heard the Banns called. Two aircraft were lost from our unit the previous night, one piled straight in at Hixon, all killed, and Sgt. Browning bounced off the runway and finished upside down in the adjacent field. The 11th. Feb. was my 21st. Birthday and the Crew got absolutely sloshed in Eccleshall. It was a memorable party and the Skipper and Bomb Aimer got themselves lost on the way home and spent part of the night in a ditch. On the 14th. we completed the last of our cross-country details. The pages of my diary covering this trip are indistinct having been submerged in water in 1949, but there were problems. The first 4 hours were spent on accurately flown courses, but there was difficulty in keeping to specific heights. The aircraft seemed to climb and alternately lose height for no explicable reason and this distracted the Skipper from the required accuracy. Eventually with only 60 gallons of fuel indicated, the Skipper called "Darky Darky this is Nemo xx .....". Up came a 'gate' of two searchlights and signalled the direction of a friendly runway. 10 minutes later we all developed an instant inferiority complex, we had landed at Wyton, the home of 109 Squadron Pathfinders. One Wellington Mk.111 bombed up with four small practice bombs, was parked amid Lancasters, Mosquitoes and B17 Fortresses. However we were made very welcome and at 0400 hrs. thoroughly enjoyed the bacon, egg, fried sausages, toast and marmalade etc. Had I known then, that 40 years hence I would be retired and settled within 4 miles of Wyton I would have been a happier man. Aircraft on the first raid of the war had taken off from Wyton. The next two weeks were very active with little actually achieved. We were briefed almost every day for something which was cancelled every time but with one exception. We were told to do an air test on an aircraft which was parked near the perimeter fence. The rear turret was almost touching the fence at the other side of which was a haystack and chicken coop. The ground was muddy and rather more revs than usual were needed to free the wheels and move the aircraft forward. The hurricane strength wind created completely demolished the hen coop and the haystack, and many of the hens became airborne as never before. There [page break] was no time for recriminations however, on landing we went straight to the briefing room and learned we, were on a Nickel that night. The Oxford Dictionary gives a different meaning, but to Air Crews 'Nickel' is a generic term for a bum fodder or leaflet raid. It did imply that someone had some confidence in us, maybe. The target was Paris. At last we were over enemy-occupied territory, still on our side of the Rhine, and still a long way from it, but we were getting nearer and there was no lack of confidence, at least initially. Problems developed, first my ring-sight ferrel broke off, so there was no hope of accurate aiming if attacked, then my intercom microphone ceased to function. The fault was later found in the Rotating Service Joint below the turret. We had a standby signalling system of push button and lamp, but that too was out of order for the same reason. I could hear the skipper calling me on a routine check but had no means of replying. Receiving no reply, Barry Dyson crawled back to the rear turret to check up, not knowing what to expect. He had overlooked the fact that we were at 15.000 feet - the highest we had been at that time- and almost passed out due to lack of oxygen. He reconnected his adapter to the system just in time. He was also inadequately clothed for a temperature of -18C but putting 1800 lbs of leaflets down the flare chute restored his circulation. Di banged on the turret door and we exchanged greetings. He returned to his office and reporting my situation to the Skipper. Meanwhile I was incommunicado for the rest of the trip, but I could hear the others conversing. Shortly after that I felt the rotation of the turret was becoming sluggish and I tried to fire a short burst. Three of the guns fired one round each and then stopped, but number one was working. I cocked and recocked the guns several times, tried firing them manually and eventually three were working. I fired a short burst and regained a little confidence. An hour after leaving Paris the turret rotation would not respond to the hydraulics so I ensured that manual operation was still possible. I knew that to bale out I would have to open the turret doors, then the aircraft bulkhead door, grab my parachute pack, drag it through both doors and into the turret, rotate the turret onto the beam, fit the 'chute, open the doors, disconnect the intercom and oxygen and go out backwards. I decided to give it a try except for actually bailing out - and decided it was probably not feasible in the time available, but I did get the parachute into the turret and tucked it down the side. I learned a lot that night, more had gone wrong in my department on that one trip than during all my training. Di learned the odd lesson too, to wear more clothing in case he had to move away from the hot air system under his table. The following day we were advised that our O.T.U. course was completed and the Skipper was asked to state the crew's preference either to join a squadron bombing Germany or to go overseas. Our preference for Germany was unanimous; after all, I was getting married and most of us had already been overseas!. And so we went our separate ways on 7 days leave March 1st, 1943 perhaps the most important day of my life, Hilda and I were married. Staying at Hilda's home I took my cousin Frank to Trafalgar Square and showed him the Lancaster bomber, then on to St. Pauls Churchyard where I used to work and showed him a Stirling Bomber. He was thrilled with London and with the aircraft in particular. At 1pm we met Mum and Topsy at duCane Court and lunched in Balham, and whilst Mum and the others went to meet Hilda's folks, I went on to the Church, 19 [page break] St. Mary's in Battersea. Some years later when I saw the photographs I realised I was wearing a white shirt with my airman's uniform. Hilda joined me at the Alter [sic] and looked absolutely lovely in her white wedding dress. The service was grand and the organist played two hymns. The church bells remained silent, they were reserved for signalling a possible enemy invasion. We enjoyed a wonderful reception at Hilda's home and on Monday we went to Lancing on honeymoon, the guests of Mr. & Mrs. Pittock at 10 Orchard Avenue. After a few days at Lancing I returned to camp and somehow organised more leave. At 0300 on the 10th. however the police delivered a telegram-which stated "Report to Hixon immediately, posted overseas". I tried to convince them that it was a joke on the part of the crew, and I was not stationed at Hixon in any case. However, at 0700 Hilda accompanied me to Euston where we said goodbye on the platform for the last time for several months at least. One night spent at Hixon, and the following day we travelled by train with two other crews to no. 1 P.D.C. West Kirby. [page break] [photograph] [photograph] 1st. MARCH 1943 (WHITE SHIRT) 25 O.T.U. FINNINGLEY [photograph] SECOND HONEYMOON SEPT ‘43 20A [page break] [underlined] SECOND TIME TO AFRICA [/underlined] At West Kirby we handed in our blue uniforms and were issued with army Khaki battle dress and tropical flying bowlers and helmets. Within a few days we embarked on a Dutch Vessel, the Johan van Vanderbilt in the Mersey, and were allocated first and second class cabins still equipped to. peace-time standards. Service in the Dining Hall was fabulous, staffed by natives from the Nederlands [sic] East Indies. The cuisine was superb, there was white bread and butter and sugar on the tables. A full breakfast at 0800, a peacetime lunch at 1300, tea at 1630 and dinner at 1900. Coffee was available in the Snr. N.C.O's lounge at any time during the morning. The Army Privates' quarters were similar to those we had experienced on the Moultan, sleeping in the same place as they eat, scrubbing everything by 0830 and with lots of bull. They had to wear greatcoats at all times whilst on deck and carry their life-jackets and water bottles. They not only manned the guns but were also detailed for lots of guard duties. Everything seemed to be guarded, but the reason was generally obscure. The cabins were shared with the Army Snr. N.C.O.s and they felt it quite a change to enjoy such comfort. The main topic of conversation was speculation about our destination, North Africa, Middle East or Far East? At a lecture on the 20th. March a senior Army Officer gave us a talk in the big second-class lounge, a very interesting run-down on the state of the war in all theatres. He dealt at some length with the North African campaign and said that very shortly the 1st. and 8th. Armies would meet and a few days after that Jerry would be slung right out of Africa. He wanted to dispel all rumours that we were part of a force invading the south of France. I cannot recall whether we were actually told in so many words, but we expected our destination was either Algiers or Bone. The armourment [sic] on the Johann was comparatively small. We had about 10 Lewis guns, .303 calibre, and a naval gun at the stern, all manned by the army. There were about 16 ships in the convoy, with troops and cargo, protected by 5 Cruisers and Destroyers, and 2 Corvettes. Not as impressive perhaps as in August 1941, but a more wartime environment. It was a feeling not entirely new to us, we knew by calculation that it was the 21st. of March and we were sitting comfortably in the First Class Lounge enjoying a coffee, but whereabouts on the Atlantic ocean was the ship? We know we had been heading east all morning so the chances. were we are heading for Gibralter [sic] , it was not warm enough for Freetown to be our destination. Where we were bound was open to speculation like most other vital factors affecting us. What were we going to do when we get to wherever it was? We were a Wellington crew which did not rule out finding ourselves on a Boston or Mitchell doing close army support work. And what after we had completed a tour of ops.? Chad the Bomb Aimer and Di the Wireless op. were both keen to remuster and train as Pilots. Allan Willoughby said he was 'marlish' and quite happy to carry on navigating. I felt the war would be over before we had finished our first tour. The Skipper said little but probably thought we were a bunch of dreamers, comparing us with his sheep back in N.Z.. We were not in fact approaching Gibralter [sic] , we had passed through the Straits during the night. At 0300 on the 22nd. we were approaching the minefield off Algiers and were attacked by a Ju88 torpedo bomber. We heard the Johan's guns open up 21 [page break] and the Windsor Castle received a direct hit from a torpedo on her stern, three members of her crew being killed. She also lost her steering and means of propulsion. Efforts were made to tow her into Oran without success but she sank at 1700 the same day. The Service personnel and remainder of the crew were taken aboard destroyers. Hurricanes arrived within minutes of the attack, but just too late and not ideal aircraft for the job at 0300 hrs. My diary - written up a few days after the event,- refered [sic] originally to The Duchess of Windsor and this was changed a few years later to the Windsor Castle. There was no longer any secrecy about our destination. Di said the R.A.F. had opened an O.T.U. in Algiers, and we were destined to do another course. There were lots of rumours, but one fact was established, we had been in the R.A.F. over two years and we felt it was high time we did something towards the war effort. [page break] At 0300hrs. on the 23rd. March we were paraded on deck thankful for our greatcoats, which we were still wearing with great discomfort when we disembarked at 1100. A brief stop at an Aircrew Reception Centre, a large hotel on the sea-front, before going to the Aircrew Pool at Surcouf, about 30 miles from Algiers. There was no great feeling of urgency here, the Allies had landed at Algiers on the 6th. of November and the Germans had already been driven some hundreds of miles, to the East. It was just a matter of waiting, something that most servicemen became very good at. We could not take the initiative and start our own war, but could only make the best of it. Quoting from my diary, "Life at Surcouf is perfect, we share the officers' mess and enjoy typical French peacetime meals. Lots of Bully Beef but the Chef - a French Civilian - certainly knows how to camouflage it. Our chalet is literally on the beach and the sea never more than 20 yards away. We could swim all day long without the formality of swimming trunks, or walk around the village. Sometimes we hitch-hike Into Algiers". There was very little to do in the village, and I recorded that I found the French very unhelpful and generally impolite. We all carried side-arms of course. There was practically nothing to buy except strange local booze, the Americans had seen to all that when they passed through, and the bars seemed to be open all the time. Algeria was, politically, a part of Metropolitan France in the eyes of the French, it was home to many Frenchmen, and they probably realised it might never be quite the same again. After a three-week rest at Surcouf we reported to 150 Squadron at Blida, about 30 miles south of Algiers. This place was most certainly at war, there were Wellingtons, Hudsons, Hurricanes, Commandoes and Albacores for squadrons of Bomber, Coastal, Fighter and Transport Commands, and the Fleet Air Arm. With the exception of Transports and 142 and 150 Wellington Squadrons, all aircraft were controlled by Coastal Command. We were part of the North Africa Striking Force - so we were told. Life was good at Blida, most of the food was tinned and we enjoyed eggs and bully beef every day in the mess. Generally in the evenings we would have a fry-up of eggs and bread with more bully on the primus stove in the billet. The Mess Hall was used as both dining hall and lounge. The arabs wandered round the camp selling eggs and oranges but prefered [sic] to exchange them for food -- more bully beef. The currency in use was the French Franc with an exchange rate of 200 to the £1 sterling in which we were paid. BMA (British Military Authority) notes were also in use but the most popular currency outside the town was the tin of bully. We were billeted in chalets formerly the peacetime living quarters of the French Air Force. Each chalet had four large rooms-and accommodated two Wellington crews. It was very pleasant to sit out on the verandah [sic] . My rather battered diary records that on the 28th. March 1943 we were discussing what we proposed to do on completion of our first tour. Rather naive, we would have little or no say in the matter. We had been allocated an aircraft, "F" for Freddie, but it was a case of one crew to one aircraft and its present owners had not quite finished their tour and were reluctant to part with it. For two days they had been bombing and straffing [sic] a large German convoy bound for Bizerta which was not left alone even when part of it had docked. We finally took over the aircraft and for five days were airborne for several hours each day. On the afternoon of the 5th. April we took off 23 [page break] in "F" for Freddie for an hour's fighter affiliation excercise [sic] with two Hurricanes. Employing violent evasive action to make things difficult for the fighters, we crossed the coast about 10 miles east of Algiers at 3000 feet and passed directly over a British destroyer. The Navy was wide awake and saw a heavy bomber being chased by two Hurricanes, immediately opened fire on us with considerable light flak. The pilot of a third Hurricane which was on an operational patrol saw the mini-battle and joined in. When he saw that one of his chums was only 100 yards from my rear turret and happy to stay there, he realised that we were in a different ball game, peeled off and, carried on with his patrol, finally returning to Maison Blanche. On the night of the 6th. April we bombed the Marshelling [sic] yards at TUNIS, with 3500 lb. and 54 30 lb. incendiaries. We bombed in one stick from 8000 ft. and surprisingly were held in searchlights which we lost at 3000 feet. Not a very good effort on our part, the bombs overshot the target but hit the aerodrome 3 miles north according to the timing point photograph. All 28 aircraft returned safely, two of them damaged There was little light flak but some heavy stuff said to be radar controlled. For an hour on the return journey I changed places with Harry Dyson, our Wireless op. On the 7th. we attacked troop concentrations at night making several bombing passes at low level and finally coming in very low firing 7 Brownings. Chad the bomb aimer used the two guns in the front turret, I had four in the rear and we carried beam guns on these occasions. Only the front gunner could see what he was firing at. One aircraft of 142 Squadron, G George was shot down by light flak. On the 10th. we raided MONSERRATO aerodrome in Sardinia, an aircraft was seen over the target with navigation lights on, visibility was good and we moved away hoping the runway lights would be switched in. The aerodrome remained in darkness and we dropped our bombs singly. There was no light flack from the aerodrome to worry us, and the aircraft with lights on was not seen again. After a further 30 minutes of stooging about we returned to Blida. There was a reasonable amount of heavy flak which we learned on return had downed one aircraft of 142 Squadron. - 2 in 2 nights-. On the way back a searchlight opened up a few miles ahead and the skipper put the nose down so we were at 2000 ft. when we passed directly over the searchlight. Stan Chadderton in the front turret opened fire and the Skipper told me when to open up, aiming straight down. The light stayed on after we had passed, pointing vertically, maybe we did a little damage, probably not. Inside the aircraft however, the dive had caused the Elsan lavatory to come loose and scatter it's contents over the floor. The following morning, fearing the wrath of the ground crew when they saw the Elsan, we stayed in bed until noon and breakfasted in the billet. Eggs and fried potatoes, fried bread and tinned pears and fresh oranges, served by the wireless op. and rear gunner to the Skipper and the rest of the crew still in bed. In the afternoon we were stood down and Joe Shields (Sgt. Rimmer's Rear Gunner) and I went into Blida to try and find presents to take back to England. The bigger French shops were all closed - no stocks- and we scrounged around the Arab quarters, without success. I mentioned earlier that we always carried side-arms and several times we were crowded by the Arabs. Production of the revolver dispersed them but it could have been very tricky. On the 14th. April we raided MONSERRATO for the second time, the first run-in at 8000 feet and then 6000 feet. Direct hits were seen on [page break] the aerodrome this time with 1000 and 250 pounders. No incendiaries were dropped but 10 minutes was spent 8 miles north of the town dropping leaflets. The leaflets were the "laissez-passer" type printed in German instead of the more usual Italian. An aircraft over the target area sporting an orange light seemed to be signalling to a searchlight. We assumed it was acting as a decoy for a night-fighter and the only one of us keeping an eye on it was the navigator standing at the astrodome. The rest of us searched the allocated parts of the sky according to the book!. All our aircraft returned safely and reported good aiming. Photographs confirmed the success, but we had borrowed "M" Mother which was without a camera. The return journey was uneventful and crossing Mare Nostrum Di tuned in to the 9 o-clock news from London. The announcer Alvar Lidell read "Algiers reports that the R.A.F. Strategical Airforce in North Africa has continued to batter aerodromes in Tunisia and Sardinia, damaging runways and destroying aircraft on the ground, without loss to themselves". Someone remarked "That's one way of looking at it"!. Actually a few nights ago 142 Sqdn. had lost 2 in 2 nights. 150 Squadron had lost one but the crew bailed out. Four of the crew managed to get through the enemy lines but the Rear Gunner was wounded and there was no news of him for several weeks. The docks at TUNIS received our attention on the night of the 17th. April, with very careful placing of 500 and 250 pounders. Direct hits were observed in the docks area and there was concentrated heavy flack. It didn't worry us, we were well below it at 6000 feet. There was lots of light flack mostly concentrated on an aircraft displaying red and green navigation lights. At one stage this aircraft came to within 600 yards on the starboard beam and we converged to about 300 yards. We clearly identified it as a Wellington and gave it a long inaccurate burst from the rear turret. On this occasion every fourth round was a tracer. The nav. lights were extinguished and the aircraft was not seen again. There was no satisfactory explanation as to the identity of this aircraft. A captured Wellington perhaps acting as a decoy but attracting most of the flak. Possibly one of ours with the lights switched on accidentally, one shall never know. Two aircraft are missing, piloted by Sgt. Chandler of 150 and Sgt. Lee of 142. One sent out an SOS and ditched but there was no signal from the other. On our return to Blida there was a blanket of cloud over the whole area and our 23 aircraft were diverted to Maison Blanche. One aircraft was known to have a damaged undercarriage, which collapsed on touch-down and was a write-off but there were no injuries. Road Transport was waiting to take us the 30 miles or so back to Blida and we finally got to bed at 6 am. We shared the lorry with Sgt. Leckie's crew who had bailed out over Tunisia on the 14th. The Squadron Leader had flown to Sousse and brought them back to Algeria. Leckie had himself crash-landed the aircraft with no hydraulics and only one engine, somewhere in Allied-occupied Tunisia. On the 23rd. April my diary records a tedious week of activity which achieved very little. Every day we were briefed for a night op. and every day we did our Daily Inspections and air tests, but in the late afternoon the Sirocco came up suddenly and the trips were cancelled. During the week, two Albemarles crashed on the runway, both from Gibralter [sic] carrying supplies which included mail from U.K. Our uniform since leaving West Kirby has been British Army Khaki but with shoes and no putees. Our R.A.F. blue shirts with collar and tie and also blue forage caps were not exchanged. We have no tropical 25 [page break] kit and it is getting very warm here. Our aircraft "F" for Freddie, has been grounded all week with "G" George, both with a trimming box problem. The policy is still one crew to an aircraft, and we enjoyed a very easy week. On the 28th. we managed to borrow "D" Donald and bombed DECIMONANU again, this time with a 4000 lb. 'blockbuster’ and a few incendiaries for good measure. After bombing we stooged around for 30 minutes having a close look at fires on the ground. Searchlights waved about apparently aimlessly and the light flack with tracer seemed equally haphazard. At 3000 feet we were caught by one searchlight and within seconds were held in a cone of five. The lights were dazzling and the three of us manning guns all fired point blank, it being impossible to aim. In theory a combined rate of fire of over 8000 rounds per minute should have hit something worth while, but after a very short burst my four guns jammed, a problem seldom experienced. At only 3000 feet we were quickly out of range of the searchlights. We were over Blida at 0700 hours which was covered in fog and diverted again to Mason Blanche. We were not very popular at Maison B, everyone had-their own problems which were not always appreciated by others on different types of aircraft performing widely differing types of work. We were in bed at Maison B. by 1000 hrs. probably without the knowledge of the 'owners' of the beds who had spent the night in then; and there we stayed until 1700. The tinned steak pie for tea made a very welcome change. Our aircraft "F" for Freddie still had a faulty-trimming box. It was only in the air we were able to listen to the Radio News from London, although we had a reasonable supply of current newspapers brought out by the steady stream of aircraft from U.K. On the 29th. we logged another trip to BIZERTA, this time in "T" Tommy with a 4000 pounder. Take-off was at 0005 hours and the weather the worst for flying we had yet experienced in Africa. The target was the docks and all was unusually quiet. The coast-line was visible through about 4/10ths cloud and on our first run over the docks we dropped incendiaries. Positive identification of the target, so round again to release the 4000 pounder which the press were refering [sic] to as 'cookies'. It seemed that over Germany the lads were dropping 8000 pounders. The flak and searchlights opened up simultaneously and was relatively intense. We found later that we were the first to bomb. Some had difficulty in finding the target due to cloud and the enemy was trying not to attract our attention. Again there was low cloud at Blida and we were diverted to Maison Blanche. Two aircraft were lost on the Bizerta raid, one landed at Bone (now renamed Annaba) with one engine u/s, and a 142 Sqdn. aircraft did a belly-landing on the grass at Maison B. On our return we found that Sgt. Leckie, operational again after being shot down in Tunisia, had crashed into the mountain immediately after take-off. Another 150 Sqdn aircraft crashed on take-off, barely getting airborne, and it was assumed that he had engine failure. Two of the crew actually survived the explosion. It had been a fateful night, we were briefed for take-off from west to east, with a left turn onto course. Just before take-off a strong wind developed from the west causing the duty runway to be changed from 09 to 27 and we took off from east to west. Sgt. Leckie turned left instead of right, straight into. the Atlas mountains, all killed instantly. Our own Bomb Aimer Stan had flown on a raid with Sgt. Leckie only two nights previously. When I revisited Blida on business in 1978 I was astonished to appreciate just how near those mountains were to Blida aerodrome.. [page break] [photograph] WITH HILDA & THE SKIPPER SEPT ’43 RICHMOND ON THAMES [photograph] BILL WILLOUGHBY NAVIGATOR AT THE PORT BEAM GUN POSITION [photograph] NAVIGATOR & BOMB AIMER IN THEIR PITS 26A [page break] The following morning an aircraft of 142 was seen to be making a peculiar approach, and just before touchdown. one engine cut and the other was going flat out, resulting in a spectacular disintegration at the side of the runway, in which no-one was seriously hurt. By the end of April we had four aircraft all Wellington Mk.10s equipped for carrying 4000 pound bombs. Bomb doors had been removed and they were said to have a special main spar. On the 5th. May it was farewell to Blida, the war was moving east. Each crew was issued with a First World War Bell tent and this together with official stores and personal effects was piled into the aircraft. I remember the Wireless Op. Di and I putting our (stolen) palliases [sic] aboard for our Ground-crew passengers to rest on during the flight. A very thoughtful act on our part said the Skipper. It was just that Di and I intended to sleep in the manner to which we were accustomed. Our destination was Fontaine Chaude, about 250 Kms. ESE of Blida. About half way in deference to our guests we opened a tin of spam and served slices of spam followed by stewed plums from a large tin we had been hoarding. Our destination was a stretch of desert near a tiny village. After landing we pitched our tent and organised our palliases [sic] into beds with the help of a dozen or so empty boxes. Meanwhile vehicles were arriving with our squadron personnel, more stores, aircraft and by late evening we had a small township. A small marquee served as a Sgts. Mess and on the first evening we enjoyed stew and green peas followed by pears and real cream. These had been provided by the Americans on an emergency basis. The following day was spent partly on an aerodrome inspection. The war had passed through Fontaine Chaude and it was possible the Arab scavengers had overlooked bits of war material which could do damage to aircraft, particularly the tyres. There were no runways, only sand with some coarse grass. Back to war next day and Group Captain (Speedy) Powell briefed us for a raid on TRIPANI, a naval base in Sicily. We were 30 minutes late on take-off due to delays in bombing-up. We carried only six 500 pounders instead of eight, and some incendiaries. We were 20 minutes behind the bomber stream of 26 Wellingtons. 'The bomber stream'!. This was an expression used by a newly joined crew who were very displeased with having to finish their tour in North Africa after starting it over Europe. They treated our desert war with some contempt after their recent experiences over Germany, but were reported missing about three weeks after joining us. We were in cloud shortly after take-off and nearing the target came out of it at 12,000 feet. We moved over towards a concentration of heavy flak bursts and the bomb aimer thought he had found a pinpoint through breaks in the cloud. The bombs were dropped into the area of flashes and fires on the ground but it was not a satisfactory raid. We lost two aircraft. One was seen to go down in flames over the target having been coned by searchlights. Sgt. Pax Smith, a New Zealander and crew ran out of fuel in pitch darkness and had strayed too far to the west, over Algeria. My diary records "They bailed out in an airmanlike manner but the Bomb Aimer was concussed and the Rear Gunner broke both legs on hitting the ground and rolling down the side of a hill. Three of the crew are in the rest camp at Constantine and the two inured in hospital in Algiers". The reader might be surprised at apparent navigation errors such as this, but the only nav. aid available was a QDM (course to steer) to reach in this case Algiers, which would not have helped. We had no M/F 27 [page break] Beacons on which to take bearings. The Navigator worked on his dead reckoning plot backed up by a visual pinpoint from the bomb aimer map-reading if visibility was suitable. Quite often the only aid was the Rear Gunner taking a drift reading from his turret. Over the sea the Wireless op. would drop a flame-float down the flare chute, which would burst into flames on striking the sea. The Rear. gunner would rotate his turret and depress the guns, holding the flame in his ringsight for ten seconds, then read off the drift on the indicator by his side. There was sometimes a drift indicator in the 'Nav. Office' also. The same procedure was used over the desert during the day using a smoke bomb in place of a flamefloat. We learned that Sgt. Leckie who was killed hitting the mountain was Commissioned two weeks before his death and had also been awarded a D.F.C. for his crash-landing in Tunisia. So Sgt. Leckie was really P/O Leckie D.F.C. and didn't know it, but the end result was the same. He and our own Skipper, Sgt. Rutherford 416170 R.N.Z.A.F. had been great buddies for a long time. (or what was regarded as a long time in those days) May 10 my diary states, a Boomerang lastnight. We took-off with a 4500 pound payload for delivery to PALERMO, the Capital of Sicily. About 30 min. after take-off the petrol cover on the port fuel tank came open and the Skipper had great difficulty in keeping the left wing up. There was no option but to jettison half the bomb load in the sea and return to base. There was an enemy air-raid in progress at Bone and we kept a few miles to the east of it with the I.F.F. on. Our own night-fighters operating from Maison Blanche were known to be very active and we had great faith in our I.F.F. We were first back of course - not really having been anywhere!- and we waited for the others in the debriefing tent. To no avail, they had been diverted and returned the following afternoon. We enjoyed an afternoon and evening off, and went by lorry to Batna, a small town about 30 miles from our base. There was little to be seen and nothing to buy and no sign of any social activity. Conversation with the natives was difficult and they were not interested in the war. On the night of the 12th. it was the turn of NAPLES again, 21 aircraft with 90,000 lbs. payload bombed within five minutes of each other. It was a lovely night, visibility 30 miles and not a cloud in the sky. As we approached Naples we could clearly see Mt. Vesuvius and convinced ourselves we could see the thin column of smoke drifting from it. Our last pinpoint on the way out was the Isle of Capri and we gave it a short burst of .303 for good measure. A futile act but the guns had to be fired occasionally. At NAPLES we went straight in, the target was clearly visible and the one stick straddled the railway yards and industrial area. My diary records that flak was intense and said to be some of the hottest in Europe, and reading that after a lapse of 45 years causes me to question the authority for such a statement. It was a small target compared to some of those in Central Europe, and the 40 searchlights at Napoli were quite effective, but would have been more so if it had been dark. All our aircraft returned safely after a 7 1/2 hour flight, not a bad effort for Wimpies with no overload tanks. As the W/op describes it, we climbed into our pits just as dawn was breaking. By 0900 we had the option of discarding our mosquito nets and being pestered by the insects, or enjoying a turkish bath due to the heat. Our 1916 vintage bell-tent was reasonable for our crew of five although in earlier times it accomodated [sic] , goodness knows how, 22 soldiers. [page break] At about 1400 we were happy to get airborne again on an air test where we could cool down, but at 1700 it was briefing again. A "maximum effort" - another phrase. imported from our colleagues bashing away in Central and Northern Europe, on CAGLIARI, a port and industrial town in Sardinia. All 26 aircraft were over the target area within minutes of each other, again visibility was near perfect. Bombing heights were staggered and we bombed from 6000 feet. Our 4000 pounder landed just north of the railway yards among some tall buildings and started a fire. Our W/op Harry Dyson claimed at debriefing that he could feel the heat from our own fire when we turned in again to see the damage. Di was prone to exaggeration by this time, perhaps due to frustration of monitoring broadcasts from Base and seldom touching the morse key. We came back over the target at 2000 feet and the flames were leaping high. We could still see the flames from 70 miles away at 8000 feet on our way home. Listening to the B.B.C. we learned that American bombers had raided Cagliari earlier that day, "wiping the place out". They also claimed they could still see fires burning when they reached the African coast. In daylight too; our W/op was not alone in the exaggeration stakes. However, it was a very satisfactory raid. We were in a shallow dive when the bomb was released and is thought to have scraped the fuselage under the aircraft where there was damage to the geodetics and six feet of fabric had been torn off. On the 15th. our crew was stood down for 24 hours and I received four letters from Hilda, the first for many weeks. At this rate of completing ops I should be home in less than three months. It was very tiring night after night, particularly as is [sic] was not possible to sleep comfortably in the heat of the day. The target was PALERMO, and three of our 25 aircraft failed to return, including Sgt. Rimmer, and Sgt. Alazrachi, the latter a Free French pilot. It is not known what happened to any of them except that one aircraft was seen to go down in flames over the target. Rimer's Rear Gunner was Joe Shields, one of the best, and the crew had been with us since O.T.U. at Finningley. Polfrey the Navigator, Cave the Bombadier [sic] and Jack Waters the Wireless-op, all very keen types. On the 16th. it was our turn to make a fragment of history. For the very first time, the R.A.F. bombed ROME. Rome, we were told was an open undefended city, and we were briefed to fly from the mouth of the River Tiber, over the city dropping leaflets, and return at 5000 feet dropping more leaflets, then bomb the LIDO DI ROMA near the mouth of the Tiber. Our first bomb went in the river and the last one in the sea, but the rest of the stick neatly straddled the buildings at the Seaplane Base. Over the city itself, there was considerable light flack with tracer, aiming point- blank without result. Not bad at all far an open undefended city, but we were forbidden to display any hostility except dropping leaflets. Even the lids of the Small Bomb Containers loaded with leaflets were secured with wire so as not to fall on the Romans. Later the B.B.C. claimed there was no flak over Rome. An easier trip the following night which after the event gave me a slight suggestion of a guilty conscience for the the [sic] very first (and last) time. "Your target" said the Group Captain, "is the German 'U' Boat refuelling Base at ALGHERO, in Sardinia, put paid to it". Our bomb load was 7 x 500 pounders, 4 S.B.C.'s of 30 lb. incendiaries and 2 x 250 pound bombs. We overflew the target at 4000 feet and first dropped several sacks of 29 [page break] leaflets. These were in Italian and told the people of Alghera that when we very shortly occupied their country and liberated them from the beastly Germans, they would be treated better than ever before, provided with medical aid and food, and every other possible benefit. All we need is a little co-operation and understanding from them. Having spread the gospel, we made three bombing runs over Alghero, at 3000, 1500 and 700 feet, all perfect O.T.U. practice type runs. On the last bombing run, Allan Willoughby manned the port beam gun, Dyson the front turret and the [deleted] the [/deleted] three of us fired our 7 Brownings at point-blank range into the chaos below. The sole opposition comprised two small-calibre machine guns which were soon out of action. Maybe it was a U Boat refuelling base, but only in the sense that it was a small fishing village and happened to have a jetty where drums of oil could be trundled down to a U Boat at the end of it. Our vision of a Sardinian type Lorient or Brest was soon dispelled. The BBC reported 'our bombers based in North Africa attacked targets is Sardinia lastnight'. [page break] For a couple of days our conversation had centred around an incident over the Lido di Roma. A seaplane base consists mostly of water; on our first run over it we had difficulty in locating the buildings and were hoping to see a tidy straight line of parked seaplanes. The Skipper decided to drop a flare and asked the Wireless Op. to arm no. 1 of 4 already in position in the flarechute. As he removed the safety pin the flare ignited and the top part of it shot through the roof of the aircraft with flames pouring out of the lower end, streaking past the rear turret. The blinding light startled Stan Chadderton at the Bombing panel and he instantly jettisoned all the flares, undoubtedly preventing a major disaster. How easy it was to be shot down by one's own flare. According to Intellegence [sic] reports, there were 1,100 casualties in our raid on Cagliari on the 13th., most of them having been caught by a single bomb. This figure is highly suspect but it originated from an Italian report. On the 21st. it was a stooge over Sicily with 18 250 lb. bombs. A convoy was within range of the Ju88 Torpedo bombers based in Sicily and our task was to try and keep them on the ground, or if they did manage to take off, prevent them from making an airmanlike landing on return. Aircraft took off singly starting at 1700 hrs.; we were the 24th. at 2045 hrs., with two others to follow. A direct flight to Castelvetrano, identify the aerodrome and one bomb away, then set course for Ciacco, same procedure, and on to Borezzo. If a flare path is seen anywhere give it priority and stooge around in that area for a while. All the bombs were dropped on the three targets and no flarepaths were seen. We concluded there were no enemy landings or take-offs, but one aircraft was seen to go down in flames into the sea; probably Sgt. Williams of our squadron who was on his first mission from Africa, although he had done several over Germany. At Castelvetrano there was lots of light flak using tracer, and we felt the heavy flak in some areas was predicted. We were not experiencing the 'thick carpets' of flak ever-present over Germany, perhaps ours was more personal, just a few batteries carefully aiming at one or two Wimpies. It was all go, and on the 23rd. we did an easy 3 1/2 hour trip. 2 hours of which was over Africa. We crossed the Tunisian coast and reached Pantelleria 20 minutes later, an island only 7 miles in length with an aerodrome on the western side. Visibility was poor, but we went straight in and dropped 4,500 lbs. in one stick. These were plotted later as just to the south of the aerodrome. We cruised around out at sea for 20 minutes at 7,000 feet, studying four barrage balloons clearly visible at 5000 feet. On our return however there was no support for this theory from anyone else and we were told it was only heavy flak. This was of course quite possible, in poor conditions and with tired eyes imagination can take over. Within a week however, it was generally accepted that the enemy were deploying barrage ballons [sic] although not in great numbers. Most of our aircraft were not fitted with cable cutters on the leading edge of the wings. Pantelleria was an easy trip and we were advised that it would count only as half a trip towards our 35. We had generally assumed the first tour was 30 trips but it did not seem to worry anyone. The day. after the Pantelleria trip, the Squadron mascot, Wompo, or Wimpy. a pedigree Heinz 69 was killed in action. Whilst he was 31 [page break] merrily chasing some small creature he was accidentally hit by a jeep driven by F/O Langlois, a pilot of 150. He was so badly damaged that one of the lads put him down with his Smith & Wesson .38. On the 24th. we staggered off the desert in "F" for Freddie heading for Sardinia carrying eight 500 pound bombs and some incendiaries and it seemed ages before we reached even 100 feet. I was not aware of the drama in the front office, both the Skipper and Bomb Air were struggling even to keep us airborne. At about 500 feet it was not possible to maintain height and the Skipper had no option but to lighten the load quickly. Two 500 pounders were released and seconds later there was a tremendous bang from down below, but the aircraft began to maintain height. We were just within sight of the Sardinian coast with the engines overheating when the Skipper jettisoned the remaining bombs and nursed the aircraft back to Fontain Chaude. That was our second boomerang. Had we been carrying a 4000 lb. cookie the episode would have had a very different ending. By the 2nd. of June we had completed 6 more trips and moved camp further east, to Kairouan. Our patch of desert was about 6 miles west of the walled City, said to be the fifth most holy in the Moslem world. The place was very dry, and the well 100 yards from our tent was out of bounds. The R.A.M.C. and the Afrika Korps had both marked it as poisoned by their repective [sic] enemies. It was said to contain human remains, but tests carried out just before we moved on showed the water had not been polluted and was 100% fit for drinking. Meanwhile our water was delivered by two water bowsers each of which travelled 30 miles east to Sousse several times each day. Many years later the record shows that neither the Germans nor the Allies polluted any water supplies. After all, both hoped to recapture them and put them back to their own use. On the first night from Kairouan we were credited with one more trip, having completed two halves! That is, two trips to PANTELLERIA. We took off in waves of 3 or 4 throughout the night, arriving over the target 45 minutes later. Our aircraft was "C" Charlie which carried one 4000 pounder. On the first run in we overshot, but came round again and in a typical OTU practice run, Stan Chadderton placed the bomb neatly in the centre of the small town. A 45 minute flight back to base and an hour's respite whilst the aircraft was checked, refuelled and bombed up, then the mixture as before. On the 27th. we were piling into a lorry to go out to the widely dispersed aircraft; the nightly German raid on Sousse was in full swing when a single Ju88 came over to look at our flare path. He was clearly visible and stooged around at will for about 10 minutes before making a run at about 1000 feet dropping 3 bombs in a salvo 300 yards from the Sgts. mess. Nothing was hurt except our feelings and there was no material damage. We had no A-A guns, so the Luftwaffe did not receive the same energetic welcome handed out to us. We relied on Beaufighter squadrons for defence. The R.A.F. policy was reasonable, as the aircraft were dispersed over a wide area and a single stick of bombs would be ineffective against a single aircraft as a target on the ground. We took-off half an hour later for a tour of Sardinia, again with a payload of eighteen 250 lb. bombs. Our only brief was to stooge around between aerodromes and generally make a nuisance of ourselves. There were no allied troops in Sardinia yet so no special care was called for. Our bombs were expected to be released on aerodromes, searchlights and guns. The [page break] main object was to keep the Luftwaffe and Regia Aeronautica on the ground. These trips were not very popular and provided good practice for Ju88 night fighters. We were stood down on the 3rd. June after doing two ops the previous night. We slept all morning and in the afternoon crowded into a lorry and went to the seaside. Monastir, near Sousse and we had our first baths since leaving Blida. We were in good company and had Mare Nostrum to ourselves with tens of thousands of other Allied troops. I have been there several times since and always think of the mass of naked troops in the sea. A good target for the the [sic] German aircraft? Not really, the scores of light A-A guns made it a very dicey target. The Allies must have had well over a thousand aircraft of different types in the area. The Arab town of Monastir was out of bounds to the Army but not, for some probably invalid reason to the R.A.F. We had a 'shufti' and two of us invested in a sort of haircut. Most of the inhabitants seemed to be French, Monastir having been the fashionable part of the Sousse area, The night of the 4th. June was an unlucky one for 150 Squadron. We lost three of our 16 aircraft on the ground without intervention from the enemy. The aircraft were bunched fairly close together, having been bombed-up and ready for take-off. During a final check, a Bombadier accidentally released a flare which lay on the ground. He dashed off to find an Armourer to make it safe but within minutes the flare ignited. Within 15 minutes the whole area was ablaze and three aircraft, M Mike, A Able and P Peter, each complete with over two tons of bombs and full petrol tanks blew up. Our aircraft which was to have taken us twice to Pantelleria that night 'N' Nuts, together with seven others, was severely damaged. About half the squadron went to Panteleria [sic] , 2 half-trips and in full moonlight reported a couple of Ju88's circling the island. One aircraft returned with about 40 square feet of fabric torn off. The following night a new target was added to our growing list, SYRACUSE in eastern Sicily, only a little light flak was encountered, and it was just a matter of bombing the water front. Our main task was in fact to drop leaflets on several of the coastal towns, working our way anticlockwise round Sicily. We passed slightly to the west of Pantelleria on the return leg and saw the Wimpies from the Western Desert squadrons bombing the island. The exact words written in my diary are "bashing hell out of the island". Our own Group Captain - "Speedy" Powell also went to Pantelleria but complained that his bomb did not explode. We riled him that it went into the sea. We were now seeing a great deal more of the British army and the Americans and we were realising just what small cogs we were in all the activity. We had an American guest with us when he ran us over to the Ops. Room in his personal jeep to collect lastnight's aiming point photograph. He noticed in the caption at the bottom of the photograph "280 deg.T" and remarked "Geez, mighty hot up there aint [sic] it?". It refered [sic] to our course, not the temperature, but we did not add any further complication to trying to explain. 33 [page break] in the next 12 days we carried out only two raids, the first an easy one to PANTALARIA [sic], which surrendered the following day, and the second to a new target, MESINA [sic], the straits between the toe of Italia and Sicile [sic] . on the way out we passed very close to our favourite island and across Sicily to the target. The target was already marked with 14 flares by the Western Desert squadrons, and for the first time in North Africa that part of the job was done for us. I noted at the time that "the A-A defences were baffled by the number of aircraft over the target at the same time. There were 34 aircraft and only F/Lt. Langlois ran into trouble. He was caught in the searchlights from both sides of the straits and dropped from 11,000 to 2,000 feet to escape them. In doing so he flew through the balloon barrage, but without further incident. My diary has recently been opened for the first time in over 42 years, so I have not pondered over its accuracy. 34 aircraft simultaneously over the target probably did seem like a thousand bomber raid to us!. Our Bomb Aimer that night was Ft/Lt. Casky, our own being in jail in Tunis. After our last trip to 'the' island we went to Tunis on a 48 hr. verbal pass. The Skipper had the trots, which we all suffered from time to time, and he tried to rest in the tent nearest the toilet trench. Willoughby the Navigator, Stan Chadderton Bombadier [sic] , Harry Dyson the Wireless Op and myself, Rear Gunner. We were each issued with two boxes of American "K" rations, and hitch-hiked first to Sousse and then to Tunis. The first leg was in the back of an Army lorry and the main leg up the coast road by R.A.F. "Queen Mary" which carried about a hundred of us. The whole trip took only 6 hours. The town of Tunis had been in Allied hands for 4 days and there were still a few Germans in hiding. We had given no thought to accommodation which did not seem to be important. Leaving Stan and Di in a canteen abandoned by the Germans, Wally and I eventually found an hotel near the docks area where we were able to book two rooms. I cannot recall the name of the hotel, but the address was 49 Rue de Serbie. The hotel was in very poor condition, no water, all the windows had been blown out, doors smashed, walls cracked and so on. No catering but we had our 'K' rations. Opposite the hotel was a bombed church and all around the buildings were either destroyed or severely damaged. The docks had been our main target in Tunis, and they were destroyed, with all the warehouses practically levelled out. One cargo vessel was beached and two others rested on the bottom. The Arabs were mostly friendly and told us the bomb damage in town was done mainly by 4 engined bombers is daylight, which let us off the hook. The European French were not so friendly, possibly many of them having lost comfortable homes. Some were quite abusive verbally but to others we managed to explain that we flew Chasseurs, pas des bombardiers. In our minds we had liberated the people of Tunis - and the rest of North Africa - from the Germans. We did not fully appreciate that the Arabs saw it differently. The Inglisi and Americans were no different to the Germans and Italians, and they in turn did no less for them than the French. They lived for the day when they would be left to manage their own affairs. In our wanderings around town we met a Tommy who was a Prisoner of War on a ship which had. been bombed at night a few miles out of Tunis. The ship was Italian, homeward bound and had been straffed [sic] by Spitfires during the day. The ship was spotted by two Wellington crews during a night raid on the docks, and the ship was [page break] bombed, then straffed [sic] from a few hundred feet. The vessel came to a halt and the 20 or so Germans and Italians abandoned ship. Three of the several hundred British prisoners had been regrettably killed in the action and all the others managed to get ashore in lifeboats and floats in the final days of the Axis evacuation of North Africa. The ship was without lights which should have been carried. Another 8th. Army private told us he was a P.O.W. being transferred from a lorry onto a boat about a week ago when about 30 Spitfires and Kittyhawks arrived and caused chaos with their 20 and 40 mm. cannon. The guards were overpowered and most of the 500 or so P.O.W.’s managed to get away. He spoke highly of the fighter pilots, convinced the attack was a very well-planned sortie to release the P.O.W.'s., not just to blaze away at anything German that dared to move. He could very well have been correct, On our last evening in Tunis the four of us shared a battle of wine with a meal at a roadside cafe. When we were paying the bill we found there was money left over and asked for another bottle of their excellent wine. As the wine was brought over, a Sgt. M.P. standing behind us shouted "no more wine for them", after which Stan told him to mind his own business. The M.P. then grabbed Stan's arm and held it to his back, but seeing threatening movements from the rest of us, released it. Stan then turned quickly and thumped the M.P. who promptly disappeared. Shortly afterwards two R.A.F. Sgt. S.P.'s came is and asked if we had had some trouble and if so would Stan like to put in a complaint to the Provost Marshal? This seemed like a good countermeasure to a possible charge made by the Sgt. M.P. and Stan accompanied the two R.A.F. S.P.’s to the Provost Marshal's office. In reality this was the jail and as they entered the door the Sgt. M.P. set about Stan who gave as good as he got. But this was inside the jail, Stan was at a big disadvantage and about to spend the first of three nights in it. The jail was is fact next door to our hotel is Rue de Serbie. Willy and I did not suspect that Stan was in trouble, we assumed our S.P.’s were just being helpful, so we sat down again with the bottle. Perhaps Di's conscience was not quite so clear, and when he saw the S.P.'s coming he made himself scarce. We caught up with him later asking an M.P. where he could pinch a Jeep. The M.P. humoured him and directed him to an American car park with lots of Jeeps, but Di had seen a tramcar and decided to pinch that instead. Fortunately the tramcar was off the rails, and he changed his attention to the French tricolour on top of a derelict building. He climbed the building and removed the flag, then Willy and I managed to get him back to the hotel. Di's condition was not due to a session of heavy drinking, we had seen very little of anything alcoholic for a long time and two glasses of local wine would have been more than enough to really get him going. The three of us hitch-hiked back to Kairoaun and reported the loss of one Bomb Aimer to the Skipper. The following day Squadron Leader Miller D.F.C. flew to Tunis and demanded Stan's release from jail. He had a major row with the same Sgt. M.P. who started it all and who was asking what authority the Squadron Leader had. The Squadron Leader pointed to his 2 1/2 rings of rank and the D.F.C. and asked the M.P. whether he thought they were scotch mist. Stan was released and back at Kairoaun was charged with causing an affray, resulting in a Reprimand. The Sgt. M.P. was charged and given a Severe Reprimand and reduced to Corporal. 35 [page break] By the 16th. of June we were operational again as a crew. the target was again NAPLES, a 6 hour 15 min. stooge and rather tiring. There was a full moon and visibility was 25 miles. We could clearly see Pantelaria [sic] to port, and later, north of Sicily, the small island of Maritimo, just the tip of a mountain sticking out of the sea. The Isle of Capri provided a good pin-point. Over the target area there was 9/10ths. cloud so we bombed from above the flares. Flak was moderate and widely spread. There was slight consternation when one of my turret doors fell off for no apparent reason. I wondered what else would fall off but everything else seemed to be intact so it was just a matter of strapping myself in - which according to the book should be so in any case. Just after "bombs gone" I reported a twin-engined aircraft starboard quarter up at 1000 yards. The Skipper started to weave gently. and Di went to the astrodome position to search above the horizontal whilst I -theoritically [sic] at least-- concentrated on below the horizontal. This is not an easy task when the rear gunner is expected to ignore one fighter leaving it to his colleague whilst searching for others. Di became somewhat emotional to say the least, said it was not a fighter but merely flak, and then went on to give a commentry [sic] on searchlight activity and flak at least - by then- five miles away, and of only historical interest. Whilst in a turn to port the other aircraft was directly astern and I identified it as twin engined and without the high tail fin of the Wellington. The Skipper did a diving turn to starboard and we lost the other aircraft. Di claimed it was another aircraft not to be confused with the one he identified as flak! Normally Di stayed at his radio position, it was better that way. On the return journey, either there was a raid on Trapani or someone had strayed off-course. On the 18th. it was again to SYRACUSE, an exceptionally clear night, almost no cloud and a full moon. We could have dispensed with the flarepath on take-off and we felt as if we were doing a day trip. Over the target there was tracered flak up to 7,000 feet and we were geared up to bomb from 5,000 feet. We expected night fighters, and even day fighters, so went straight in at 5000 feet, bombed and straight out again, down to 3,000 feet for a quick tour of several nearby small towns and villages where we dropped leaflets. We were glad to get home that night, such met. and lunar conditions were hazardous. SALERNO again on the 21st, a routine trip, but on the 24th. of June I got a message to call at the 'Orderly Room', which in reality was the bell tent next to the C.O.'s tent. There was great discussion on which particular crime had caught up with me, but it was all very innocent. I came out of the bell tent as a Flight Sargeant [sic] much to the annoyance of the Sgt. Skipper and the three other Sgts. in the crew. It didn't help very much when I told them they need not call me Flight Sgt. ALL the time, just once in the morning and again in the evening. In the early hours of the 26th. June we bombed the naval base of BARI in S. E. Italy, and it was an almost complete fiasco. It was not possible to see the ground due to haze, and the Western Desert aircraft had dropped the marker flares in the wrong place. Fires were started over an area of about 60 square miles, maybe one or two on the target by sheer chance. The target was a small oil refinery built especially to deal with the crude oil from Albania. Important to the Axis because that particular oil needed special treatment which, we were advised, only Bari could provide. We were now spending more and more time over the Italian mainland, for the first time we were seeing concentrations of [page break] lights in the form of a triangle which were assumed to be Prison and Internment Camps. On the way out we saw Trapani being bombed by our colleagues from the Western desert. The following afternoon it was too hot to sleep and I flew with Sgt. Whitehouse, a new pilot from Britain, in a brand new aircraft, 'D' Donald. We traced the path of the 8th. Army to beyond the Mareth line, at about 2500 feet. There were few battle scars; It was hard to appreciate that this was a place of such dreadful carnage so recently. Kairouan was placed out of bounds due to Typhus, and there was nothing in the walled city to tempt us to ignore the order. The Arabs were less friendly and our revolvers were not looked upon merely as a taken of authoriity [sic] . According to a report in a Daily Mirror which took a few weeks to arrive, the lads were reported to have been given a hearty welcome by the French people in the Holy City of Kairouan. Actually there were only a handful of French remaining. Another Daily Mirror headline we found amusing was "BLOCKBUSTERS ON BIZERTA". It went an to say that "Lastnight our Bombers based in North Africa again pounded Bizerta; During the entire raid, blockbusters were dropped at the rate of one every two minutes. Absolutely correct, it was a raid from Blida, but it did not say that the raid was of 2 minutes duration and that we had only two aircraft able to carry the blockbusters. However, we looked forward to reading even an old Daily Mirror and to listen to the B.B.C. when airborne. Some of the stock phrases brought a chuckle at times 'Fires were left burning..', "Rear Gunners straffed [sic] the target..." "All opposition was overcome.." "Many two ton blockbusters ...." etc. etc, It appeared far more impressive in print than in reality doing it. Generally all we saw were explosions and dull red glows, tracer coming up and curving away passed us, and being blinded sometimes by searchlights. We did not picture at the time the loss of life down below and the damage caused to factories and buildings of all descriptions, in any cases, mostly houses. Straffing [sic] was invigorating and served to let off steam, but the supporting arithmetic was disappointing. An aircraft travelling at 180 m.p.h. (264 feet per second) over a target 360 yards in length would take 4 seconds to traverse the target. A .303 Browning has a rate of fire of 1200 rounds per min., the four in the rear turret having a combined rate of 4800 per min., or 80 rounds per second. There is time only for a 4 second burst of 320 rounds - not a lot - The Reargunner sees nothing of the target until it is passed and needs to be told when to open fire by someone in the front office. On straffing [sic] details it is likely the front turret with two guns, and one beam gun would be in use, increasing fire power by 75%, Possibly even a four-second burst once experienced at the receiving end might cause the enemy to duck next time we come by. This was an acceptable technique along a straight road. The aircraft was often fitted with two beam guns, one on each side, but only one was manned. Vision was poor from the beam positions and normally we would pass to one side of the target with one wing low. The gun on the other beam would have been aiming upwards. On the 28th 150 Sqdn. was stood down for 24 hours, but the previous night we paid a visit to SANGIOVANI on the southern toe of the Italian mainland: This was a daylight trip with four squadrons of Wellingtons to the train ferry terminal, a dock or lock which the ferry would enter and the water level be adjusted such that the level of the rails on land and ferry coincided. The train would then be shunted an or off the ferry as required. Flack was intense for 37 [page break] Italian targets and there were trains both on-the ferry in dock and onshore. The whole lot was successfully reduced to a shambles but 6 of our aircraft failed to return. Our heaviest loss yet in a single night. The 30th. of June was Willie's birthday and we celebrated it over MESINA. According to the B.B.C. we are blitzing both sides of the straits, Mesina to the west in Sicily and Sangiovani on the Italian mainland. The straits are only 3 1/2 miles wide, and carry the greater part of all enemy traffic to Sicily, entirely in German control with concentrated light flack [sic] from both sides and from ships in the middle. A trip lasting 5 1/2 hours. The whole crew is beginning to feel the strain of long periods of intense activity. Although most of the memories are of the actual bombing ops., that was only a part of it. Aircraft had to be inspected daily on the ground and also air tested ready for the next trip, before bombing up. The Navigator had to prepare his flight plan prior to take off and this was done also on the many occasions when trips were later cancelled. All of us spent at least some time in the Intellegence [sic] Section to keep up-to-date with the position of the front line and the general trend. It was perhaps in some ways easier for us than for our counterparts in Europe. We had fewer distractions. There was no looking forward to a pint in the local pub. nor getting home to the family for a day or two. Not even the local cinema. There was very little booze to be had, I seem to remember a ration of one bottle of beer per fortnight which I used to take up on an air test to cool it down, and then give to the Armourers after landing. The batman was not going to ask "which suit and shoes are you wearing tonight Sir? " as he did later at Spitalgate. Evening wear was the same as for the rest of the day, shorts, perhaps a shirt, certainly no socks, and sandals on the feet. On the few occasions when we went out of camp we generally wore khaki battledress which we wore also of course on ops. I was finding it increasingly difficult to keep my eyes open at night for long periods, and finding it very tempting to rest my head on the guns and have a doze, but to do so would be absolutely unforgiveable. The Skipper was under an even greater strain and a six hour trip was 6 hours of concentrated effort. On one or two occasions he dozed off for maybe just a few seconds, but fortunately by his side most of the time was Stan Chadderton the Bombardier who very quickly realised the position and watched points up front. The amount of nattering in the air was on the increase, also. It was standard procedure to use oxygen at night regardless of altitude, and the microphones with their electrical heaters were built-in to the mask. Everyone was connected to the intercom system all the time except for the Wireless op. who was able to switch out his own connection when using his radio. Microphones were switched as required by individual wearers. The Skipper's microphone was switched on all the time and so too was the Rear Gunner's in danger areas. Procedures were relaxed somewhat in our particular theatre of war; we could get along quite nicely without oxygen below 10,000 feet and I don't recollect flying much above that height. Whenever I reported anything Di dashed to the astradome [sic] and objected. If the rotation of my rear turret was not rythmical [sic] both the Skipper and Navigator objected. The turret and guns presented an assymetrical [sic] shape to the slipstream with a consequent rudder effect. If I kept the turret facing starboard for too long the aircraft would do a gentle flat turn to starboard. Meanwhile the Skipper was trying to maintain a course determined by the [page break] Navigator who was keeping a watchful eye on his compass, perhaps not appreciating that it was the rear gunner making things difficult. Although the sides of the turret were clad with perspex, it was difficult to see through it with the degree of clarity required. In fact the perspex in front of the turret had been removed to provide a clear vision panel. Even on the ground the whole crew was getting very irritable with each other. For almost a year we had lived worked, ate and near enough slept together almost without a break, the same endless routine, and anything to which we could look forward seemed an awful long way off. Whose turn to carry the water, became a very important issue at times and would lead to an argument [sic] . After some very harsh wards we would agree that it was stupid to argue about such a trivial issue, which in turn led to a bigger argument on who started the argument in the first place. I remember Chad the Bombardier putting paid to the row one day by getting off his bed - known as a pit - and announcing "Well, I've get to go for a **, anyone care to join me'? The loo comprised a trench, 20 feet long, several feet deep and about one foot wide over which one crouched. There was a choice of direction in which to face, and one or two of the bigger chaps preferred to straddle the trench. There was no need to interrupt a conversation in going to the toilet. By the end of June the length of tour was clarified. First it was to have been 30 trips as in Britain, then it had been increased to 40 as some trips were not very hazardous, then some of the trips counted only as halves, and the tour was again changed to be 250 hours of operational flying. The Western Desert tour was said to be 40 trips or 250 hours, whichever was the less. However, there were other things to think about. Sgt. Lee and two other pilots were paraded before the whole squadron Air Crews and called "Saboteurs" by the Group Captain, having between them written off five aircraft in taxiing accidents. Group Captain 'Speedy' Powell was a very keen type and conducted all the briefings himself, was generally the first one off the ground and first back in time for debriefing. Whilst we were resting he would sometimes return to the target in an American twin boomed lightning to try and assess the damage - or find what we had actually bombed! On the night of the 30th. June we were stood dawn and watched 142 Sqdn. take off for southern Italy. The starboard engine of one aircraft cut a few seconds before the aircraft should have get airborne. The aircraft swung and crashed into a jeep which was waiting to cross the 'runway', killing both American occupants and breaking it's back, a complete write-off. My diary makes no mention of the fate of the crew. We had just been issued with a new aircraft, 'B Beer' and I spent most of the day cleaning the guns and turret which were still all greased up as when they left England. Normally this work was carried out by the Armourers, but I was expected to take an active interest in the guns and turrets. The guns were removed, stripped, soaked in petrol, thoroughly cleaned and reassembled, replaced in the newly-cleaned turret and then harmonised. In Britain the harmonising of guns was carried out by placing a board at a predetermined distance in front of the turret and adjusting the ring-sight and guns to line up with specific paints or circles on the board. In North Africa we placed a can or any handy object on the ground 300 yards away and pointed the guns and ring-sight at it. 39 [page break] Another day-off on the 2nd. July and Jumbo Cox, a Navigator on 150 Sqdn. and I hitch-hiked into Sousse and spent a few hours in the sea. After our dip we queued for 20 minutes at a huge marquee and enjoyed the most wonderful mug of tea of all time. I have thought many times in the last 40 years of that mug of tea. The 4th. of July turned out to be the-hottest in temperature we had experienced for a long time. We had bombed TRAPANI in the very early morning. Intensive flack and searchlights with tracer up to 5000 feet. At 2000 feet the temperature was 95 Farenheit [sic] and not much lower at 9,000 feet, our bombing height. I was wearing only trousers and a shirt and was soaked in perspiration. Even the slipstream felt hot when I put one hand outside. Apart from the oppressive heat, it was a routine trip, and we managed to sleep most of the following afternoon, in 130 deg. in the shade. The wind was from the south-west, straight off the Sahara, and several airmen passed out with heatstroke. Metal parts of the aircraft were too hot to touch and a Wellington on the ground of 37 Squadron went up in flames. On the night of the 6th, we were briefed to attack aerodromes in Sardinia, and Sgt. Chandler piloted the first aircraft off. Both engines cut immediately after take-off whilst his undercarriage was still lowered. With full fuel and bomb load he somehow managed to avoid the inevitable and landed in a cultivated area at the end of the runway. Some of the crew suffered minor injuries, but it was 40 minutes before the rest of us were given a green to take-off. The wrecked aircraft was directly under the take-off path. Seven aircraft failed to get off the ground, including ours, all due to engines overheating after running for over 40 minutes on the ground. We had also lost air pressure for the brakes. Of the aircraft which did take off none was successful in finding the target, flouted by bad weather over Sardinia. Sgt. Valentine was above 10/10ths cloud with engines overheating and deemed it necessary to jettison his bombs "over the sea". We were not generally briefed with the positions of Allied shipping convoys, but were routed away from them without being given the reason. Sgt. Valentine decided to return by the shortest route and when has bombs whistled down on the convoy the Navies took a very poor view and let fly with everything they had. This was a well-established practice on the Navy's part, so there was no cause for complaint. In all, that night was a waste of 30 tons of bombs, 4000 gallons of petrol and over 150 flying hours. On the 7th. we visited an aerodrome at COMISO in Southern Italy, delivering 4500 lbs, of bombs. It was a new target to the R.A.F., and apparently undefended, Only three of us managed to locate it and we were lucky in the timing of our 3 flares in obtaining a pinpoint. We obtained good aiming point photograph which showed our stick of bombs had straddled the dispersal area, with the last two landing in the olive groves. Nearly half a century later I wonder why we did not use the radio for communicating with other aircraft in providing mutual assistance. We had no V.H.F. but the TR9 H.F. R/T would have been adequate. Observing Radio silence I feel was taken to extremes, our signals might indicate our presence to the enemy, but they were aware of that in any case. They might home onto us, but our transmissions would have been brief and on a frequency initially unknown to the enemy. They were not equipped to respond fast enough to information gleaned by monitoring, neither was the area covered with direction-finding [page break] stations. I feel this was one of the matters where a principle had been established and which was not reviewed often enough under changing circumstances. On the evening of the tenth of July, just before briefing we heard aircraft engines and it was like being at a cinema show. Wave after wave of Dakota transports thundered overhead on their way to Sicily. It reminded me of the film "An Engishman`s Home" and the massive formations of German bombers, but these aircraft were American and British and were definitely not making a film. At briefing Groupie put us in the picture. "Accurate timing and accurate bombing, more so than ever before" was his opening phrase. We were briefed to bomb a specific part of SYRACUSE whilst paratroops were being dropped close by and other paras were already in position ready to capture our target immediately after the bombing. Flares were dropped accurately and the target successfully bombed, although some bombs went in the sea because of its close proximity. We noted a very large fire at Catania and "a number of queer lights which suggested fifth column activity" according to my diary. 45 years later I wonder how I reached that conclusion. Looking down from about 9,000 feet on the southern coast of Sicily on the return journey, we saw the Navy shelling the coast and several searchlights on shore began to sweep out to sea. One of the searchlights located a ship and held on to it, whilst the others went on sweeping. From another ship there were just three flashes of light, and seconds afterwards, three flashes on shore, one in front of the offending searchlight, one slap on it, and the third behind it. That was one searchlight out of action, and the others switched off in sympathy. The Navy carried on firing without further interruption. My panoramic view of the action from nearly two miles above gave no indication of the destruction and agony caused by those three shots. The following, night it was the turn of MONTECORVlNO in western Italy, a new German aerodrome. Over the target we narrowly missed colliding with Jack Alazrachi in `Q' Queenie. His starboard wingtip scored our port wing and my diary records "a very shaky do". Our stick straddled the aircraft parking area and we took an excellent aiming point photograph of 15 aircraft an the ground. It was later confirmed officially that our two squadrons destroyed 40 aircraft and damaged many more. On the 13th. at briefing, Group Captain Powell grinned and glanced down at his flying boots and said "Yes chaps, we are in for an interesting trip, Jerry is landing a massive convoy at MESINA and we are instructed to smash it." We went out at 6000 ft. above sea level which, over Sicily averaged about 2000 feet above ground. I found it difficult to concentrate on a formal rear-gunner type search, there was so much activity. Ground detail could be seen very easily and the Tactical Air Force was observed bombing all over the island. There were flares everywhere, bombs creating havoc, flak barrages and intensive shelling by the Navies. Over our target, the flak was intense but scattered. Sgt. "Pax" Smith's aircraft was holed, something went through his bombing panel and made two big holes in the front turret. This crew, like most did not include a full-time front gunner, the Bombardier occupied the turret as and when expedient and on this occasion had just returned to the second dickie seat when the aircraft was holed. One aircraft was seen to crash and another, in flames, exploded on hitting the ground. At debriefing we learned that one Wellington of 142 Squadron was missing, 41 [page break] and this was manned by six officers, five of whom had completed one tour over Germany. The sixth, flying as 'second dickie' was on his very first trip. Another new target to us, on the 15th, CROTONIA, an aerodrome on the east coast of the toe of Italy. A routine trip out, good visibility and straight in to the taget [sic] . There were four flak batteries, but Sgt, Mickie Mortimer was just ahead of us and his first stick silenced all four. Our single stick straddled the aerodrome and enlarged the existing fires among aircraft on the ground. We stooged around for a little while watching aircraft blowing up and more bombs adding to the havoc on the ground. When all was quiet we dropped to 250 feet and went in with guns blazing and between us fired about 4000 rounds into the fires, We must have hit something. There were dummy fires to the north and south-east of the aerodrome, very unreal and no-one was fooled by them. On the way out of the target area we were followed. by an aircraft sporting an orange light, and at one stage took light evasive action, but he did not attack. Several other rear gunners reported the same experience, non [sic] was actually engaged. We were routed back round northern Sicily, as usual Trapani was being attacked and other targets nearby were being bombed. We were hoping to see the 142 Sqdn. aircraft with the blue light which we nearly shot down returning from Salerno. The Bombardier in the second pilot's seat reported two aircraft ahead, one with a white light which we assumed to be a decoy. We expected the aircraft to allow us to overtake, and whilst the one with the light drew our attention his chum would sneak is from another dirction [sic] . We lost both the other aircraft for a minute or two, then the aircraft with the light - this time a blue one - reappeared on the starboard bow at about 500 yards. Meanwhile Chad had taken over the front turret, but held his fire. He identified it as a Wimpey. The Skipper altered course and we passed about 100 feet below the Wimpy. I got a plan view of him and confirmed the identification. As he fell behind I flashed dah dah dit, dit dit dit on my inspection lamp. There was no reply from the other aircraft but it landed 15 minutes after us and taxied towards 142 dispersal, On that same trip two of us saw an aircraft at 800 yards on our port quarter up which closed in to 500 yards. He was at too great a range for our .303s, but we were ready for an instant dive to port. He surprised us by turning away to port at about 400 yards, and again two of us identified it as a Wimpey. Enemy aerodromes continued to take up most of our effort, and on the night of the 17th. it was three hours each way to POMIGLIANO near Naples, passing round Vesuvius with it's dull red glow. The target was initially very quiet and consequently not easy to locate. On our first run in at 6000 feet, we were a few minutes early, but dead on time at 4000 feet on our second run. We were caught and held in searchlights, and the light flak was point-blank. Allan Willoughby claimed he could smell it when the Skipper asked him for a course for home after the second run-in. When Stan the Bombardier announced that we still had nine 250 pound bombs aboard, someone suggested we should jettisson [sic] them on the town. Allan suggested we strike at a village a few miles ahead but Stan refused to drop them anywhere except the aerodrome at Pomigliano. The third run-in was at 5000 feet and the searchlights got us again as soon as the bomb doors were open. We were in a cone of eight and it seemed we had the aerodrome to ourselves. The bombing was accurate and we lost height to 2000 feet, all quiet again. My part in all this had [page break] really been that of a passenger listening to and witnessing the drama, and I was not popular when I suggested to the Skipper that we go back at low level and put a few lights out. Chad was in favour and had the front turret in mind, Allan was not keen and didn't like the smell of flak, and Dyson thought the idea was 'plain stupid'. Dyson was probably right for the wrong reason, but the Skipper was thinking we had got away with it for well over 30 trips so far, and there was no point in tempting providence. A three hour stooge back to Blida with nothing but silence on the intercom. Other aircraft were seen in the circuit and our TR9 radio was out of order. This was a very low power transmitter/receiver operating between 4 and 8 MHz. and used by the Skipper to contact Air Traffic Control at Base. If we still had an acceptable reserve of fuel we would have gone away and returned in 30 miniutes [sic] , but fuel was low and the Skipper decided to land without any formalities or delay. This aroused the wrath of the Flight Commander who tore a terrific strip off him next day. Our report at debriefing was very different to that of Sgt. Whitehouse and crew, who said it was a wizard O.T.U. run, bombs slap on the runway, no flak, no searchlights and the whole thing was 'a piece of cake'. He had in fact been to the wrong aerodrome, Crotone, which we had pranged on the 15th. where the defences stayed silent in order not to attract attention. - an old Italian custom -. The reason for the accuracy of the searchlights was a layer of cloud at 10,000 feet, a full moon and clear visibility. We were silhouetted against the cloud even without the searchlights. Two nights later Sgt. Whitehouse, this time officially and with the rest of us, went again to CROTONE. We were all very tired and I found it difficult to keep awake. Visibility was 15 miles with a nearly full moon and on the way out for long periods we actually enjoyed the visible company of other Wimpies. On arrival at CROTONE we were surprised to see fires already started and spent a good five minutes in ensuring that it was indeed the target, Two bombing runs were made, at 3000 feet and 1500 feet, dropping nine 250 pounders each time. The bombs were seen bursting among aircraft on the ground, some of which were already ablaze. 400 yards from the burning aircraft was a small wood which had obviously been hit and was burning merrily. My diary records "from the ground it would have seemed like Nov. 5th. Rockets were going up and verries by the score. Someone had pranged a pyrotechnic store." We made a third run at 200 feet and spent some 1500 rounds at the aircraft on the ground. Other gunners did the same. We were amazed to find everything so easy, and no opposition as far as we know, our raid on the 15th. should have given them a good idea of what to expect. There were no dummy fires and still they make no effort to disperse aircraft. The absence of fighters was strange; even day-fighters would have been very effective under those conditions. One crew reserved an odd bomb for the village south of the arodrome [sic] . It had a 36 hour delay and landed in the centre of the village. Not a very nice thing to do, and an act certainly not in accordance with our leaflets. Sgt. Pax Smith the intrepid Kiwi was on the last trip of his tour and elected to hit a railway bridge near the coast. It also had a' 36 hour delay fuse and missed the bridge by 50 yards. The British army was not at all happy with Smithy's effort, they planned to use the bridge within a week or two and were going to some considerable trouble to make sure the enemy 43 [page break] didn't blow it up. They hadn’t counted on Smithy, but fortunately he wasn't quite up to scratch an that last trip. One night off and then back try the 'Big City" , the capital of Italia, not to be confused with the really big one, the Capital city of Deutchland, with which there was absolutely no comparison. It was over two months since we had been to Rome, and it was still supposed to be an 'Open, undefended City'. Our specific target was PRACTICA DI MERE, an aerodrome just to the southwest of Rome. The Groupy had made it very clear at briefing, that nothing must be dropped on Rome itself. The target would be marked by flares positioned by W/O Coulson of 142 Squadron. We had no target map but the the [sic] aerodrome was plotted on the map of Central Italy - probably half million scale -. As we were passing the island of Maratimo, Chad was in the second dickie seat, map in hand and decided to get a clearer view of Maratimo by opening the sliding window at his side. The map disappeared out of the window, but with Allan's D. R. navigation we reached the target as Coulson's flares went down. Target marking at that stage of the war in Italy was in its infancy and was carried out with flares designed for lighting up the ground. These were very different from the coloured Target Indicators used to such great effect over Germany. Bombing was not particularly accurate, but well clear of Rome itself, where there was plenty of light flak and searchlight activity which exploded the myth about an undefended city. This activity extended down the Tiber to the Lido di Roma, where the Radio Station was still operating. The Vatican was blacked out very effectively On the 25th. we started 8 days leave, taking an aircraft back to Blida for an engine change and major inspection. We took advantage of the stores at Blida and were issued with new uniforms, shoes and anything we wanted, just a matter of signing for it, it was two years before the system caught up with me and I was debited with the cost. [page break] [bearer document in English and arabic] [page break] [photograph] [photograph] TWO OF OUR AIMING POINT PHOTOS 44A [page break] The first three days were spent in Algiers with Harry Dyson at the Hotel Radio Grand but the inactivity - or something - was too much for Harry so we returned to Blida, only to find the rest of our party had adjourned to the rest camp at Surcouf. I spent most of my time in the next few days in Blida, partly with a French-Arab family Iloupcuse Moka Mourice Bijoutier, at 11 Rue Goly, Blida. 30 years later I was able to find the area but no-one recognised either the name or the address. Like most places, Blida had changed a lot in the intervening years. I remembered it as an almost typical French village, beautifully clean, tables and chairs outside the cafes, and a very pleasant atmosphere. After 20 years or so of independence it was a very different story, and I thought a rather sad one. I made several excursions into Algiers where the Yanks had become very well organised. They had-taken over and re-organised six cinemas, all with continuous shows for about 12 hours per day, and open house to Service personnel. I visited all six. The N.C.O.'s Club in Rue d'Isley was our base camp in Algiers, where we enjoyed endless cups of tea and cakes. The Malcolm Club, exclusive to R.A.F. personnel provided a good hot meat each evening. It was on this leave that I visited the local Match Factory at Caussemille, being an ardent Philumenist - collector of matchbox labels-. The factory was at that time owned and operated by the French and I was given a conducted tour of the factory. Most of the labels presented to me at the factory are in my collection to this day. My next visit to the factory was 37 years later, when I met with a very cool reception. The French had gone long ago, only their name remained. In that area of Algiers, all the street names were written on the street signs in Arabic except one, Caussemille. This was the name of an old French or Belgian family of match manufacturers possibly difficult to translate into Arabic. I met several of the chaps from the Rhodesia training days, one had joined Coastal Command and was detached from 'U.K. to Maison Blanche on White Wimpies. It had taken him six months to complete 100 hours and he was rather gloomy about the next four hundred to complete his tour. He was in fact rather nervous, his job being mine-sweeping; I asked him "what height do you fly at?" He replied that `it was a two-dimensional job, no such thing as height'. Causing magnetic mines to blow up by flying over them at very low level could not have been very pleasant. Maison Blanche is now known as El Beda, the International airport of Algeria, not so well organised as it was in 1943, and not half so busy! Blida aerodrome is the Headquarters of the Algerian Air Force and is a prohibited area to foreigners. At the end of our 8 days in comparitive [sic] civilisation, we were glad to collect our newly serviced Wimpey and return to Kairouan. I was immediately recruited to fly with Sgt. Stone to MARINA DI PAOLA. We stooged over northern Sicily is daylight and very close to Trapani our old favourite which had been severely bashed about. During the invasion it was subjected also to heavy Naval shelling. Being with a different crew perhaps made things more interesting, seeing how they reacted to various aspects, and I thought they had a rather strange and formal appoach [sic] . We did not see our bombs burst and our photoflash failed to go off. There was none of the usual binding we experienced with our own crew, everyone was pleasant, courteous and cheerful. At debriefing Group Captain Powell said "Good Show chaps, I expect you are glad to get onto ops at last, and that's the first one done". I was speechless but thinking about their next 44, maybe they were also. I can see "Speedy Powell" very clearly making 45 [page break] that statement, a memory revived recently in the film "Target for Tonight" in which he was the Flight Lieutenant taking the briefing; the same very distinctive and distinguished voice. On the night of the 4th., the crew not feeling particularly refreshed after its leave, our target was BATTAPAGLIA. It was daylight almost to the Italian Coast and we arrived with 20 minutes to spare, circling the target area. 'Bang on time we dropped the flares, but there were no bright lights'. The twenty minutes of sight-seeing had upset the routine and the flares were dropped on 'safe', and therefore failed to go off. We still had two flares so went down to 3000 feet and dropped the bombs through 9/10ths cloud using individual flares. 90 seconds after bombing, Stan identified the target 4 miles ahead. We had neither bombs nor flares left, and were depressed at putting up such a rotten show on what turned out to be the last trip of our tour. We could have done a spot of straffing below cloud, but instead called it a day. The following night we waved the boys off to MASINA, and we felt rather sad that we were no longer operational. Sqdn. Ldr Garrad and crew were also no longer operational, having failed to return from MASINA. Someone suggested staying and doing another tour, but Dyson thought the idea was "stupid" - like most other ideas - and with deep regrets we said cheerio to our friends on 150 and 142 Squadrons, and climbed in the back of a lorry bound for Tunis. Pax Smith and Mickey Mortimer and crews were with us and we sat back and enjoyed the scenery, some taking pot-shots at nothing in particular with their revolvers. We had in fact lots of unofficial ammunition of 9mm. calibre, captured from the enemy. This fitted nicely into our .38 Smith & Wessons and differed from the .38 ammo. only in that it had no ejection flange at the end of the cartridge. This had the effect that we could use captured enemy ammo. but they could not use ours because of the flange. We arrived at no. 2BPD in Tunis just in time for dinner and a cold shower, the first shower for about nine months. During our week or so in the Transit Camp, we had a sort of parade each morning and then were free for the day. It was on one of these parades that our Skipper's name was called to approach the C.O. "Sir, 416170". With no prior warning, the citation was read out and he was presented with the D.F.M. Next it was the turn of Mickey Mortimer to march up and also receive a D.F.M. I seem to recall that he did a somersault before saluting in front of the C.O., or was it a back somersault after receiving the award? either of which today seems quite incredible. Pax Smith had already received a D.F.M for his earlier exploits. My one other recollection of the Transit Camp was an old Italian Water Tanker which was used as a static water tank. It held 10,000 gallons of water and must have weighed over 53 tons when full. All 24 wheels were firmly embedded in the sand up to their axles. It was when we departed from Tunis by lorry for Algiers that one of the Canadian officers decided to hitch-hike back to U.K. and to rejoin the party at the Reception Centre. I learned later that he flew first to Algiers with the R.A.F. and then flew to U.K. with the Yanks. He was an old hand at that sort of thing, having hitch-hiked from Blida to New York and back with a colleague in less than a week. Meanwhile the rest of us travelled the 500 miles to Algiers by lorry along the coast road, and after a few days in the transit camp boarded a troopship, the Capetown Castle, a passenger liner of the Castle line. We were accommodated in 4-berth cabins with full peace-time fascilities [sic] . [page break] each cabin was allocated one Italian P.O.W. who slept outside the door, and attended to the cleaning, dhobi etc. We were not impressed by the Italians as fighting men, but had no complaints of their ability and willingness in the job they were then doing. It was a very comfortable voyage and we lived it up in a manner to which we were certainly not accustomed. After a very pleasant and restful 10 days or so we disembarked at Greenoch and I recollect forming up on the key [sic] prior to joining a train for Liverpool and West Kirby. A rather pompous redcapped Military Policeman called us to attention, right turn, at the double, march! It was more astonishment than lack of discipline which caused everyone to stay put. He was told to get his knees brown and get a few other things too, and we walked to the train, deliberately out of step. Our first steps back in England were certainly not going to be at the double ordered by Red Caps. This was my fourth visit to West Kirby, where we were rekitted, saying cheerio to our Khaki battledress and tropical kit, documents checked, medical exam. and then disembarkation leave. It was at West Kirby that our Crew was really disbanded, very sad after working as a team for so long, but another phase of our careers was completed. Of the Crew? Stan Chadderton was commissioned on his second tour and we have met several times in the past 40 years, but I have no news of the Skipper and the rest of the crew. Stan met the Skipper, then a Flight Lieutenant at Brise [sic] Norton at the end of the war on his return from a German P.O.W. camp. We can only hope he returned safely to New Zealand and was able to return in the farm. Allan Willoughby is thought to have ended the war as a Squadron Leader. My association with the Wimpy was not yet over, however, it was still in use in large numbers in the U.K. for operational training, and was to remain so until the end of the war. More "Wimpys" were built than any other operational. bomber. 47 [page break] [document from C-in-C] [page break] [photograph] C.W WITH MUM BARNOLDSWICK [photograph] [photograph] HILDA WITH THE SKIPPER AND BOMB AIMER 48A [page break] [photograph] [underlined] WITH THE SKIPPER & BOMB AIMER – SECOND HONEYMOON SEPT. 1943 [/underlined] [photograph] [photograph] [underlined] AT OUR CHALET AT BLIDA [/underlined] WATSON – RUTHERFORD- DYSON – CHADDERTON & PADDY (MORTIMER’S FRONT GUNNER) [photograph] [underlined] OUR 150 SQDN. SKIPPER SGT. STAN RUTHERFORD 416170 RNZAF [/underlined] [underlined] A WIMPEY AT BLIDA [/underlined] 48B [page break] [photograph] AT RICHMOND SECOND HONEYMOON [photograph] 48B [page break] [warrant officer parchment] 52A [page break] [underlined] Screened [/underlined] . September 1943 saw me at 84 O.T.U. Desborough, a Flight Sgt. with 43 ops under my belt, and that wonderful feeling of being ex-operational. For the next six months or so I was to be a "Course Shepherd", responsible for 12 Air Gunners. Desborough was a typical Operational Training Unit where, in the main, newly-trained aircrew were introduced to operational aircraft and the techniques of dealing with the opposition which was by no means limited to the Germans. There were three courses running simultaneously which gave ample scope to the Captains in making one of their most important decisions, that of selecting their crews. For the first two weeks or so the training comprised mainly lectures and familiarisation with equipment. Air Gunners were generally able to make an early start with the flying where even on circuits and bumps an extra pair of eyes was to advantage. The Course Shepherd ensured the smooth-running of the Air-Gunners training. There were specialist instructors for lectures on subjects such as guns, turrets and tactics, but the C.S. supervised their flying aspects and work on the range, in detail. I particularly enjoyed the Fighter Affiliation sessions, where trainee gunners would take over the rear turret whilst being attacked by one or two Miles Masters or any other "Playmate" who could be cajoled officially to co-operate. I would stand at the astrodome guiding the gunner with the timing of his advice and instructions to the Pilot. The standard evasive action (referred to later in 5 Group as "Combat Manouvre [sic] ") was the corkscrew, well known to, and anticipated by, the enemy, I might add that until I arrived at 84 OTU I had never even heard of the corkscrew. During the OTU excercises [sic] the fighter pilots were generally sporting enough not to press home their attacks with too much determination, but to allow the bomber sometimes to 'escape', thus giving the rear gunners - or some of them-- the false impression that they actually stood some chance of survival. I felt quite at home in the "Wimpy" and encouraged the pilot to throw the aircraft around, and make the corkscrews rather more violent to simulate a real attack, where a quick getaway was the only solution to survival. For fighter affiliation excercises [sic] , the turret was equipped with an 8mm. Camera Gun, fitted in place of one of the four .303 Browning machine guns, the remaining three Brownings being de-armed. Each gunner plugged-in his own personal film cassette, and results were assessed the following day in the cinema. Air firing excercises [sic] were supervised, where the speed of the Wellington was reduced, and a Miles Master would overtake about 3 or 400 yards abeam, towing a drogue. The gunner would be authorised to fire when the towing aircraft was outside his field of fire. He would then fire off about 200 rounds from each gun (five 2-second bursts), at the drogue. It was more than likely that air firing during his initial training had been carried out using a single gun not mounted in a turret. Air to ground firing was limited to a single exercise on a range near the coast, there being little scope for this type of work for heavy bombers over Deutchland. Not very popular with the coming of Winter weather were the exercises at the firing butts or range. Six trainees would each be given a rear turret, together with four belts each of 200 rounds. He would 49 [page break] mount the guns and fit the ammunition belts. Take-off procedure with safety catches 'on', then firing a few short bursts, landing procedure, clear the guns, etc. . Generally a few faulty rounds were deliberately built-in to create gun stoppages which the trainee had to clear. Finally he removed the guns from the turret and stripped and cleaned them ready for the next trainee. All this took about three hours and it was on one of these sessions that unpleasantness developed with one of the trainees. Of the 12 Air Gunners in my little flock, eleven were Sergeants and one was an Acting Pilot Officer on probation. Like the others, his previous flying experience was limited to about 8 hours, and he had not yet been within 10 miles of an operational aircraft. He had been top of his course at Gunnery School and granted a Commission. I found that one of the Sergeants had fitted the guns in the turret and armed them with the belts of ammunition for him whilst I was busy with the others. He had managed to fire-off the rounds, and eventually, with some assistance the guns were removed. He flatly refused to clean the guns, claiming that it was an inappropriate task for an officer. I put it to him that although on a squadron the guns would be lovingly cared for by the armourers, he must still be fully au-fait with every aspect of guns and gunnery. He firmly refused to touch the guns and soil his hands and I told him that unless he gets on with it, we should be late for lunch. Four of the sgts. each took a gun and cleaned them. Some very cryptic comments were made by the Sergeants and I told the Ag. P. O. he was foolish. Later that day, to my absolute astonishment, I was marched in front of the C.O. and charged on a form 252 with insubordination. I was advised that an N.C.O. does not give orders to officers and I replied with something to the effect that I was the instructor and the officer the pupil, giving orders was an essential part of the job. Nevertheless, I was severely reprimanded. I had on several occasions applied for a posting back to operations, and the following day the Station W.O. told me my request had been granted and I was going to a squadron at Norton, near Sheffield in Yorkshire. Which squadron and with what type of aircraft was unimportant. I had never heard of Norton, bit hush-hush they had said. I should have realised that something was amiss, I was not being posted, but only detached. On arrival at Norton I found I was on an Aircrew Refresher Course which I was slow to realise was a correction or discipline course, a form of punishment. There were about 150 aircrew at Norton, from Flt/Lts to Sgts, almost all operational or ex-operational. At least I was among friends. The day started with a call at 0600, on parade at 0630 , march to breakfast and an inspection at 0730 with greatcoats, followed almost immediately by a further inspection without greatcoats. This was followed until 1800 by sessions of drill, P.T. and lectures, with a break for lunch. Drill was just ordinary uninspiring square -bashing, wearing aircrew-issue shoes, and not boots. The instructor, said to be an L.A.C. Ag-Sgt. shouted commands and abuse, and was indeed very smart and probably efficient at his job, but utterly ignorant and useless off the barrack square. There was no rifle drill, and requests to introduce it were rejected. It was too easy for us to obtain .303 ammunition. P. T. was equally uninspiring and great emphasis was placed on recording improvement in performance as the training progressed. Lectures were farcical and covered most aircrew subjects, including navigation, gunnery, bombing techniques, target marking, etc. etc. There was not a [page break] flying badge among the instructors and obviously none had any flying experience in any capacity. No-one could possibly take the lectures seriously and there must have been some hair-raising answers in the written tests. The main problem was that at the slightest provocation one could be put on C.O.'s report. This was not a formal charge - which would have been on record - but an interview with the C.O. which would generally wind-up with an award of an extra 3 weeks at Sheffield. My policy was to keep my head down, or in modern parlance, to maintain a low profile. I generally managed to be near the back of the classroom and in the rear ranks on the drill square trying to be invisible. We were allowed out of camp after 1900, with an inspection at the gate, but lights out was at 2200, not allowing much scope. Most evenings were spent in the mess comparing notes and discussing our "crimes"; the instructors were conspicuous by their absence. I recall no-one admitting to flying or taxiing accidents, or misdemeanours whilst flying. Most of the reasons seem to have been absence without leave probably through boredom-, saying the wrong thing in an off-guarded moment or making someone more senior look silly. There was no connection between Norton and aircrew who were alledgedly [sic] L.M.F. or those who were reluctant to fly. Rather than charge a man formally with an offence, the easy way out was to send him on a "refresher course" with no reference to alleged crime or punishment. Operational aircrew discipline is often quoted as having been unique. All jobs were carried out with the same degree of dexterity, and responsibilities in the air within a trade were the same irrespective of rank. The Pilot was the Head Man, whether Squadron Leader or Sergeant. In the air, there were no formalities. The Pilot was 'Skipper' and no-one called anyone 'Sir'. This was generally so on the ground within the confines of the crew, but if it was a non-crew matter or there were V.I.P.'s about, a low-level type of formality might be introduced. Neither was there time for formality in the air where an attack may start and finish - one way or another - in seconds or less. On sighting a fighter at 300 yards a Rear Gunner in a film picked up a microphone and was beard to say "I say Skipper, I think we are being followed". A Guardsman might come up with "Permission to speak Sir", but life's not like that in the air. Nearing the end of the 3-week course at Sheffield came the farcical final exams. I sailed through everything except P.T. where we were required to run 100 yards in 14 seconds. I was feeling fitter than I had for many years, but that 100 yards took me 17 seconds. Not good enough, try again. The second attempt took 19 seconds and the third attempt 24. I was told that "we would keep doing it all bloody night until I achieved it in 14 seconds". I merely said there was no point in attempting the impossible and I refused to carry out an unlawful order. So for me it was C.O.'s report next day. The C.O. said it was within his power to grant me an indefinite extension to the length of my course. I realised that to argue was probably futile and I recall being contradictory by saying something to the effect that "I have nothing to say except to remind everyone there is a real war going an out there and the sooner some of us get on with it the better". I don't know why I said it or thought what it might achieve, but I was easily provoked. I was awarded an extra 3 weeks at Sheffield, and was very surprised next morning when I was issued with a railway warrant to leave that morning with the others on my "course". I was convinced this was a mistake and succeeded in remaining invisible until I was well clear of Sheffield. 51 [page break] Most of us felt the invasion of Europe was imminent and we had discussed our plans in the mess within earshot of the 'instructors'. When the balloon goes up, we return to base regardless of the opposition on the grounds that it was our duty to escape from captivity. In retrospect this was not entirely logical thinking but it might have influenced the C.O., I don't know. As far as I know there was no mass exodus and I have no idea how or when R.A.F. Norton was finally closed down. Suffice to say that it was a disgrace and an insult to aircrew, it would have been far more British to charge a man if he had allegedly done something wrong rather than take this easy way out. In general, training and lectures were taken very seriously by air crew and it could be claimed that the type and standard of lectures at Norton were in fact dangerous. Most of us realised it was just a load of absolute rubbish and did not take it seriously, and we had learned long ago to assess the value of the spoken word relative to the background and qualifications of the speaker. The question of L.M.F. is an even more deplorable but entirely separate subject. Books have been written about it and it became a highly controversial issue. There were indeed some chaps who took such a bashing they felt they had had enough and to continue would increase the risk to the aircraft and crew or even crews. Most other operational aircrew have no less respect for them for admitting it and asking to be excused. L.M.F. and R.A.F. Norton were totally unconnected. However, feeling very fit physically, and mentally ready to deal with the Ag. P. O. who knew all about the form 252 but couldn't strip even a Browning gun, I returned to 84 O.T.U. Desborough. A written request for an interview with the C.O. was given to the S.W.O. within minutes of arrival. I saw the Gunnery Leader and learned that I was to resume charge of the same course but less the sprog officer who was last seen on his way to Eastchurch as L.M.F and unsuitable for operations. I found later that he had been reduced to the ranks. It seems the other instructors had given him a very hard time all round, and particularly with combat manouvres where he was sick every time he flew. It was just not done to issue 252's but his chances of survival were improved. The C.O. agreed later that a mistake had been made and on paper my case had been reconsidered and the severe rep. withdrawn. Sheffield could not be undone and would have to be written off to experience, but he would see if he could hasten my promotion to W.O. and a posting to a real squadron. At this time, the O.T.U. instructors were all crewed up and ready to back up the operational squadrons if necessary. Many of us were getting restless seeing a great increase in ground activity to the south and southeast. Lots of real aircraft, Lancasters, Halifaxes, Mosquitoes, Gliders etc. etc. and our status with the Wimpies as ex operational did little for our ego, making us feel like the 'has beens' we really were. At about 0200 on the 6th. June, now a Warrant Officer, I was Orderly Officer and asleep in the duty room. The Duty Officer, a Ft/Lt. was flat out in the other bunk. A message was delivered marked "Top Secret" and I awakened the Duty Officer. He told me to open it. The message caused his to open a sealed envelope from his pocket and his exact words were "Christ, it’s started". 'It' was "Operation Overlord". Within a minute the Tannoy was blaring "All Duty Flight personnel to their flights immediately" 'All sreened aircrews to the Briefing Room 53 [page break] at 0500," and so on. There followed a day of intense activity; air tests, bombing up, briefing, changing the bomb load, rebriefing, and the job of Orderly Officer went completely by the board. In July, the great moment arrived, and our complete second tour crew of five was posted to Aircrew Pool at Scampton en route ultimately to a 5 Group Squadron. [page break] [photograph] [photograph] [photograph] AT AIRCREW POOL SCAMPTON AUG ‘44 54A [page break] [underlined] SCAMPTON [/underlined] For Wellingtons we were indeed a complete crew, but we were not destined for Wellingtons, but Lancasters, and we needed either a Navigator or Bomb-aimer and another Gunner. Our Pilot and Observer had already completed tours on Blenheims and were good material for Mosquitos. They said cheerio on our third day at Scampton and were posted to a Mosquito Conversion Unit. The remaining three of us had ceased to exist as a crew and had become “odd bods”. We began to feel like members of staff but eventually we went our individual ways. Indeed I was put in charge of the Night Vision Centre for two months, until I met a pilot who was a Flight Lieutenant with a tunic that had obviously seen some service, and he had over 3,000 flying hours to his credit. With him was a Flying Officer Observer plus DFM, obviously clued up and who looked the academic type, a cheerful Flying Officer Bomb aimer and a Pilot Officer Rear Gunner. Four clued-up characters forming the nucleus of a gen crew. Somehow or other I became their other gunner and we were joined by a second tour F/Sgt Wireless operator and a Sgt. Flight Engineer ex fitter. A few days later we were posted to Winthorpe to 1661 Heavy Conversion Unit and settled into a course on Stirlings, flying together for the first time as a crew. Familiarisation with a four-engined aircraft was the main purpose of the course; important to the skipper F/Lt. Chester who had been a Flying Instructor on Tiger Moths in Canada for a long time. He was about 8 years older than the rest of us and we were happy with his rather more mature approach to the job. The Flight Engineer, Sgt. Hampson, whom we called Doogan for no apparent reason, had flown on Liberators over Burma and nothing seemed to worry him unduly. F/O Pete Cheale was successful on two or three practice bombing sessions, and to F/O Ted Foster DFM it was all just routine stuff. F/Sgt. Frank Eaglestone’s radio was the same as on his previous tour, the good old R1155 and T1154 (still in service in 1960). The Rear Gunner was P/O Harvey who nattered endlessly about a chunk of flack [sic] still embedded somewhere about his person, and his first tour in general. He knew it all, or thought he did, but it soon became apparent that his experience was very limited and he had yet to do his first trip against the enemy. Because of this I insisted that he should have the mid-upper turret, and as Senior gunner, pulling a negative seniority in rank, I would take over the rear turret. He didn’t like that at all, and he left the crew. What became of him I don’t know, but Flt/Sgt Foolkes appeared from somewhere and took his place. Pete was one to take everything in his stride and was welcome to either turret. He preferred the mid-upper, possibly finding it more comfortable, being much taller than the average rear gunner. As for me, one rear turret was very much like another, the same Frazer Nash FN120 we had used on the later Marks of Wellington. A few mod cons perhaps, such as Hot air central heating in the turret. I recall that when we touched down on the runway at Winthorpe, the rear turret was still over the graveyard on the other side of the main road. Whilst at Winthorpe, I found that 150, my old squadron, was about 20 miles away at Hemswell. I paid them a visit, but their only real link with the 150 of North Africa was the squadron number. 150 Squadron had been disbanded in Algiers though it’s final station was Foggia in Italy. I left 55 [page break] it at Kairouan just before the move to Italy. Later it was re-formed with Lancasters and in theory had been in action since the beginning of the war, having been at the forefront with Fairey Battles in 1939-40 in France. After about three weeks of routine and not very demanding training we graduated to the “Lanc” Finishing School” at Syerston. There we converted to Lancasters with about 14 hours flying, circuits and bumps, the odd practice bombing exercises, fighter affiliation and a Bullseye over London, co-operating with searchlights. Just what the Londoners down below thought of this aerial activity without an air raid warning was probably misconstrued. We were still in one piece, feeling fit, very confident and ready to join a squadron. Our next move was to Bardney, near Lincoln, about 160 bods, and judging by their ranks and gongs, a rather experienced bunch, mostly second tour types. Bardney was the home of 617 and 9 Squadrons, rumours were rife of course. Were we obvious replacements for 617, where prestige was high and directly proportionate to the losses, - the highest in the Command? Our luck held, we were to become a new squadron, 227, just an ordinary Lancaster Squadron to enhance the might of 5 Group. It transpired that we were to become “A” Flight, and the Skipper was promoted to Squadron Leader. Meanwhile “B” Flight was forming at Strubby. [page break] [underlined] 227 SQUADRON [/underlined] The first op. by aircraft of the newly-formed 227 Squadron was on the 11th. of October 1944 and most of us at Bardney were not even aware of it. Only three aircraft of "B" Flight, forming up at Strubby, were involved, a short early afternoon trip to FLUSHING. Three nights later "A" Flight provided three aircraft and "B" Flight four aircraft on a more typical raid by 240 aircraft of 5 Group on BRUNSWICK. The Squadron was beginning to take shape and on the 17th., two aircraft of "B" Flight joined 47 others on a short excursion to breach the dyke at WESTKAPELL. Two nights later was a 5 Group effort to NUREMBURG, with "A" and "B" Flights providing seven and five aircraft respectively. This fourth raid by 227 aircraft was only "A' Flight's second involvement, the aircraft and crews really becoming attached for this purpose to 9 Squadron. On the 21st. October we were transferred to Balderton, at the side of the A1 near Newark and joined the crews of "B" flight. Our Skipper had been promoted to Sqdn/Ldr. in command of "A" Flight, and was very such absorbed in getting his half of the squadron organised and operational, with little time left for actual flying. Our crew was kept busy in their respective sections, particularly Navigation, Bombing and Wireless, but there was not a great deal to be done in the Gunnery office: The Gunnery Leader was Flt/Lt. Maxted who occupied a small office in a sectioned-off Nissen hut. It was barely furnished with a desk and a few chairs; posters on the wall amplifying the vital issues and a notice board. The state of readiness of each aircraft and gunner was displayed with a record of daily inspections completed. The D.I. 's were an important part of the routine, and the gunners generally took part in the air tests prior to bombing up. Our first mission as a crew was to Bergen in Norway. It was also a personal first trip for the Skipper, Bomb aimer and Flight Engineer. It was my 46th. op. but also my first in the mighty Lancaster. The Navigator, Wireless op. and Mid-upper gunner were all veterans having carried out their first tours on Lancs. Our flight out over the North Sea which used to be called the German Ocean by some was uneventful, and Bergen was approached from the east at 10,000 feet. With the target ahead and in sight to those in the front office, all was quiet except for engine noise through someones [sic] microphone which had been left switched on. Peace was shattered by an almighty bang and shudder, confirming we had been hit, and the nose of the aircaft [sic] went down. I was forced against the left side of the turret unable to move, and found later the speed had built-up to over 370 mph. The Skipper was shouting for assistance. Ace the Navigator somehow managed to crawl forward a few feet and found Doogan with his head in the observation blister admiring the view of Bergen above. The Skipper had both feet on the dash trying to pull the aircraft out of the dive. The only control Ace could reach was the trimming wheel on the right of the Skipper's seat and he turned this to make the aircraft tail heavy. The nose came up and so did the target. The Flight Engineer added his contribution by exclaiming "Coo, i'n' [sic] it wizard". That was his opinion, but we were heading straight up the fiord and Ace brought this to the attention of the Skipper very smartly. Our height was down to 1500 feet and Ace and the Skipper somehow managed to turn the aircraft through 180 57 [page break] degrees without hitting either the sea or the hills. Still tail heavy, we gradually climbed away to the west, and for the first time I saw the target, dead astern, always a welcome sight, and I set about sorting myself out from the intercom. leads, electrical heating cable, oxygen pipe and also checking that the turret doors would still open. Silence was broken about 100 miles from Bergen by our brash young Canadian Bomb Aimer, Pete Chiele, "Skipper, we still have the bombs-aboard". I think It-was Ace, who pulled the jettison toggle. At least my turret seemed intact and I took the opportunity of the lull in the drama of opening the turret door with my elbows, leaning backwards into the fuselage and making sure I could reach my parachute pack. Then a quick reversal and I was again "on the job” after a break of less than ten seconds. On the Wimpey and Lanc. the Rear Gunner had a choice of exits, either through the rear escape hatch inside the fuselage, or direct from the rear turret. I was well rehearsed in the latter method, first to rotate the turret dead astern, using the manually operated handle if there was no hydaulic [sic] pressure, then to open the sliding doors. These never failed to open on practice sessions, but an axe was provided inside the turret just in case. Then to remove the parachute pack from its housing and drag it carefully into the turret, placing it above the control column. Off with the helmet complete with oxygen mask, intercom, 24 volt supply and associated pipes and cables and also the electrical heating cable connector. The parachute pack was then clipped on, the turret rotated onto either beam, lean backwards and push with the feet. The alternative exit gave one more room to manouvre [sic] , but the escape hatch itself was rather narrow for a Rear Gunner wearing his full flying kit, particularly the 1944 version of "Canary suit", so-called because of its colour. There was also the phsychological [sic] aspect of deliberately entering an aircraft which was probably on fire. On the Wellington Mk1C with an FN20 turret and only two guns, there was provision to stow the 'chute pack inside the turret. Also the doors were hinged, opening outwards and they could be jettisoned. Although I mentioned being well rehearsed, drill was carried out with the aircraft stationary and upright, not quite the same as in an anticipated emergency bale-out. My only excuse for claiming the checking of my 'chute as practice was that I felt I should be doing something more useful than just sitting there, whilst there seemed to be so much happening up front. There was even more drama unfolding, the Wireless op. had passed a coded message to the Navigator instructing us to divert to Holme on Spalding Moor in Yorkshire, but only the W/op was issued with the code-sheet of the day. The Skipper did not receive the message in plain language until we were in R/T contact with Balderton, which was closed due to thick fog or very low cloud. However, the Navigator knew our exact location and there was fuel in the tanks. Eventually we re-joined the tail-end of the gaggle and landed at Holme. I recall spending the rest of the night on the floor in the lounge of the Sgts. Mess. The following morning we took a walk around the hangars and Doogan chatted with some ground crews who were changing an engine on a Halifax. He actually told then they were not going about it properly and their reaction was quite startling and informative. Our second trip as a crew was two days later, to WALCHEREN in daylight. This was more reminiscent of our raids from North Africa except that 110 aircraft, including 8 Mosquitoes, took part. From North Africa our "Maximum Effort" had been two squadrons, a total of 26 aircraft, which [page break] seemed a lot at the time!. 12 aircraft from 227 took part, each having its own specific target, ours being a gun battery which was already completely submerged in water when we arrived. Just ahead several aircaft [sic] were bombing the sea wall and the Skipper decided to back them up, bombing from 3500 feet. The wall was breached and the sea poured through, but our bombs were all fused for delayed action which would not have amused the natives. In fact too much damage was done which, according to a story in Readers Digest, took over six months to repair. However, the main object was to silence the German artillary [sic] and this was achieved. This particular trip had been our introduction to the "formation" known as the "5 Group Gaggle". Pilots were not very practiced at Straight and level flying, it had been seldom recommended, and it seemed to me as a Rear gunner that everyone weaved along in the same direction, taking great pains to stay as far away as possible from other aircraft, but remaining in the stream. Two days later Ches. and Co. joined 16 other crews from 227 on an afternoon excusion [sic] to an oil plant at HOMBURG. The ground was mostly obscured by cloud and visibility at 17,000 feet was poor, about three miles. Approaching the target a Lancaster in front of us was hit by flak and one engine was on fire. The aircraft passed below us and the fire was extinguished, but its no. 2 engine was stopped. It remained just behind us until we were over the target. The target was marked by 8 Mosquitoes of 8 Group, but marking was scattered over a wide area and out of the 228 Lancasters only 159 bombed. Results were poor, a recce. next day showed that most of the bombs had hit the industrial and residential areas. One Lancaster was lost, due to flak. The following night 15 aircraft of 227 joined a total force of 992 aircraft on DUSSELDORF. Our Skipper flew as Second Dickie to F/L Kilgour, and the rest of us kicked our heels. This was the last heavy raid on Dusseldorf by Bomber Command, and 18 aircraft were lost. F/O Croskell and crew failed to return, our first 227 Sqdn casualties, but news was received shortly afterward they were safe in Allied hands. They were operational with the squadron again in Feb. On the 11th. of November, we surprisingly found ourselves on the Battle Order for an evening raid on the Rhenania-Ossag oil refinery at HARBURG, close to the battered Hamburg. This was a 5 Group effort with 237 Lancasters and 8 Mosquitoes. 7 Lancasters were lost, including 9J"S" with F/O Hooper and crew. F/O Bates' crew reported that "oil tanks were seen to explode at 1924 hrs". but German records make no reference to the oil tanks, only that 119 people were killed and 5205 others were bombed out. Flak was not intense and the bombing appeared to be mainly on target. There were fighters about but the return journey was uneventful for us. Once again we were beaten by the fog at Balderton, and as our new F.I.D.O. was not yet operational, we were diverted to Catfoss. The night was spent in the chairs in the Sgts. Mess, but the officers among us were luckier to find beds. For most of the following four weeks we were without either a Skipper or a Navigator. The Skipper was detached "on a course" and then spent a couple of weeks on a Summary of Evidence. Ace the Navigator was detached to Newmarket racecourse to clue up on some new equipment or technique. For three days I was detatched [sic] to Waddington as a Witnessing Officer at a Court Martial, which I found depressing. It seemed that at Waddington there had been an old car which was used by anyone who could find some petrol to run it. It was the property of an unlucky aircrew 59 [page break] member who failed to return one night. The car was very useful, but whilst having neither licence nor insurance it was eventually involved in a serious accident, and the R.A.F. took over where the civilian court left off. 0n the 6th. December I had a letter of complaint from my mother, enclosing a newspaper cutting from the Barnoldswick & Earby Pioneer, showing a photo of me and referring to my award of a D.F.C. Why had I not told her? I don't think she ever believed me when I claimed that her letter was the first I knew of it. On Dec. 11th., with Ace still at Newmarket, we became 'Dambusters' - of a sort - for the day. Bomber Command Diary states " "233 Lancasters of 5 Group and 5 Mosquitoes of 8 Group took part. Hits were scored on the dam but no breach was made. 1 Lancaster lost". The squadron diary reflects a successful sortie, in that direct hits on the dam wall were observed, but the 1000 lb. bombs were too small for the purpose. My own recollection of the raid was quite different. We were stooging along just above cloud in company with scores of other Lancasters when the others were seen to be doing a 180 degree turn. Within seconds the sky within my range of vision was empty and in all directions no-one could see another aircraft. The mid-upper and I advised the Skipper that we were now unaccompanied and for 20 minutes we tried to impress upon him that we were extremely vulneruble [sic] (or words to that effect). We were just a few hundred feet above and silhouetted against a layer of stratus and I asked him to fly just inside the cloud, or at least just to skim the tops, but he replied that it was too dangerous, too much risk of collision. The mid-upper gunner agreed, collision from Gerry fighters. Vocabulary worsened and finally the Skipper realised we were 40 minutes and over 200 miles from the rest of the gaggle, we turned round. It has been suggested that as Flight Commander he must display a press-on attitude, and we were all in favour of this, but there was no-one around to impress and it was pretty obvious to the gunners that either Frank had missed a diversion message or we were in the wrong gaggle. Bomber Command Diary disproves the latter, but there is still uncertainty in my mind about that particular operation. Both Pete in the mid-upper turret and I realised that if we were attacked by fighters the Skipper would not take the slightest notice of our requests or advice. We were not disputing that the Skipper was in charge and the one who makes the decissions [sic] , but in our situation he had no choice other than to take advantage of the cloud. We regarded this as an expression of no confidence in the gunners, and we made it very clear to him both then and later that it was no way to finish a tour. It was 10 days before we flew again, our 6th. trip with 227 embarking on their 22nd. trip as a squadron. The target was the synthetic oil plant at POLITZ, in the Baltic. 207 Lancasters and 1 Mosquito were detailed, including 13 Lancasters of 227. Two from 227 experienced mechanical failure and aborted soon after take-off. This was a long stooge, and 3 Lancasters were lost, plus a further 5 which crash-landed in England. The raid was successful, the main chimneys having collapsed and other parts of the refinery being severely damaged. On return to eastern England we were again unable to land at Base due to weather, and were diverted to Milltown, in Scotland. Fuel gauges were reading zero or less when a weary Ches. and crew finally landed after a trip lasting 10 hrs. and 15 minutes. F/O Croker in 9J"K" wound up at Wick, in Morayshire, his aircraft being so badly shot-up it was declared [page break] a write-off. The following morning we flew to Wick to join F/O Croker and crew and give then a lift back to Balderton. Among others, there was a Met. Flight at Wick, equipped with B17s, Flying Fortresses. It was their job to climb to a great height, making Met. observations, and some of their trips exceeded 12 hours duration. I recall the armourers at Wick cleaned and polished our three turrets and 8 Browning guns without being asked, and making a very good job of it too. Everyone was provided with beds, and it seems the officers were so comfortable the Skipper decided to stay at Wick over Christmas. The town of Wick was "dry', no pubs, but among the N.C.O's, this made no difference, we had no money with us. Normally on a diversion we didn't need any money, but for a several day stop-over it was embarassing [sic] to be absolutely without. We would like to have taken our turn in paying for the drinks is the Mess. I seem to recall trying to obtain an advance from Pay accounts without success, accompanied by the other two W/Os in our crew. I was reminded of one incident at Wick by Ace, our Navigator; We were not like most other crews, sticking together as a crew. The Commissioned officers kept to themselves, the three Warrant Officers maintained their own little triangle, and Doogan prefered [sic] his own company despite the W/O's efforts to get him to join us. It seems that one night at Wick we carried him and his bed outside and he awoke next morning in the middle of the parade ground which was covered is snow. I have no personal recollection of this, but there it is in black and white in Ace's book, 'Just Another Flying Arsehole'. We returned to Balderton on the 27th., with 14 of us aboard, and did not see the ground until we actually touched down. For the first time we landed with the assistance of FIDO, which was probably very scary for the pilot. In the rear turret I just got an impression of landing in the middle of a fire. The following night we missed a trip to OSLO, our squadron providing only 5 of the force of 67 Lancasters. On the afternoon of the 30th. we were briefed for an evening take-off to HOUFFALIZE, a total force of 154 Lancasters and 12 Mosquitoes. German Panzers had broken through the American lines in a desperate attempt to thwart the Allied advance, in what became known as the Battle of the Bulge. The weather gave the Germans the advantage, low cloud and thick fog prevented the 2nd. Tactical Air Force from playing its part to the full. With almost 100% Allied air superiority in the area, Typhoons and other fighters operating on a cab-rank principle responding in seconds to detailed requests from the chaps below, Gerry was learning what it was like to be at the receiving end of the slaughter he started is 1939. But not for that few days at the end of 1944 in the Fallaise gap. The close proximity of Allied troops called for great accuracy in bombing and straffing [sic] , and this was not possible in the prevailing conditions. Because of the bad weather in the target area, take-off was postponed every few hours but we were eventually relieved to get airborne about 0230. Conditions over the target were quite impossible and the flares dropped into the murk below probably caused hearts on both sides to miss a few beats. Some crews did bomb, but Chas. quite rightly felt it was too risky. We had not been briefed for any secondary target so our bombs wound up in the Wash. Finally, we landed at about 0830 after 24 hours of effort of one sort or another. Nothing really achieved, but at least we had tried. It was about this time that my father visited the Squadron for a few days. He was a Captain in the R.A.S.C. recently returned from East 61 [page break] Africa and awaiting release on medical grounds. He was very impressed with what he saw but we could not obtain authority for him to actually fly with us. On the Sunday morning he watched our parade and later mentioned that as the W/O called out names, one Ft/Sgt responded to at least five of them. Also that some were in best blues, some in battledress, one or two with greatcoats and one even with a raincape. Two were actually standing on parade with bicycles ready to shoot off somewhere immediately after the parade. His thoughts at the time were how can such an undisciplined lot perform any serious task. Later that morning sitting in the Gunnery Office, gunners came in with more of a wave than a salute, a brief word from them and I would put a tick on the board against their aircraft. I explained to my father that this was their way of reporting that their turrets and guns had received and passed the daily inspection. After lunch in the mess he noticed a great deal of activity and movement, and a clear but quiet sense of urgency. He asked what was happening and I showed him the Battle Order. The following day he said how wrong was his first impression. Everyone had a job to do, they know what was required of them and they got as with it without any shouting of orders or people stamping around. I was Duty Gunnery Leader that night, as was my lot quite often over that period, and was able to show my father what made a squadron tick. He thoroughly enjoyed his stay, but I don't think he met the Skipper. In fact I don't think we saw anything of our Skipper during the whole month of January, by the end of which 227 had completed 33 ops. "A” Flight Commander's crew had totted up only 7 as a crew and some of us were not at all happy with this performance. On the 2nd. Feb. F/O Bates was short of a Rear Gunner and I could have kissed him when he asked me to deputise for WO Bowman. This was an experienced and popular crew who had already completed 14 trips of their second tour. Bowman was in fact the only one outside our crew I had known a year ago. We had carried out our first tours together on 150 Sqdn. Wellingtons, and he was the only other 227 bod with an Africa Star. I cannot recollect why he was not available that night. Our target was KARLSRUHE, a 5 Group effort of 250 Lancasters and 11 Mosquitoes, of which 19 were from 227. Cloud up to 15000 feet and the consequent difficulty in marking caused the raid to be a failure. 14 Lancasters were lost, including 9J"D" with F/O Geddes and crew. The total effort of Bomber Command that night was 1252 sorties. Targets included Wiesbaden's only large raid of the war, and Wanne-Eickel, neither attack was regarded as a success. Very little was achieved that night for a loss of 21 aircraft. On the night of the 7th. Feb., F/O Bates was airborne again with 11 others from Balderton in a total force of 188 aircraft, to the Dortmund-Ems Canal. All 227 Sqdn. a/c returned safely, but 3 were lost in all. I was not with him this time although W/O Bowman was not available. After about 5 hours sleep the Battle Order for the coming night showed 18 crews from 227 sqdn., including F/O Bates, with F/O Watson as Rear Gunner. It felt great to be doing something useful. The weather en route was clear and there were still fighters about, largely responsible for the loss of 12 Lancasters, but the bombing was extremely accurate. According to Speer, the German armaments minister, the oil refinery was kaput for the reminder of the war and a big setback to the German war effort. All 227 sqdn aircraft returned safely, one, F/O Edge's 9J"B" having aborted with problems on 2 engines and landed safely at a farm in Norfolk. It was in fact F/O Bates’ 18th. and final trip on [page break] 227 sqdn., a very satisfactory finish. It was a satisfying night too for 'our own' Navigator, Ted Foster who flew as a 'spare Bod' Navigator with F//Lt [sic] Pond. On the 14th. Feb., 6 weeks into what surely must be the final year in the war against Germany, we were no doubt startled to see our Skipper and crew on the Battle Order. A 5 Group effort, the target was ROSITZ oil refinery near Leipsig [sic] , a force of 232 Lancasters and Mosquitoes, including 12 from Balderton. Our aircraft was 9J"H" and a couple of hours or so after take-off the Skipper found he could not come to terms with his magnetic compass, the performance of which was erratic. An hour or so later the Giro compass also started to play up and fortunately the Skipper did accept the advice of the Navigator and turned back, navigating solely on "Gee" back to base. It was not possible to carry-on navigating to the target on "Gee", we would have [inserted] 14/2/45 Rositz [/inserted] been out of range long before the target was reached. 9J"G" skippered by F/O Tate had engine trouble just after take-off and returned on three engines. We were the second aircraft to abort on that trip. There were some ribald comments next day when the Instrument Section reported there was nothing wrong with either compass. The comments were not facetious however, no-one would seriously accuse either the Skipper or an experienced Navigator like Ace of pulling a fast one. Both I am quite sure would have preferred to take part in the destruction of Rositz This was in fact the Skipper's final trip, although we did not realise it at the time and still regarded his as our Skipper for the next two months. The record shows that in the following four weeks Ace did three spare bod trips whilst the rest of the crew passed the time somehow. The spell was broken for me when F/Lt Hodson asked me to take over his rear turret on the 14th. of March. Ace had already done his last bombing raid although he too might not have realised it at the time. His grand finale, quite fitting was a daylight 1000 plus Bomber raid on DORTMUND on the 12th. of March, as Wing Commander Millington's Navigator. It was also to be the Wingco's final trip before swapping his duralumin pilot's seat with a little steel armour plating at his back, for I think a wooden one in the House of Commons where his back was probably just as vulnerable. Our target was another oil refinery, at LUTZKENDORF, a typical 5 Group effort of 244 Lancasters and 11 Mosquitoes, 15 of the former being from Balderton. We enjoyed the company of F/O Howard as 2nd. Pilot. In fact five aircraft from 227 Sqdn. carried 'Second Dickies' that night. Out of a total of 18 aircraft lost, two were from 227 Sqdn., both with Second pilots. It was feared by many that carrying a Second Pilot increased the risk, but I did not share this concern. The Second Pilot it is true would take the place of the Flight Engineer who would either stand between the two pilots or sit on the dickie-seat. Some drills had to be slightly modified for the occasion, but I would have thought the presence of an extra bod would tend to put the others more on their toes. The crew I was with were on their 18th. trip and had been with the Squadron from the outset. Nothing untoward happened to us, there was the usual flack and searchlights, maybe fighters but one saw none. Bombing seemed reasonable well concentrated and photo-reconnaissance next day showed that 'moderate damage' was caused. On the 7th. of April the squadron completed its transfer to Strubby, and was detailed for action the same night. I was favoured to fly once more with F/Lt Hodson and crew, LEIPZIG again, this time to the 63 [page break] Benzol plant at MOLBIS. 13 Lancasters of 227 joined 162 others and 11 Mosquitoes, all from 5 Group. The weather was good, bombing accurate, and the oil plant put completely out of action. No aircraft were lost and the raid was considered a 100% success. After a few hours sleep we were briefed for an attack on LUTZKENDORF, the same target as on the 14th. March. It had been attacked the previous night by 272 aircraft from 1 and 8 Groups who caused only moderate damage. I was detailed to fly with W/O Clements and crew who were on the 5th. trip of their first tour, in 9J"Q". On take-off the starboard outer engine failed and Ace who waved us off said he saw the aircraft sink to within a few feet of the ground; but that few feet made all the difference and the Skipper was able to gain height gradually until it was safe to jettisson [sic] the bombs in the sea. The trip was aborted and a safe landing made at Strubby. Subsequent inspection showed a fuel leak from no.2 port tank and oil leaks from the two outer engines. 242 aircraft were on this raid, and 6 were lost, but another oil refinery was put out of action for the rest of the war. The 19 aircraft put up by 227 all returned safely and were diverted to the west because of weather. Two nights later, on the 10th. I was again with W/O Clements, to the Wahren Railway yards at LEIPSIG. The force of 230 aircraft comprised 134 Lancasters, 90 Halifaxes, and 6 Mosquitoes, of which 1 Lancaster and 1 Halifax failed to return. Immediately prior to take off I had trouble with the turret sliding doors, they wouldn't close, but I rotated the turret onto the port beam as was general practice for take-off with the doors open. This was spotted from the ground and the Skipper was told on R/T soon after we were airborne. I had to get out of the turret and through the bulkhead door to fix them, but finally managed to get then to slide. If I had failed to fix then nothing would have made me admit it, it would just have been a little draughty. The trip went very well, the marking was accurate and the bombing concentrated. Some flak and plenty of fighter flares about but we saw no fighters. It was a quiet return trip and all 227 aircraft returned safely. That was my last trip and also the last for W/O Clements and crew. It was the 57th. involvement by 227 Squadron which was to carry out 4 more bombing raids, terminating with BERCHTESGADEN itself, on the 25th. of April. The war in Europe was virtually over, but our impression was that 5 Group was to form the nucleus of Tiger Force to help finish the job in the Far East and we would be a part of it. It was with these thoughts that I went on leave on the 26th. April, a spare bod without a pilot, but still expecting to fly again with the squadron.. [page break] [photograph] [photograph] [photograph] 64A [page break] [photograph] [photograph] F/O. CHEERFUL CHEALE R.C.A.F. [photograph] [photograph] F/O BATES F/O PETE CHEALE (BA) W/O PETE FOOLKES S/LDR CHESTER (PILOT) F/O FOSTER 64B [page break] [photograph] [photograph] [photograph] 64C [page break] [photograph] F/O. TED FOSTER D.F.M. C.W. PETE FOOLKES MID-UPPER [photograph] [photograph] 64D [page break] [photograph] CLIFF’S OFFICE [photograph] [photograph] OUTSIDE OUR DES. RES. C.W. & GEOFF HAMPSON (FLIGHT ENG 64E [page break] [newspaper cutting of D.F.C. award] [photograph] 227 SQDN W/OP – NAV – MID- UPPER [photograph] 64F [page break] [photograph] [underlined] TED (ACE NAV) FOSTER D.F.M. BALDERTON NOV 44 [/underlined] [photograph] [underlined] RUNNING UP ON HOMBERG 1/11/44 AT LUNCHTIME [indecipherable word] [/underlined] 64G [page break] [photograph] [underlined] F/O. BATES [/underlined] [photograph] [underlined] F/O BATES W/O JENNERY (NAV) SGT. WESTON (FLT. ENG) [/underlined] FEB 45 64H [page break] [DFC citation] 64L [page break] [letter from HM George VI] 64M [page break] [Sgt Mess Wick Christmas Menus 1944] [photograph] F/O CROKER’S LANCASTER AT REST IN TORPEDO DUMP XMAS ‘44 64N [page break] [inside of christmas card] CHRISTMAS CARD FROM PETE IN CANADA 64P [page break] [photograph] STIRLING AT H.C.U. WINTHORPE [photograph] AT BLIDA [photograph] LANCASTER AT SYERSTON 74A [page break] [letter of introduction to airfield manager in Iran] 154A [page break] [photograph] F/LT. MAXTED (GUNNERY LEADER) PETE FOOLKES & F/O SANDFORD (SPARE GUNNER OR SQDN ADJ) [photograph] TED FOSTER WITH BITS OF 9JO [photograph] 64J [page break] [photograph] GEOF. HAMPSON FLT. ENG. [photograph of 9J-O] [photograph of 9J-O] 64K [page break] [christmas card] CHRISTMAS CARD FROM PETE IN CANADA 64P [page break] [typewritten letter] [underlined] PART OF F/L CROKER’S LETTER WITH XMAS 1990 CARD [/underlined] 64Q [page break] [location map for 1994 reunion] [page break] [underlined] FINAL LEG [/underlined] Recollections of events in my final 15 months in the R.A.F. are reasonably clear but somewhat hazy of detail and of the order in which they took place. I was still with the Squadron on VE Day, the 5th. April, on leave in London with Hilda. I recall going up to Leicester Square by tube train with my father, Alice and Hilda to join the celebrations and actually walking back the five miles to Lavender Hill in the early hours. This would explain why I had no knowledge of the Victory Parade at Strubby until I was shown a photograph of it many years later. I was on leave again in London in early August when the Americans dropped the two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and suddenly the war was over. I was still in uniform and had to await my turn for demob. I have no recollection of attending a Reselection Board when I was made redundant from flying, nor of actually leaving the Squadron. I think my first posting after the Squadron was to Gravely, as a Squadron adjutant. I had always thought that the Squadron was 106, but according to the Bomber Command War Diaries 106 was never at Gravely [sic] !. There is no mistaking the actual station, however, it is only 4 miles from my present home and parts of it are still recogniseable [sic] . I was astonished to find many years later that 227 Sqdn had transferred to Graveley about the 8th. of June and was disbanded there on the 5th. of September. I was there for about 6 weeks during which time we closed the Sargeants’ [sic] Mess and did a very little paper-work. We had neither aircrews nor aircraft, it was just a matter of holding office and very little else!. I probably spent most of it on leave. I then became a Photographic Officer u/t and did a very interesting course at Farnborough which lasted 8 weeks. One of the instructors was a Sgt. Peter Clark, a leading Saville Row fashion photographer before the war and Hilda’s first employer. I went on leave yet again and was eventually told to report to 61 M.U. at Handforth in Cheshire as a u/t Equipment Officer. I duly reported to the Station Adjutant at Handforth feeling very much out of place. Of the hundreds of service types around only the ex-Air-Crew were in battle dress, the others were either in best blues or dungarees. I had always thought that battledress was the working uniform of the R.A.F., but it was not so at Handforth. I felt more as if I was in the Luftwaffe. The Station Adj. took me to see the Chief Equipment Officer, who was a Wing Commander and this feeling became even stronger. I reported formally and the C.E.O. said “And what the hell are you supposed to be?”. Those were his exact words and I did really wonder whether we were in the same air force. I replied that “I am here as a u/t equipment officer Sir”. “MM what’s your trade?” “Rear Gunner” – without waiting for the ‘Sir’, he exploded and almost shouted “That’s not a trade, it’s General Duties”. He was technically right but raising his voice unduly went on to add “You are supposed to be able to sit here and do my job, you’d feel a bloody fool doing my job, wouldn’t you!”. Fascinated by the smirk on his face and hypnotised by the Defence medal on his breast I just stood there in disbelief at this outburst and quietly laughed. “Well?” He wanted an answer and I said in a rather light vane “Yes Sir I would, but less of a bloody fool than some would have felt doing my job for the last three years”. That was it, he stood up and said “Right, come”. We went along the corridor and straight in to see the Station Commander, a Group Captain. The WingCo[sic] was very agitated and without preamble 67 [page break] told the Groupie of my ‘gross insubordination’. He recited the dialogue in accurate detail and the Group Captain asked for my account. I agreed with the C.E.O.’s account but said that I was provoked, there was no reason for his outburst and I grinned only because I didn’t think he was being serious. Invited to comment the WingCo said he had been affronted by my being improperly dressed. I made no further comment and the Groupy told the WingCo that he would deal with the matter. The WingCo saluted and left, and I thought I was for the chop. The Group Captain sported R.F.C. wings and had obviously seen his share of action. He stood up and extended his right hand in friendship. “Sorry old chap, I didn’t get your name, do sit down”. I was back in the R.A.F. He asked “Where were you in Africa?” Not an idle question, followed by “Did you know Group Captain Powell?” Yes Sir, he was our Base Commander of 142 and 150 Squadrons, Speedy Powell of “F” for Freddie”. Speedy had been the Briefing officer in the film ‘Target for Tonight’. I mentioned some of his exploits and finally his loss, and the Group Captain was distressed. He told me that like the other 12 ex-Air Crew on the station, I was a square peg in a round hole, but to make the best of it and to go back to see him if I had a problem. In the mess that evening I met the others and soon found we were all on duty every day and every night. u/t Orderly Officer, then Orderly Officer, and through the whole range of Asst. Duty Officer, Duty Officer, Fire Picket, in-line Fire picket, Cyphers, Security, etc. etc. Only the ex Air-Crew Officers performed these tasks and after two weeks of this we agreed something must be done. One period of 24 hours I was Duty Cyphers Officer. This was just a title, there was neither Cyphers Section nor Intellegence[sic] Section and I found that for almost all the duties we were allocated there were no instructions. Several of us individually addressed the Station Adjutant in writing and one even enquired whether he should draw-up his own set of procedures for inclusion in Station Standing Orders. For reasons that could only have been sour grapes, there was a measure of ill-feeling between the ‘permanent’ equipment and Admin officers, and the air-crew types. Many of the former had spent the entire war at places like Handforth, and there is no doubt they did a vital job, and maybe were still doing it. In our case, the war for us was over, and after our experiences of the last few years there was a limit to the amount of being messed around that we were willing to accept. We discussed having fire drills with real fires and creating a few incidents for practice, but finally we drew lots and two of us applied through the C.E.O. to see the Group Captain. The C.E.O. refused permission so we made our request through the Station Adjutant. This was approved and we told the C.O. what was happening, we were being “imposed” upon from a great height. He called in the Station Adj. and told him that all Air Crew Officers would go on indefinite leave the following day. He told the two of us to ensure that all application forms were with the Station Adj. by 3 pm. And for me, it was straight to Whitehaven, in battledress. I had applied for release from the Service under “Class B”, having an immediate job to take up which would in itself create work for 5 other ex-Servicemen. Hilda was in fact holding the fort in Whitehaven, and nothing came of the application. It was about four months before I was recalled to Handforth, and immediately detached to no. 7 Site at Poynton to take over as Equipment Officer i/c and also as Officer i/c. the Prison Camp. There was an Equipment W/O running the Stores with about 200 Airmen and I agreed with him that it could [page break] stay that way. The Stores comprised 8 massive hangars full of equipment. I regarded my main job as O.C. the Stalag with its 1000 P.O.W.’s (750 Italian and 250 German) and my staff of 15 Air Crew N.C.O.s who had all been kriegsgefangener themselves. The Senior German prisoner was a Warrant Officer who spoke excellent English having studied it for 5 years in prison camps. Most of the prisoners, including the Italians, had been taken in the Western Desert. The Germans were very smart indeed, in contrast to the Italians, and the two axis partners had as little to do with each other as they could arrange. Gangs of prisoners were guarded by some of the 200 Airmen, supervised by ex-AirCrew NCO.s. The prisoners were not interested in escape, there would have been no point, but I put an immediate stop to their sneaking out of camp at night to try their luck. The German and Italian messes were separate from each other and staffed by R.A.F. cooks. The Germans asked if they could do their own cooking and I agreed but with nominal supervision of two airmen in case we had visitors. I made the same arrangement for the Italians but initially they refused. I appointed one of the Corporal Majors as Senior Iti [sic] and made him responsible. I threatened to fully-integrate them with the Germans if there was any nonsense, and with that some of them nearly burst into tears. They were a lazy shower. I had the Officers’ Mess all to myself, but that’s another story. It was a very cosy three months, with most long week-ends spent in Whitehaven where Hilda had taken-over the Relay system. It was also a tremendous anti-climax to the previous five years. Eventually when the magic number 26 came up, I reported to R.A.F. Uxbridge for demob. and collected my pin-striped suit and a cardboard box to put it in. I realised then that my career in the R.A.F. was initially over. Straight to Whitehaven by train, still in battledress. [page break] [underlined] FIRST TOUR TARGETS [/underlined] [table of targets and bomb loads] 71 [page break] [table of targets and bomb loads continued] [page break] [underlined] 2nd TOUR [/underlined] [underlined] 227 SQUADRON [/underlined] [table of targets and bomb loads with additions] [underlined] 227 SQUADRON [/underlined] After flying Beaufighters from Malta the Squadron folded in August 1944. The new Squadron was formed in 5 Group on 7/10/1944. Flying Lancasters from Bardney, Balderton and Strubby. Flew 815 sorties and lost 15 aircraft (1.8%) in 61 raids. 2 were also destroyed in crashes. 73 [page break] [underlined] Back to Civvy Street [/underlined] By early 1946 the great transition from War to Peace was taking place and many of us were gradually realising that we could now plan some years ahead with a very good possibility of surviving to carry them out. Of my colleagues at Metropolitan Relays, only Reg. Weller had paid with his life, having been killed in action in Italy, with the army. Allan Cutbush had been taken prisoner at Tobruk and spent some time in a prison camp in Italy. Eventually he escaped and spent a couple of years as an Italian farm worker. Soon after the invasion at Anzio he rejoined the Allies and had the greatest difficulty in convincing them that he really was a Private in the Royal Signals. Alan was first to be demobbed and rejoined the firm as manager of a newly aquired [sic] group of branches in the Mansfield and Retford areas. George Holah had left in 1939 to join the army, and spent the next six years in India, returning as a Major in the Indian army complete with an Anglo-Indian wife and family. George did not return to Relays, but joined the Metropolitan Police, and in 1975 was a Clerk in the Central Registry at New Scotland Yard. How he managed to transfer from being a private in the British army to a Commissioned Officer in the Indian army I don’t know, assuming it actually happened. I have not met George since 1939. In June 1945, my father, Mrs. Kilham and Mr. Moulton bought privately another run-down radio relay system, West Cumberland Relay Services, Ltd., in Whitehaven, and I was invited to develop it. Although Germany had capitulated, the war was not yet over. Japan might have seemed a long way off but was still our Enemy and the job had to be finished. Meanwhile Hilda moved to Whitehaven and set-up home in the flat above the shop at 49 Lowther Street. Colin was then 9 months old and it was a further year before I was demobbed, but during that period I seemed to have spent most of my time in Whitehaven. Hilda kept the Relay ticking over, with very limited assistance from the staff, until March 1946 when I was given indefinite leave on compassionate grounds. The relay was well and truly run down, with about 400 subscribers each paying 1/3d per week for two radio programmes. It was losing money fast, the entire network needed rewiring and the amplifiers and other equipment were just about a write-off. I had with me the name-plate from my office door at Poynton. One of the German prisoners had made it for me, a notice which proclaimed in Gothic characters Obr. Lnt. Cliff. Watson D.F.C., LAGER COMMANDANT EINTRITT VERBOTTEN I put this on my new office door, but drew a line through the bottom line. Sorting out a fault on a 100 watt amplifier, I asked the engineer, Joe, for a soldering iron, and he said he never used one but preferred the special solder in a tube, which he handed to me. In that single sentence he had proved to me that his technical knowledge was just about zero. I demonstrated the solder’s futility by proving that it was not even an electrical conductor. Consequently all the equipment was full of dry joints and I spent a whole night in soldering connections. The stuff Joe was using out of a tube was for repairing small holes in pans and kettles. I was very disappointed in Joe, his technical 75 [page break] knowledge was effectively less than zero. The next weekend he claimed to have worked all day Sunday clearing a line fault. He had deliberately caused this fault on the previous morning and I traced and corrected it myself within an hour of his doing so. He had shorted out two wires on our own roof and on Monday morning went straight onto the roof to remove the short. I was there waiting for him and sacked him on the spot for sabotage and dishonesty. I thus took over the technical side but also looked closely at the system of collecting and keeping records of accounts and customers. The only record of payments was in the collector’s field book and there was no record of where the customers or relay installations actually were. I spent a week with the collector who was very reluctant to assist, and Hilda and I drew up a set of records and established a working system. In the next two weeks I found so many fiddles and had proof of so much skulduggery that I sacked the collector without notice. I found installations where the user claimed to have made one outright payment to the collector who had pocketed the money, a hundred or so loudspeakers recorded as being “on loan” which had in fact been paid for and all manner of other private arrangements. The collector was easily replaced, and Mr. Fee joined us. I was fortunate too in meeting Bert Wise, ex Royal Navy P.O. Telegraphist who had been on Submarines, and who took over the technical aspect including the outside lines. Bill Campbell, ex Royal Army Service Corps driver/mechanic was very quickly trained on installations and line work, assisted by John Milburn, a school leaver. John had a very broad Cumbrian accent and initially I found communication difficult, “As gan yam nar marra” meant “I am going home now chum”. I felt I ought to be replying in French or something other than English. Bill Campbell’s first job was to take the train to London and bring back a vehicle. It was a new Hudson NAAFI wagon completely fitted out by Met. Relays and full of cable, bracket insulators etc. My first act was to buy a set of maps covering the area to a scale of 1:10,000, and display it on the wall. The idea was that if we could establish exactly where we were we stood a better chance of knowing where we were going. A basic plan for the overhead lines was derived and we worked as a team, stripping out old wiring, checking and replacing where necessary, and keeping a record of installations connected. When an installation was serviced and documentation complete we fitted a capacitor in the loudspeaker for technical reasons and a new programme selector switch. The capacitors were to prove very useful later. The service we had to offer at that time was poor, and although it was gradually improving, we were spending far too much time on fault-finding, diverting us from the main program. Within a month it was very clear that our top priority was to rewire and re-equip. I managed to convince the London Office of this and they sent me a team of 3 wiremen from London, led by Dennis Horton who was inherited as a foreman at Mansfield, complete with two Dodge trucks and tons of installation materials. For four months this team concentrated on rewiring for four programmes, gradually reducing and finally almost eliminating the line faults. The receivers and amplifiers were at Harras Moor in a cottage, but this was at the end of a two mile line, too far from our main load. We ran a 6-pair cable the whole distance and used these as 600 ohm lines, to feed five 1 KW amplifiers at Lowther Street. A bank of 6 AR88 receivers was installed at Harras Moor and two “straight sets” on loop antennas for the BBC Home and Light programmes. In town we had 210v. DC mains and had to fit rotary [page break] invertors. We also installed a 9KVA petrol/paraffin engine-driven alternator for use during power cuts, which were all too frequent. I could never understand how the grid system could sustain power through seven winters of wartime industrial production and as soon as the war was over we had to live with power cuts. Harras Moor was providing us with four good radio channels, Home, Light and Third BBC, Radio Eirein, Luxembourg, Paris, New York and others from around the world. We were getting organised and I was able to concentrate on sales, keeping our own gang of three busy on new installations. Within two years we had 2,200 installations, including the two Music Halls, cinemas, and all the factories. In addition we were doing more than 90% of all the Public Address work in Cumberland, some of which were quite memorable. At Grasmere Sports the events included a Fell Race and the first year we gave a running commentary over our P.A. system. The runners were out of sight near the top of the fell, so for the following year we applied to the Post Office for permission to use an H/F radio link to cover the gap. This was refused, “you will have to apply for a telephone”! The following year Bert Wise and John Milburn climbed the fell with an Aldis Lamp and battery, and established themselves where they could see the runners at the top and the ‘ops room’ on the showground. I too had an Aldis lamp and Bert flashed me the numbers of the runners as they reached the top of the fell. This delighted the spectators but completely upset the bookies who alone had the complete information in previous years. The Post Office were also upset, claiming they had a monopoly on signalling, but declining to put it to test in court. I suggested that to try and licence boy scouts to signal in morse code with torches was ludicrous. I enjoyed the atmosphere of these events and went to quite some lengths to obtain the appropriate marshal music. At a Conservative Party fete one particular rather rousing piece was played several times and I was asked by a retired General why the Hell I kept playing the Red Army March Past.!! A month after taking over, Hilda and I went for a walk - with the pram - to Hensingham, about three miles inland, and I was surprised to see Relay wires between chimneys and lots of downleads. I had not expected to find another system so close and I checked at some of the houses, asking who provided the system! I was told it was owned by a builder called Leslie but it hadn’t worked for several years. Leslie was the fellow from whom the company had bought West Cumberland Relays, and on checking with him I found it was part of the ‘system’ we had taken over. Further search showed a line of poles stretching for about two miles across the fields which had originally linked the village to the lines in Whitehaven. It also showed that a whole area of Hensingham had no electricity, ideal for relay. There was already a big housing estate and this was being extended, and I decided there was adequate potential in the village, but to replace the trunk route to it would be too expensive. We compromised by obtaining four modified 50 watt Vortexion Amplifiers and four receivers from London. Fred Wright brought them by road in his small van, the logo on the side of which was “Radio Trouble-shooting Service”. I did my very best to put up a case for keeping the van, to no avail. The next day we installed the equipment in an air-raid shelter at Hensingham, as a temporary measure, and immediately started connecting subscribers. Within a few weeks the wiring reached the side of the village where the lines from Whitehaven went across the fields, and we began to replace one pair all the way to link with Whitehaven. With this in operation on the third channel we were able to switch 77 [page break] off one of the Hensingham amplifiers. Later all four programmes were fed from Whitehaven and the station in the air-raid shelter dismantled. The amplifiers were put to use at Whitehaven Hospital and the Workhouse. Both places were wired for 4 programme relay, but at the flick of a switch microphones could be switched in for announcements, and in the case of the latter, to broadcast concerts from the stage. It was at Hensingham that I found a row of about 30 terraced houses, all without electricity and all wired with three twin cables of different sizes. This rather intrigued me and I enquired further. Most of the houses had battery driven wireless sets which used a 75 volt dry battery for H.T., a 2 volt accumulator for L.T. and a 9 volt grid bias battery, and in one case I found one of these sets without batteries but connected to the 3 pair cable. The old lady owner said it had not worked for several years. I quickly found the man who recharged the accumulators and he confirmed that the cables I had seen were once used for providing power supplies to radios. I think the system must have been quite unique. Shortly afterwards, the houses were connected to the relay system. My only regret is that I didn’t buy up those radios and store them for 50 years. As more and more installations were connected on the Woodhouse estate, the load on the five mile line gradually became too heavy with a corresponding reduction in line voltage and therefore volume. To overcome this we rented an air-raid shelter from the British Legion on the estate and fitted 4 amplifiers to take the load. These were fed from the incoming line itself, but for emergency use we also fitted receivers. Later the receivers came in useful for about three months during reconstruction of an area over which our main line had been fitted. One of the radio dealers found that we were using local receivers and that they were subject to radio interference from vacuum cleaners, so he had a sales drive in the immediate area of our receiving station with rental vacuum cleaners at 1/- per week. Reception gradually deteriorated but after three months of emergency operation our main line was again complete and the receivers switched off. Reception then was near perfect on our system and dreadful for the rest when the vacuum cleaners were being used. He had put a lot of time and money into trying to wreck our system, and had a double-fronted shop in Lowther Street, but I was sorry to see his shop with a bicycle in one window and a Bible in the other when I left Whitehaven.. On a new housing estate where 5 new houses were commissioned each week, we took a gamble and wired them all. When the first tenants moved in the loudspeaker was playing and the tenant’s radio problems were resolved. After 3 or 4 weeks I would go along and generally sign them up. Some of them of course compared it to their own ‘wireless’ if any, which could not possibly reach our standard of reproduction and reception. There are very few places in and around Whitehaven where we had not fitted microphones and radio, and after reaching near saturation in two years there was little scope for further development. Whitehaven had been a very satisfying experience, but was marred by the Williams Pit disaster where 160 miners were trapped underground and lost their lives. John Milburn’s father was among them. It was traditional for the eldest son to take over where the Dad left off, and we were very sorry indeed to lose John. Hilda had run the office and “showroom” assisted later by Connie Sim from St. Bees. Bill Campbell was still our mainstay on the lines. [page break] I handed over to Bert Wise, still wearing his Navy P.O.’s hat, and moved to Wandsworth as Development Manager for Metropolitan Relays. A flat was available for us above the shop at 111 Garratt Lane, but on arrival we found it occupied by squatters. For several weeks we lived with Hilda’s parents until the squatters moved to the second floor and we took over the first floor. They were a decent couple in their forties, and had been desperate for accommodation. Our shop had been empty so they moved in, knowing that when an eviction order was issued by the court, they would be allocated a council house or flat. It was a short-cut to the top of the housing list, and the firm had to go through the motions of demanding court action. The ground floor was established as a showroom, even with T.V. in the window, an impressive amplifier room and an office with the same old sign on the door, Lager Commandant! The original plan was to develop the area working outwards from Garrett Lane and to use the linesman from H.Q. at Lavender Hill, but there was line work to be done from the very outset and it was this part of the job which would be the limiting factor in our rate of progress. I insisted that we employed our own gang of wiremen. Bill Cutler was my wayleave expert, and having planned the main basic routes of our main lines, it was Bill’s job to find out who the landlords were and to obtain their formal permission to fit our wires on or over their property, generally between chimneys. The easiest way was first to sell the relay service to the tenants and their order was used as the reason for our request to fit the wires. We started to run four main lines, no.1 along Garrett Lane to link up with the Lavender Hill system at West Hill. No 2 made a beeline west along Garrett Lane to a Council-owned housing estate which at the time had no electricity. No 3 went due south to Southfields and along Merton Road, over the Redifon buildings and on to Putney, and No. 4 went north towards Wandsworth Common. Everyone on the staff except me, but including Bill Cutler and the linesmen was given five shillings commission for each new customer they signed up. The average wage at that time was £7 per week (in London) and there were few days when the gang did not hand in the paper-work and deposits for customers they had signed up and probably already installed in addition to the day’s work allocated to them. Quite often we would have thousands of leaflets distributed to houses in a particular area which was proving difficult but which they needed to cross. At about this time, my father retired and went to East Africa, settling at Kirksbridge Farm, Kiminini, 10 miles west of Kitale on the Kakemega Road, and about 260 miles from Nairobi.. He sold his controlling interest in Metropolitan Relays to Seletar Industrial Holdings, Ltd. and their representative, Colonel Slaughter, took over as Chairman. Mr. Moulton became Director & General Manager and I was Development Manager with sufficient shares to qualify for a seat on the board. At the time T.V. was still in its infancy, though beginning to catch on, but the main background entertainment would be the wireless for some time to come. Transistors were still in the experimental stage and Radio Relay provided an alternative to cumbersome and relatively expensive valve radios, with near perfect and trouble-free reception. As Development Manager I made sure I was not bogged down with routine day to day running, and at the outset established a reliable Manager at Garrett Lane, Jack Thompson, whose knowledge of the business was gleaned entirely from Bill Cutler and myself with on-the-job training. Bill had been with Radio Relay since about 79 [page break] 1930, except for during the war when he was a technician in the R.A.F. on Link Trainers. I was asked to have a look at Yeovil in Somerset and see whether it appeared suitable to establish a relay system, and if I felt it so justified, to spend some time there making a detailed study. I spent a week studying the layout of the town, types of housing, probabilities of future development, the people and their attitudes and in discussion with the Borough Surveyor and Town Clerk’s office staff. I realised that Colonel Slaughter had been a senior army officer and also a senior civil servant for a long time, and that my future relationship with him depended to a large extent on the impression he gained from my first formal report. I recommended that it was a border-line proposition and included a financial budget for 5 years. It would be three years before the system was breaking even and this was too long. The Capital required was too high unless the system was subsidised by another well-established branch. I felt we could find better places to apply our efforts. The Colonel decided to have a look for himself and I went with him to Somerset a week later. Alone, he met the Council officials concerned and one of them agreed to support our application if a relative of his was given a seat on the board of the new company!. I had known of that before the meeting but thought it better not to be involved, nor to include thoughts of that nature in my report. The Yeovil proposal was dropped and I turned my attention to Maryport. Whilst Bert Wise was on holiday Bill Cutler and I went to Whitehaven for two weeks to relieve him and also to investigate Maryport. I had known Maryport for some years and I already knew that it would be a goer from the outset. With lots of Council houses (no wayleave problems on them), a working type population, even with an element of communism. It had known major unemployment and soup kitchens and was still a little Bolshie. We had many friends in the area and a good popular working system in Whitehaven as an example. In that two weeks I produced the same type of report as for Yeovil, but recommended we should go ahead immediately. We saw the Council Officials and agreed a draft agreement with them, found suitable accommodation for a shop in town and a receiving station just out of town to which we could run our own lines. Two weeks later I returned with the Colonel and together we met the Council Committee and completed formalities. From then on it was all systems go. Bill Cutler asked if he could get it organised and he did a very thorough job, using the labour and resources from Whitehaven. He stayed on as Manager and a few years later took-over Whitehaven also when Bert Wise ran-off with his secretary, Connie Sim. Meanwhile Garratt Lane was running smoothly, and number 1 line had reached East Hill. In a junction box on the wall of a block of flats we had two four-pair cables, one from Lavender Hill, and the other from Garratt Lane, and on an experimental basis we linked the two together, isolating the line at Garratt Lane. We were thus able to monitor the Lavender Hill system in our Control Room, providing their service to our installations on the way. The Garratt Lane amplifiers were fed by Post Office line from Lavender Hill, and each amplifier could provide 1 kilowatt of audio power, sufficient for 3000 loudspeakers. Most of the loudspeakers were switched to no. 2 channel, the Light Programme, still referred to as the Forces programme by the majority. Channels 3 and 4 were very lightly loaded and we were able to switch off the Garratt Lane amplifiers on these channels for most of the time. At that time my family [page break] home was the flat above the showroom at Garratt Lane, and was guarded by Rex, a huge Great Dane/Alsation [sic] hybrid. Only Hilda and the children could handle it, presumably because they fed it regularly, but everyone else - including me - had to be very cautious. Eventually it took a bite out of the Manager’s wife and was returned to Battersea Dogs’ Home. I was spending more time at Garratt Lane where progress was losing momentum, and extending our no. 3 line over West Hill to East Putney was proving difficult. Near Putney Bridge, still a mile from our lines was a highly suitable area of small houses and it was going to take a year to reach them at our current speed. Without much fuss we established a station in the basement of a shop in the middle of this area, using 4 receivers built by Fred Wright’s dept. and 4 small 50 watt Vortexion amplifiers. This station was identical to the one fitted at Hensingham. We then had a sales drive in that part of Putney with the emphasis towards West Hill, and in 4 months were able to link the two systems. I was interested to recall that for monitoring our four programmes we used a modified aircraft type automatic bomb release mechanism. This was a uniselector type of relay unit which clunked round and changed programme every 30 seconds instead of releasing bombs. All my staff were ex-Servicemen and there was a dynamic no-nonsence [sic] approach. In contrast to this, our General Manager Allan Moulton based at Lavender Hill, had a stock answer to any serious proposal for action put to him, of “Wait a little while and see what happens”. My attitude was that we know what we want to happen and it wont unless we make it. He didn’t like my Lager Commandant notice on the door either but there it stayed. In 1948 the war was not forgotten by most of us and many satisfactory business deals were made in that spirit of comradeship and trust. In Feb. 1949 I found that someone called Fry had studied Belfast on our firm’s behalf and had strongly recommended starting a relay service there. The report came to me quite by accident and at the same time I found he was surveying Bath, introducing himself as Development Manager in Relay Association circles. I tackled Colonel Slaughter about it and he said it was news to him, but he took it up with Moulton to whom Fry was reporting. I found that Moulton resented the fact that I was responsible direct to the Chairman, and also that my contract detailed my renumeration including commission which was the £1500 per year, 4 times the average wage. To clear the air we had a formal meeting and I put forward my prediction for future development. I forecast that within 2 or 3 years a general rundown of the system would be inevitable with the increase of television; further that it would be prudent to reduce expenditure on “wired wireless” and to develop the rental side of both radio and T.V., but to reconsider with Fred Wright - who was not at the meeting - the policy of manufacturing T.V. sets. My prediction became factual and was influenced also by transistor radios of which we had no knowledge at that time. There was 33% Purchase Tax on most things including T.V. sets. This was payable at the point of sale and not on rentals. As our sets were never sold but remained the property of Met. Radio & T.V. Rentals Ltd. no Purchase Tax was payable. This loophole was soon to be closed, as forecast, and tax was payable on the rental itself. It became cheaper to buy sets from the big manufactures than to actually make them. 81 [page break] The Colonel remarked that as Development Manager I was really saying we should stop developing, and I agreed. This set the scene for further discussion well outside the intended scope of the meeting. The Chairman asked Moulton for his views on likely technological advances, but Moulton had none and said we can only try and stay afloat, seeking support from Fry. The Colonel shot down Moulton completely and asked Fry to detail his relevant qualifications. After a silence Moulton was told to study the content of my prediction and not to go off at a tangent on development nor without reference to him. Fry was sent packing and the meeting was closed. I learned quite a lot from Colonel Slaughter, he had spent a long time in the Royal Engineers and one of his attributes was building a flat-bottomed boat on the Nile, one of the biggest in service. His personality was such that when he looked up and down disapprovingly at an obvious ex-Serviceman leaning over a bar, the man immediately took his hand out of his pocket and squared himself up. I actually saw this happen in Maryport, he had that effect on people. (That was in 1948, it might not be the same over 40 years later). No more was heard of Fry, and I never did join the Board, I was too busy getting on with the job, but it was time for reflection. I realised that when my father was Chairman he had the engineering and technical aspects at his fingertips and he took care of them. He was succeeded by the Colonel who was a business-man but who had no backing on the engineering side. My brief was the Development of the Radio Relay Systems, I regarded technological changes as a matter for the General Manager, Moulton, but I was not responsible to him. I met the Colonel again privately and I said it seemed that I was Development Manager in a firm which was not going to develop any further. Although there was plenty of routine work to be done I felt the Electrical Trades Union would soon start making things very difficult as it was doing in the Post Office. In view of the probable technological changes, I felt that Colonel Slaughter would rather sell-out than try to steer a ship without a rudder. I was being rather outspoken but straightforward and the Colonel approved of this. I told him I would like to call it a day and try my luck in Africa, Kenya was said to be a land of opportunity. If that failed there was always a job in Bulawayo 2500 miles further south of the Cement Works with Mr. Rose. The Colonel agreed I could leave when convenient but if I wanted to return within 6 months, to drop him a line. It was four years since the war in Europe had ended. Britain was changing and so was the attitude of many people some of who were very disillusioned. Hilda and I agreed it was time to make a move. And so in July 1949 I went to Africa for the third time, but with Hilda and the two children, not knowing what sort of a career I was seeking, but nevertheless full of confidence, and still with my Lager Commandant board. The following year, Colonel Slaughter retired and Seletar’s controlling interest in Metropolitan Relays was sold to British Relay Wireless which later became Vision-Hire. Within a further 12 years the wired-wireless or Relay industry in the U.K. closed, being overtaken by technology. [page break] [underlined] KENYA [/underlined] The flight to Nairobi was a very pleasant trip by Argonaut, calling at Rome, Benina, - which we had known as Bengazi [sic] -, Cairo, Khartoum and Entebbe. On the last leg of the flight we flew very low at times, quite unofficially to give us our first views of big game from the air. The flight was very enjoyable, in very easy stages, and in retrospect the Argonaut was about the most comfortable aircraft we were to fly in, in our many subsequent flights to Africa. It was I think the first and only time we travelled in first class. We were met in Nairobi by Duncan Fletcher, a friend of my fathers, and spent the night at Torr’s Hotel, in Delamere Avenue, the leading hotel at that time. The Stanley Hotel across the road was being refurbished to become the New Stanley, and within a few years Torr’s was closed and became the Ottaman [sic] Bank. I recall the strawberry and cream cake for tea at Torr’s for which it had been famous for many years. The following day we journeyed the 260 miles by bus to Kitale. This was a road we would take many times in the years to come. The first half was tarmac, 100 miles of which from the top of the Nairobi escarpment, through Naivasha to Nakuru, having been built by Italian prisoners of war. From the top of the escarpment there was a wonderful view of the Rift Valley and Mount Longenot [sic], an extinct volcano, and to the west over the plains towards Mau Forest and Kisumu. The bus took us down the escarpment, dropping about 2000 feet to the floor of the Rift Valley, passed the little Italian church built by P.O.W.’s, and northwards past Lake Elementita and Nakuru, then the rough murram road to Kitale. The journey took about 10 hours, but was far from tedius [sic], there was so much to be seen. Kitale seemed like a typical american western type of small town, the roads were not made up and the sidewalks were made of wood. Many of the buildings were made of timber clad with mabati - corrugated iron - and most europeans wore khaki drill. We were met at the bus station by my father and completed the remaining 9 miles of our journey to our new home, Kirksbridge Farm, Kiminini where a guest house had been built for us, about 100 yards from the main house. Colin and Wendy, aged 6 and 4 were introduced to the Ayah, the african nurse, called Nadudu, who spoke only Swahili and her tribal language, Kitoshi, but within a matter of days was communicating without difficulty with the children. Nadudu had her own rondavel, a thatched roundhouse on the lawn at the side of the guest house, and took care of all the children’s needs. 83 [page break] [underlined] Hoteli King George [/underlined] Life on the farm had provided a welcome anticlimax to just about everything that had gone before, but it could hardly be a long-term solution for a young couple with a growing family. We did not appreciate at the time the serious effects of the political unrest and changes which were beginning to take place. We thought that common sense would prevail and most of us felt we had a good working relationship with the Africans; only a misguided few claimed to really understand them! Neither Hilda nor I felt we were achieving a great deal on the farm and we agreed it was time to look further afield. In April 1950, after almost a year in Kitale, I responded to an advert in our national newspaper, the East African Standard, for Prison Officers. Salary £550 per year, uniform and furnished accomodation [sic] provided, generous leave etc. Military experience advantageous, with the rank of Asst. Supt. of Prisons. One pip! At least the job would get us to Nairobi where most of the action was, and we would have an opportunity to look around, but it was also to give me an insight into a very different and often sordid aspect of life. My application was successful. Our family, Hilda and myself, Colin and Wendy, with Paddy and Jeep our two Alsations all crowded into the Austin A70 and once again made the now familiar safari to Nairobi. 150 miles of murram road, through the Transnzoia, and the plains around Eldoret settled almost entirely by South Africans from the Union, winding around ravines to Mau Summit, up and over the 11,500 ft. mountains at Timbarua to Nakuru then 100 miles of luxurious tarmac through Naivasha with its flamingoes [sic] , passed Elementita an extinct volcano, up the escarpment to Nairobi. The tarmac road was built by Italian prisoners of war in W.W.2, the best stretch of road in East Africa. We also took with us Edward Ekeke, an African driver who had been with my father in Abbysinia [sic] during the war. Although a Kikuyu he was a trusted servant, and if left alone by the politicians and other agitators would have stayed loyal, but tribal and other pressures on chaps like Ekeke were great, and in retrospect it was foolish of us to trust them. Ekeke returned to Kitale with the Austin for more personal effects and re-joined us after a few days. I think he must have finally returned to the farm by 'taxi', as the african buses were called. As it claimed in the advert., accomodation [sic] was provided. It could have been described as a three-bedroomed chalet, the walls and roof being of mabati (corrugated iron), and was built on stilts about a foot off the ground. We learned that is [sic] was originally built at the other side of the prison and had been carried to its current location by 200 prisoners. As far as I remember, we moved straight into the 'house', and roughed it until Hilda made it comfortable. There was a bathroom, but the loo was a 'thunderbox' at the end of the back garden with a bucket which a gang of prisoners dealt with about 5 am. every day. The kitchen was a Colonial type near the back door, with a wood stove, and an adequate supply of kuni (firewood) provided by more prisoners. The prison was totally enclosed within a high stone wall, designed to hold 700 prisoners, but with a prison population of about 1900 Africans, 180 Asians, 20 Somalis and 12 Europeans. Quite separate was a small compound for the Wamawaki, (women), with about 20 African and 1 Asian inmate (in for murder but only men were eligible for hanging, so she was serving life). The whole 2000 or so were in the care of about 9 European officers and 200 African Askari. The 85 [page break] Officer i/c was 'Major' Martin M.C., W.W.1 Veteran,as [sic] Snr. Supt., his number 2 was Henry Thacker with 3 pips as a Supt. Henry spoke fluent Kikuyu in addition to Swahili, and in fact had a Kikuyu 'wife'. He had been in the Prisons service for 36 years at that time and sported one medal ribbon, on his right breast. Legend had it that it was awarded by the Royal Humane Society after he saved a cat from drowning, but Henry was on a totally different wavelength to other Europeans. Sid Swan with 2 pips was i/c the stores and accounts, having spent the war in the Kings African Rifles, and having been demobbed as a Major. Other junior officers like myself included Bunty Lewis, rather effiminate [sic] but nevertheless an ex Royal Artillery officer who had a Kenya-born wife; Paddy McKinney, a large hairy ex Irish Guards Sergeant; Jimmie Vant, ex Kings African Rifles, the son of a Keswick lawyer turned Kenya farmer. Jimmie and his wife Dulcie regarded themselves as Kenya settlers and claimed to spend most of their time at the ranch on the Kinankop, hence their landrover vehicle. Another officer, Whitehouse who joined about the same time as me seemed to spend most of his time off sick and did not stay with us very long. There were three other officers whose names elude me but they were all ex-service, and all lived just outside the wall of the main prison. The Duty Officers i/c worked a shift system, 0600 to 1800, assisted by a "day-duties" officer during more or less office hours. The Duty Officer was responsible for the day to day activity in the main prison. We were each armed with an enormous ancient revolver of 0.45 calibre and six rounds of ammo., issued by Mr. Thacker. I objected to the rounds of ammo., pointing out they were dum-dums, the bullets having been filed down to within 1/8" of the cartridge cases., and they contravened the Geneva convention. I remember Henry saying "there is nothing in the Prisons Ordinance about the Geneva Convention, and that's all that matters"! We were ordered in writing to wear the revolver in its holster at all times when on duty, and I thought of my four Brownings of long ago to deal with one enemy, compared to a ridiculous revolver in a compound with nearly 2000 potential enemies. It was in fact general practice, strictly unofficial, to carry the revolver but to leave the ammunition in the safe, and the prisoners knew this. I did carry a loaded Czech. .25 automatic in my pocket of which the prisoners were not aware. Some months after I joined, the Snr. Supt. inspected Paddy's revolver and put him on a charge for not carrying ammunition, "contrary to station standing order number something or other". Paddy was eventually charged before the Commissioner of Prisons and pleaded not guilty, asking to see the written order. This was produced and the charge dismissed. The order refered [sic] to the revolver only, and not ammunition. All very childish, but Paddy of the Irish Guards was not one to be messed about. He produced his dum-dum bullets to the Commissioner who was astonished, and all the dumdums were withdrawn. Paddy also pointed out how ludicrous it was for a lone officer to carry firearms in a crowd of hundreds of prisoners, but the order remained. He was a likeable fellow and when the C.O. quoted the book of rules, Paddy made a detailed study of it. In addition to the Prisons Ordnance, we also had Station Standing Orders which gave Paddy ample scope for playing the barrack-room lawyer. He was seen one night at a party in the Military Police Snr. N.C.O.'s mess, and was put on [deleted] a [/deleted] two charges by Martin. Before the Commissioner he was charged with sleeping off the station and drinking whilst on duty. Again Paddy asked for the rule-book and pleaded not guilty. The book stated that an officer would not sleep off the station whilst [page break] on duty. Paddy agreed he had been at the dance all night and did not in fact sleep anywhere! case [sic] dismissed. Station standing orders also stated that an officer would not partake of alcoholic drink whilst on duty, but a further order stated that an "officer was deemed to be on duty at all times". It therefore followed that all Prisons Officers were required to be completely teetotal, and that was an unlawful order. Martin had met his match and was told to edit Station Standing Orders. The day started at 0630 by unlocking the European cells and counting the inmates, whilst the Askari dealt with all the other prisoners. There was no point in an escape attempt by Europeans, they would not have got very far before being picked up, but for other races it was a different matter. They were guarded very closely. The four main racial groups were quartered separately for sleeping and eating, their customs and diet and indeed their whole culture differing considerably. Only the Europeans slept on beds, the others were not interested and prefered [sic] the floor, some with very thin mattresses. The Europeans wore shoes, the Somalis heavy boots, Asians wore flipflops and the Africans stuck to their bare feet which were generally tougher than any footwear. European food was probably similar to that in U.K. prisons, and with each race having its own traditional food, this was not a case of discrimination, each prefered [sic] its own. Each group also provided its own cooks. Some of the Asians in fact opted out of Prison food and had it sent in, but it was very thoroughly checked. Uniforms differed too, some compromise between standard prison garb and ordinary native dress. Europeans wore K.D. slacks and shirts with arrows printed on them. Africans wore white shirt and white shorts held up by string. Two or three hours were spent in the early morning preparing prisoners for court, generally about 50 of them. Some were on remand, and others were convicted prisoners who were required to give evidence in cases where they were involved as witnesses. In the late afternoon all were returned to the prison possibly with changed status. The paper-work had to be watched very carefully, confusion could arise where one prisoner might have a conviction warrant on one case, a remand warrant on another and possibly a production order to appear as a witness in an entirely different case. It was not unknown for a prisoner to be involved in two cases under different names. Language sometimes presented a problem. The courts conducted the business in English and Kiswahili, but there were many tribal languages and quite often interpreters had to be employed. One such case was when 60 prisoners of the Suk tribe were charged with murder having massacred the District Commissioner and his staff of 12. The only interpreter who could cope with the Suk language translated into Kitoshi, and a second one translated from Kitoshi into Swahili. All 60 were hanged at the prison in due course. They seemed very young to me and I doubt if they really knew what it was all about. They were the ones rounded up by the Police after spears had been thrown at the D.C.'s party from a crowd of 2000 whilst he was reading the Riot Act -literally-. Relationships between officers at the prison were generally very good, with the exception of Martin who thought he was playing soldiers and Thacker for whom we felt rather sorry. 36 years as a prisons officer must have warped his mind somewhat. After about two months I decided to be like the other officers and wear my medal ribbons, and that was when I first fell foul of Major Martin. He asked me what the first medal was and I told him. He said he 87 [page break] had not authorised me to wear it and I laughed and said I didn't need his authority, the King's was good enough. Shortly after this I was on duty when 45 new African prisoners were admitted, but there were 50 warrants. Some were convicted on Capital Charges, (murder, manslaughter, rape etc). My Chief Warder had signed for 50 bodies and 50 warrants, but there were only 45 bodies. It was 5 pm and my obvious priority was to determine which 5 prisoners were missing. It took until 6.30 to sort it out, no-one was missing, the Court was at fault in issuing two warrants each to five prisoners, instead of one warrant and one production order each. Only then did I get around to locking up the European prisoners for the night, 30 minutes late, and I entered this in the log. The next day an Asian prisoner complained to an Asian Official Prison Visitor that the Europeans were not locked up until 6.30 whereas the Asian prisoners were locked up on time. This was racial discrimination and the official visitor reported the matter direct to the Commissioner. I was charged by Martin for failing to carry out a particular standing order in that I failed to lock up the Europeans at 6 pm. 'How do you plead?' saith [sic] the Commiss. 'I don't', I replied, 'I request the case be taken by the Member for Law & Order'. He was the member of Legislative Council equivalent to the U.K. Attorney General, and this was a genuine option available to an officer charged before the Commissioner, same sort of procedure as an Airman on a 252 asking for a Court Martial rather than take his C.O.'s verdict. The Commissioner suspended the charge for the time being and asked Martin why the charge was brought. I was then asked why I had failed and I said that I was the Officer responsible and in unusual circumstances I concentrated my action in what I considered the most important aspect, which was resolving the problem of the 5 apparently missing prisoners. I consider I acted correctly, regardless of Station Standing Orders. Martin said he had not known that and I suggested that he should read the duty log before signing it as seen, next time. I also suggested that an amendment be made to the standing orders to the effect that nothing contained therein would prohibit an officer from using his initiative when he felt it necessary. Anyhow, I went on, it is an unlawful order in any case, and that will be my alternative defence with the Member for Law & Order. The commissioner was intrigued and read out the order "You will lock-up the European prisoners at 6 pm.", looking to me for comment. I said it was an impossible order, locking-up people involves work which takes time, 6pm is a moment of time in which by definition no work can be done. I said the whole set-up is childish and the Commissioner asked Martin to withdraw the charge. It seemed I had joined Paddy in his war of attrition against Martin. Our two alsations, Paddy and Jeep had settled-in very nicely, with only their hereditary training. Their self-appointed task of guarding Hilda and the children was unending. When the family was inside the house, one guard would remain with them whilst the other maintained watch on the verandah [sic] and patrolled outside in the garden. When the children were in the garden whilst prisoners were working in the area, either Paddy or Jeep would deploy themselves between the two groups. Only by instinct our dogs knew the prisoners were not to be trusted and were watched very carefully, but the African askari were regarded as allies. The prison was very close to the boundary of Nairobi National Park, and grew cabbages two feet in diameter in what must have been some of the most fertile land in Kenya, receiving all the effluent from the 2000 odd inmates. Late one afternoon an african prisoner in a work gang fancied his [page break] chances and made a run for it, sprinting along the road passed [sic] the house hotly pursued by about six askari. The askari were at a disadvantage wearing heavy boots and jerseys, but they were joined by Paddy and Jeep who caught up with the prisoner and arrested him in the Game Park. When the askari caught up with them they found the prisoner literally with his pants down, leaning exhausted against a post supporting a notice "Stay in Your Car, Beware of Lion". It was essential but sometimes difficult not to become involved emotionally with the prisoners, almost all of whom had in their eyes suffered a grave injustice by winding-up in jail. One afternoon whilst I was on duty the Chief Immigration Officer, a Mr. Pierce, came to the prison and required me to serve a Deportation Order on a European Prisoner, Major Melbourn. I read the document first and found that Melbourn had been declared an 'undesireable [sic] immigrant' and was therefore to be deported within 5 days. Melbourn had in fact served about 12 months of a three year sentance [sic] for bigamy and would be required to complete the term in the U.K. He was 'undesireable [sic] ' because he had changed his job without permission. I remarked that this was a very lame excuse for such drastic action. After an exchange of views I said I had not sought his permission when I joined the Prisons Service and he advised me to do so without delay! A few days later I was detailed to escort the prisoner to Mombasa, and hand him over to the officer i/c of the prison at Fort Jesus. Meanwhile I had studied all the Melbourn files and they showed a good example of how a fellow could slip up over small technicalities which produced major consequences. Melbourn was a British Army officer serving overseas for almost the entire war. During the Blitz, his wife was in a Convalascent [sic] home in Liverpool which received a direct hit and she disappeared without trace like many others. He had been drawing a marriage allowance in the normal way and eventually reported to his C.O. that it should be discontinued because he believed his wife had been killed in an air-raid. He was advised that until he had proof of this the allowance would continue. He should have applied to the courts for it to be deemed that his wife had been killed but the environment of the Burmese jungle and other wartime pressures were not conducive to that sort of logic and he let the matter rest. After the war he made enquiries in Liverpool without result, and was eventually released from the Army having served for 30 years. Several years later he became engaged to the daughter of the French Consol [sic] in Nairobi, and when they were married he declared that he was a bachelor. They were Catholics and had he referred to himself as a widower, there could have been difficulties and the authorities would have required proof in any case, which he could not provide. Soon after the wedding someone who had been a clerk in the Pay Corps spotted the reference to 'Bachelor' and thought it rather odd that Melbourn had claimed a marriage allowance during the war. He reported this and the subsequent enquiry led to Melbourn being charged with bigamy and convicted. Whilst it was essential that justice must be seen to apply equally to all races, Europeans were the Bwana Mkubwas and were supposed to set an example. White men in jail were an embarassment [sic] to Government and wherever possible they were returned to the U.K. Melbourn had slipped-up on a second trechnicality. [sic] In the U.K. After [sic] demob. he and two ex-Army colleagues, all of whom had served in East Africa in 1945, decided to establish a business in Kenya, and the three applied for Entry permits, Employment passes, Dependants [sic] passes in two cases, and Residence permits. Complete with ambitious plans for the future and proper documentation 89 [page break] the trio arrived in Nairobi and set about organising their new enterprise, one of the first acts being an application to register the name of their company. Whilst this was 'going through channels' problems came to light which could not have been foreseen and their plans had to be abandoned. Melbourn remained in Nairobi and obtained employment, and his two colleagues returned to U.K., disillusioned by the red tape. Whilst looking for a reason to declare Melbourn an undesireable [sic] immigrant the application for permission to work with a firm which did not exist came to light and provided the necessary ammunition. On the night train to Mombasa Melbourn was very chatty, we were both in civvies, he was allowed to use his own money and I felt the best policy would be to let him have a few drinks and to sleep it off. He undertook to behave and understood that at the first sign of being unco-operative he would be handcuffed to his bunk. He told me his story which was the same as gleaned from the files, and added that he had made arrangements to escape at Suez and join the sister of one of the Somali inmates. I handed him over at Fort Jesus, wished him luck and had a look around Mombasa before returning to Nairobi on the night train. About two months later we learned that he had indeed jumped ship at Suez and was working as a Newsreader at Oomdemaan on Egyptian International Radio Broadcasts. I bought some brass plates from him in Nairobi which today are displayed at Wendy's home in Cherryhinton [sic] , and which remind me of the injustice metered out to one who served for 30 years in the British Army. Another European prisoner, on remand, had been arrested for vagrancy. He was a British merchant seaman who felt like a change, had legally entered Kenya with proper documentation and had taken a job driving a native bus. The authorities deemed this was not a suitable job for a white man, declared him undesireable [sic] and deported him, by ship. He would have been quite happy to have joined a ship at Mombasa as crew-member or paid his own passage. He most certainly did not meet the definition of vagrancy, he had more than adequate means of support. I recall his bitterness when he said it was fair enough to drive a bloody army lorry for five years but not an african bus. For nearly six months I relieved Ron Woods as officer i/c the Tailoring section of Prison workshops, whilst he was on home leave. In the workshop 200 prisoners beavered away sewing and stitching, 100 with sewing machines and the other half working by hand. We produced uniforms for all Government departments and also for prisoners and were allowed to undertake private work for anyone willing to provide their own material. One of the European prisoners had been a tailor in civvy street and he was very helpful. There was also a 'mechanical workshop' employing about 100, mostly producing articles in metal for Gov't departments, but also repairing and generally working on motor-cars. I took the opportunity of turning them loose on my father's Packard and they did a very good job. The Tailoring section even produced some seat covers for it without being asked. Shortly after the car was finished, a Salvation Army Major came to me and said that Johnson, a European prisoner who had worked on the car, had seen the light after several months of Bible study and was now determined to go straight. He was serving five years for armed robbery, having held up a taxi in Mombasa. The Major asked for my support for his application to the Parole Board and was in fact going to great lengths to secure the Prisoner's release. I declined my support, and told the Major he had been spoofed, Johnson would never go straight. However, the appeal [page break] was successful and Johnson suggested to me the night before his release that for a small fee he could arrange to 'steal' the car and drop it over Nairobi escarpment for me. Such were the people we were dealing it, [sic] [inserted] with [/inserted] but what finally became of him I don't know. After several months we moved to a much nicer house in the prison officers' compound. Hilda was doing photographic retouching and finishing work in the city for Arthur Firmin, and life was without undue pressures. On saturday [sic] evenings we occasionally went to see our friends George and Iris Dent at the Oasis pub. George was an engineer with the Army Kinema Corporation and a very keen 'ham', VQ4DO, ex ZS6DO. At their parents' Pub George showed films which provided entertainment. This was before the days of television in Kenya. It was on the evening of one of our visits we were sitting in the Dent's home, Wendy was stretched out asleep on the couch and Iris's little boy was playing with his toy cap-gun. This reminded me that the pain in my rear was caused by my .25 automatic in my trouser pocket, so I moved the gun to my jacket pocket. Iris saw this move and said it looked a far nicer gun than her .38 and asked to see it. I handed it over, having checked there was no round up the spout and it was on safe. To our absolute astonishment, Iris cocked it, off with the safety catch and fired. The bullet demolished the leg of the couch less than a foot from Wendy's head. The song "Pistol-packing mamma" didn't seem at all funny any more. Colin was with us and had attended Nairobi Primary School for about two months. Wendy was looked after during the day by Nadudu, the Kitoshi ayah we had taken with us from Kitale. The children called her Bundudu. With the withdrawal of the British Army from Kenya, George and Iris returned to South Africa, George taking up employment with the S.A. Broadcasting Corporation. Today the Oasis pub is thriving, still on the main Mombassa [sic] Road and close to Nairobi airport at Embakasi. I was concerned only with Nairobi prison, but there were prisons in 8 or so towns, backed up by several camps. Later when Mau Mau really got under way, there were many more much bigger 'internment' camps. Some of them in my day were known as rather tough places. Hard Labour was still the prerogative of the courts; It meant exactly that, and was invariably stone breaking. A gang would be given a task of smashing up a number of very large boulders and feeding the fragments through a screen before putting them onto a lorry. Only when the task was complete would they be marched back to the living area. One of our camps was at Lokitong, about 450 miles north of Nairobi, and it frequently happened that prisoners had to be returned from there to Nairobi to attend court. There was no telephone, the only communication with the camp was was [sic] by a telegram to Kitale prison and thence a letter by bus and camel to the camp. It was generally a three-week process, so six weeks was needed to produce a prisoner from Lokitong to a court in Nairobi. I put up a written suggestion that in the absence of telephones we should establish a number of radio stations. I could undertake to establish the stations myself using ex-army 21 sets, maintain them and also to train the operators. The suggestion was submitted through Mr. Martin but addressed to the Commissioner, and according to the Chief Clerk went straight into Martin's waste paper basket. A few days later I delivered a copy direct to the Commissioner's office with a covering letter with my estimate of costs, about £100 per station plus my time and travelling. 91 [page break] I promised instant communication with the camps but it was too revolutionary and there was no provision in the budget for it. About four years later the job was done for them by the Police at a cost of £700,000 with recurring annual expenditure of over £100,000. A lot of money in those days. Jimmie Vant became the Prisons Dept. Telecommunications Officer with no knowledge whatsoever of the subject. He didn't really need any, all the work was carried out by the Police which was staffed entirely by technicians on secondment from the U.K. Home Office. Such is the price of progress and sophisticated over-engineering. No doubt in the 1990s they will be able to spend even more millions and do the job via satelite [sic] . Returning home one afternoon having collected Hilda and two other ladies from the city, and Colin from school, we found the prison surrounded by armoured cars and light tanks with hundreds of Police and Army personnel. Apparently there was a rumour of a pending mass breakout, but it was only a rumour. I regarded it as a show of strength for the benifit [sic] of the unruly. The job in the Prisons Service was like no other I have held either before or since. It was work which started and finished according to the duty roster and activity was determined and limited by the various orders laid down. For every minor detail there had to be a written authority. The Prisons Service had become established about the turn of the century and the antiquated system did nothing to inspire enthusiasm. On one occasion Paddy Mc.Kinney and I were taking a five minute breather in the office and enjoying a coca-cola, when Martin came in and without preamble ordered us to put leg-irons on Mchegi, then stormed out again. Mchegi was a "casi kubwa", a 6'3" Kikuyu in a condemned cell. The leg-irons were a reprisal for Mchegi's offensive the previous day. Martin, on his round of inspection had moved aside the 6" square observation panel in the door of Mchegi's cell to look inside, and received the full force of the contents of the choo (night soil!) bucket in his face. Mchegi was awaiting hanging and had nothing to lose. He was a very dangerous individual who had already killed and because of his violance [sic] often remained in his cell during excercise [sic] periods. Putting leg-irons on this tough character was a formidable task and Martin knew that. Paddy startled me by suggesting that I should open the door of Mchegi's cell, and he would wait at the open end of the corridor where it entered the prison yard. I replied that I would rather he opened Mchegi's door and I would wait in the yard. However, Mchegi had no personal animosity towards me and Paddy's complete plan appeared rational. I opened the cell door with the greeting "Mjambo Mchegi", and he stepped out of the cell, seeing a clear passage to the prison yard and beyond to the open gate in the outside perimeter wall of the prison, with neither officer nor askari in sight. Mchegi recognised his chance to escape and made a dash for it. It was at the end of the corridor that Paddy stepped out hit him and simultaneously an askari tripped him up. Before Mchegi recovered four askari had rivetted on the leg-irons and dragged him back to his cell. A few minutes later Paddy and I were finishing our cokes in the office when Martin came in and remonstrated, "why haven't you carried out my order?" Paddy said we had done so and Martin exclaimed "impossible". When Martin was told just how it had been done we were both on a charge once more. The Commissioner reminded us that striking a prisoner was a very serious matter but when Paddy said it was the preferred alternative to shooting him, there was no answer, and the matter was dropped. Mchegi gave no more trouble and apologised to Martin for his indiscretion, and [page break] Paddy saw to it that Mchegi received his full ration of excercise [sic] time in the prison yard. It was about three weeks after the choo bucket incident that Paddy was in the yard and attacked from the rear by a prisoner with a pair of 12" scissors. Fortunately Mchegi was watching and although still in leg-irons tackled the assailant, overcoming him just in time. Paddy was still cut, but there was no doubt that Mchegi had saved his life. He took a great interest in Mchegi and asked why he had been a condemned prisoner for so long, just waiting for the death sentance [sic] to be carried out. Paddy saw to it that the stabbing incident received a great deal of publicity, and eventually Mchegi was released from jail. Some years later I found he was a Snr. Warder at the prison. About the same time, a new recruit joined us, with the same rank, Asst. Supt. Gr.2, but we found his salary was in fact 2 increments (£120 per annum) higher than ours and we wanted to know the reason why. We were told that he had been in the armed services and was awarded two increments for war service. We, apparently, had been under the average age of entry for the Prisons service at the time of our war service. Our next move was to try and compare our respective efforts during the war, but the new recruit was very reticent about his service career, and somehow didn't seem to speak the language of the soldier. It was several weeks later we found he had been in the German Army and the rest of us felt this really was too much. Regulations on war service increments however did refer to the "armed services" and made no mention of which side a fellow was on. We were not still fighting the [deleted] a [/deleted] war, but we were a uniformed service after all. The Gerry could see he was not wanted and resigned. After 12 months as a Prison Officer I was very disgruntled with the way of life and went to see the Commissioner and gave him one month's notice. This he accepted and on my return to the prison I was handed a letter terminating my appointment with immediate effect, signed by Martin. I then set about thinking of another job, there was lots of scope and on the air next morning my father suggested I should go and see Joe Furness who was Director of Civil Aviation. Later that day, in prison uniform, I called to see the Personnel Officer of D.C.A., one Bert Leaman, and found there might be a possibility of joining the Telecommunications section, and arranged an interview for the following day. [page break] [underlined] CIVIL AVIATION [/underlined] In April 1951 I joined the E.A. Directorate of Civil Aviation as a Radio Officer on a salary of £610 per year. I had no relevant qualifications for this job but I could cope with the morse code at 25 words per minute and had aquired[sic] a general background of aviation during the war years! The first two weeks were spent at R.A.F. Eastleigh studying the workings of the Telecommunications and Air Traffic Control systems, after which I was posted to Mbeya near the Tanganyika/Northern Rhodesia border at 6500 feet above sea level. The journey down to Mbeya was by road, 900 miles, and in the middle of the rainy season. Much advice was received, “all the hotels are closed”, “the roads are waterlogged and blocked”, “there is no petrol beyond Arusha” and so on. We decided to do the trip in four short stages of between 200 and 300 miles per day, with night stops at Arusha, Dodoma and Iringa. Our 1949 Ford Prefect, KCC13, with 60,000 miles on the clock was reshod at a cost of £10. Recapped tyres were the vogue at that time, a practice which has since stopped, being said to be dangerous. However, those recaps. did 22,000 miles on some of the worst roads in the world, without problems, before being replaced, a better performance than the original new tyres. With the car loaded with household equipment, and with Colin and Wendy lying on blankets near the roof of the car we headed south down “the Great North Road”. The first 100 miles was tarmac and no problem in the pouring tropical rain. Always to the south of us -dead on track- were towering thunderheads of cumulo [sic] -nimbus, but nearing the end of the tarmac the rain stopped. Indeed for the next three days the rain stopped falling about twelve hours ahead of us, but also remained on our tail. On the second day, deep ruts in the road caused a broken rear spring near Dodoma, but this was repaired overnight at George’s Garage; very well equipped with spare springs was George. Crossing the hundreds of fords, or drifts was exciting and at times quite hilarious, many being over 100 years wide and comprising merely a strip of concrete 10 feet wide on the bed of the river. Most of them were covered by water, hiding the concrete and the only clue to its location was provided by the poles at each side of the drift. More often than not the river bed at the side of the concrete was worn away creating a drop of a foot or so. A piece of thick wire fixed to the front of the car together with a vertical line on the windscreen, could be lined up with the centre of the two distant poles. By ignoring everything else and having implicit faith in the navigational instrument, we always reached the other side without going over the edge. Without this blind faith there would have been a tendency to keep a little to the up-stream side of the drift. To go over the edge on the other side could have been disastrous. In two places on the second day we were really bogged down in mud but we quickly mastered the technique of driving in reverse over the worst parts, thus becoming front-wheel drive. The most interesting village we passed was Kondor Arangi, between Dodoma and Iringa, on the third day. A beautifully painted and spotlessly clean Arab village, probably unchanged for centuries and almost completely independent of the world outside. After over 35 years I can still recall the aroma of freshly-baked bread, and the welcoming atmosphere of the village. On through Iringa and the final leg of 250 miles of the beautiful scenery of Southern Highlands, completely unspoilt by development. After a night at the Iringa Hotel, we had made our usual early-morning start and reached Mbeya by mid-day. Straight to the Railway station in 95 [page break] Mbeya, a typical East African Railways and Harbours station complete with platforms, but the nearest railway lines and trains were over 400 miles away. A search for Paddy and Jeep, our two alsations, which had been put on the train five days previously in Nairobi, was to no avail. It was to be a further three days before they reached Mbeya, very hungry and very thirsty. After a night in ‘Links’ Salter’s Mbeya Hotel we inspected our new home at the airport. Known as Wilson Airways Rest House, built in 1932 for use by British Airways – before the change of name to Imperial Airways, and B.O.A.C. – It was ‘U’ shaped with 2 kitchens and 10 bedrooms. No electricity of course but a dozen or so paraffin lamps took care of the lighting problem. An african [sic] was provided to carry water from a tap about four hundred yards away to keep our small tank topped-up. The house was very convenient at the side of the runway, actually the grass landing area. It was very pleasant to sit on the verandah[sic] where there was a wonderful view of Mbeya Peak. We had only two neighbours, the Claytons from Burnley who were ‘refugees’ from the groundnut scheme at Kongwa and now in charge of a tipper unit with the Public Works Dept., and Bwana Grigg, an old-timer who had been a prospector and was then a Weights and Measures Inspector. Mbeya was our home for 2 1/2 years, the aerodrome had been up-graded from a one-man to two-man station open from 0600 to 1800 hrs. every day. My colleague was George Hanson, who originally hailed from Selby in Yorkshire, an ex-wireless operator in Royal Signals during the war who had joined E.A. Posts and Telegraphs as a Radio Officer in 1947. George had spent 3 years in Burma during the war and returned to Selby in 1946. To find his fiance [sic] in the arms of two Italian prisoners. According to George he gave the Italians a thrashing – which would have been very true to character – and left them with their heads jammed in the railings, to be released later by the fire-brigade. The Law caught up with him and George was given a dressing -down by the magistrate who said “We don’t want ruffians like you in this country”. George claims he told the magistrate to get some service in and his knees brown and the case was adjourned. At that time the Crown Agents were recruiting for East African Posts & Telegraphs Dept. and George felt it was time to emigrate. All aeronautical communications were handled by E.A.P. & T. until the end of 1950 when they were taken over by the Directorate of Civil Aviation. George and I had to cover 84 hours each week between us, thoeoretically[sic] a 42 hour week, but there was no provision for sickness, local leave, and the many chores which required both of us, like being in three places simultaneously. We were assisted by an african [sic] wireless operator, a Kikuyu 1200 miles from his home, a cleaner, a watchman, and a diesel mechanic, Kundan Singh Babra, all of whom lived on the station. George and I agreed our individual responsibilities, we would each carry out our 42 hours per week on watches, which included R/T to aircraft on HF and VHF, an aerodrome control function, W/T to Nairobi as required, originating meteorological reports each hour and coding them into Aero format, and customs duties. In addition, he would deal with all the admin., and I would see to the technical aspect of keeping the station on the air. The station had been established in 1932 and the original Marconi M/F Beacon, a type TA4A was still in use and in immaculate condition. We had a stock of MT16 valves enough to last for another 30 years. We also had an ex-South African Air Force T1190 of 1933 vintage, fitted in 1940, and four ET4336 transmitters for working aircraft on R/T and Nairobi on W/T. Everything was in very good condition and gave me no problems. Our “office” was at the D/F [page break] (direction finding) station, and was fitted with one of the original DFG10 Marconi recieivers [sic] . We could not see the runway from the office, which rather limited our scope in controlling it. Each week, Mbeya had only 4 East African Airways scheduled Dakotas and Loadstars, on the Nairobi-Dar es Salaam route, plus a Beaver of Central African Airways from Blantyre in Nyasaland and one R.A.F. transport from Johannesburg to Nairobi. There were also up to a dozen or so charters which sometimes arrived with little or no notice. Our M/F Beacon was the only navigation aid for some hundreds of miles in all directions. The D/F Receiver was not in use and had a faulty power unit. This I serviced and used the receiver for monitoring Tabora’s M/F Beacon. We were operating also on 6440 KHz, the Salisbury F.I.C. channel, unofficially, to keep in touch with the Beaver aircraft which were not fitted with Nairobi F.I.C. channels. This proved very useful and also gave us a rapid link with Salisbury Ndola and Blantyre. One day and R.A.F. Anson called on [underlined] 6440 [/underlined] and reported his MF/DF receiver, - in his only [inserted in margin] NOT 6440 BUT 5190[?] [/inserted in margin] navigational aid – out of order. He was over mountains, - he hoped – in cloud, could we give him QDM’s, (courses to steer) on M/F ?. I told him to transmit on 333 KHz, the standard frequency for this purpose, and it took only a few seconds to retune the DFG10 to this frequency. For the next 2 1/2 hrs. I gave him a QDM every three minutes. The weather was bad and the aircraft eventually landed at Mbeya, staying overnight. The Navigator was visibly shaken, he did not know his position, only that if he acted on the QDM,’s he would eventually reach Mbeya. Only after landing could he calculate his ground speed, about 70 knots. On arrival over Mbeya the crew were able to see Mbeya Peak above cloud, This was five miles to the North of us and with a cloud base of 3000 feet above the aerodrome they were able to descent and land. All this would of course have been totally unacceptable to a civilian aircraft which would have possibly returned to it’s starting point. The R.A.F. aircraft without any Nav. Aids had really no option. Some weeks later we received a letter from the R.A.F. thanking us for the assistance we had given the Anson crew in providing M/F bearings thus preventing a possible disaster, etc. etc. Unfortunately this letter was also copied to D.C.A. H.Q. with another asking if the facility could be retained. The next mail brought a letter from our own boss, the Director of Civil Aviation.. “Whilst complimenting and thanking you for taking the initiative on this occasion…”. The letter went on to point out the legal significance of giving information to pilots and of undertaking to provide a direction-finding facility with 20-year old equipment and no spares. I made sure I could provide an alternative power supply of 2 and 130 volts which did not take much imagination and adapted some modern valves – type 6C4 – with bases to replace the original 1930 vintage triodes. There were not used in my 2 1/2 years in Mbeya and we continued to give bearings to the R.A.F. unofficially. About 2 years later a Pye VHF set was fitted together with a D/F antenna and also a modern Redifon M/F Beacon, both with an effective range no better than 25% of the 1932 equipment. This was not the fault of the manufacturers. In the case of the D/F the reason was the difference in propagation characteristics and with the M/F Beacon it would have been better to retain the original 1932 Marconi type antenna. I have no notes of this period, but memories are many. I recall seeing a Cheetah on the grass landing area we called a runway, whilst carrying [page break] out a runway inspection. As I approached, the cheetah ran off. My foot was hard down doing 58 m.p.h. just behind it, but the cheetah gradually drew away. Daily inspection of the ‘runway’ was necessary. Ant-Bear holes appeared quite often, and just one of these was sufficient to wreck an aircraft. Africans had free access to the runway except when aircraft were actually using it. One evening a grass fire started and swept first along the windward side of the runway where the grass was long, and then crossed it in a line of flame and black smoke the whole length of the runway. Hilda and I were on foot at the other side of the runway and witnessed literally hundreds of snakes fleeing from the fire. There were lots of snakes and other creatures in that area which after all was open African bush. This was again highlighted at 6 am one morning when I drove to the D/F station and opened up the radio. It was still dark and there was a very pungent smell of pigs. I assumed there was a dead animal outside but within a few minutes it was daylight and having established contact with Nairobi on w/t and confirmed there were no overnight disasters requiring my attention, I went outside to investigate. There were elephants all over the place, standing there, and looking just as surprised as I was. I made a strategic withdrawal smartly into the D/F station and bolted the door. On my way to the office I had met the African nightwatchman who was waving his arms about and saying something about ‘tembo mningi sani”. The word Tembo was generally associated with Elephant Brand Beer, which was more a part of everyday life in our immediate area than the animal after which it was named. I assumed he had been drinking and thought no more of it. The africans too were soon awake and trying to chase the elephants out of the maize, throwing tin cans, stones and even pangas at them. Three africans were killed in the process. Meanwhile I telephoned the police who said it was not their shouri (affair), “tell the Game Warden”. It was then 6.15am. and the Game Warden would not take the matter seriously, claiming I was drinking too much, “see the M.O.”! There was a scheduled Dakota due at 7 am. and I asked the pilot to overfly the runway and make sure there were no elephants on it, and this he agreed to do. I gave him the surface wind and QNH and landing clearance, and he came straight in and landed, without checking. He too thought I was not being serious about the elephants. It was mid-day before the elephants left of their own accord and moved back towards the mountains to the south. The Africans said the elephant movement was a sure sign that Rungwe, our local dormant volcano was about to erupt, and the elephants had already received warning. They took me to the fire trench round the Shell petrol dump which was 10 feet deep, and showed me the alternate layers of volcanic ash and sandy soil, starting at the bottom with four inch layers. At the 5’ level about 8” layers, gradually thickening as compression decreased to a 12” layer of ash and finally, 18” of soil at the top. There was no record of the date of the last erruption,[sic] probably some hundreds of years ago. We did experience several earth tremmors [sic] in Mbeya, but it was a nice life and we decided to stick it out! Colin and Wendy were attending Mrs. Maugham-Brown’s infants school in the town and were making very good progress. Hilda was doing retouching of photographs for Arthur Firmin which were sent to and from his Nairobi office by air mail. It was in Mbeya that I built my first amateur transmitter with bits and pieces from the junk box, and was soon in daily contact with the outside world on the morse key. On the sixth of Feb. 1952 I called my chum in Liverpool as usual and he told me that all U.K. stations were closed for the day in deference to King [inserted] G6YQ George [/inserted] [page break] George VI who had died during the night. Later that day Hilda and I went to Mbeya School to see Colin, expecting the football match to have been cancelled. I expressed my surprise to the Provincial Commissioner (the King’s direct representative) that the Union Jacks were not at half mast and the game still on. He told me not to spread rumours and he would deal with me after the game. Just after half-time a Police askari despatch rider drove onto the field and gave the P.C., who was referee, a message. The P.C. stopped the game and announced that the King was dead. He was very annoyed indeed that I had received the message direct from U.K., many hours ahead of the official channels. Mbeya had a local telephone service which did not connect with any other. It was also at one end of a single-wire line of about 1000 miles which was used for passing telegraph messages. This linked about 30 places ‘up-country’ with Dar es Salaam, the Capital. There was no other way officially of telecommunicating with Mbeya. It so happened that I had a pair of ex-military amplified telephones, which were battery powered, press-to-talk operation and which gave an amplification each of 20 dB (100 times). I sent one of these to Jimmie Waldron in Dar es Salaam and by arrangement he called me one morning at 0545 on this line. We had a first-class conversation which was truly remarkable. This was possible only because the operators at the 30 or so other stations were still asleep, and not interfering. I have no doubt this particular exploit would compare very favourably with the record longest telephone conversation over a single wire and earth, if indeed a record has been established. George Hanson and I got on very well with each other, both being from Yorkshire and both being ex-Service, but eventually his tour of 2 1/2 years was completed and he was succeeded by Doug. Clifton, who was ex-PTT and R.A.F. ground wireless operator. We moved into the cottage vacated by George and family, near to the transmitting station, and I ran a mains cable underground between the two. This gave us 230 ac. Power for 12 hours a day and at night whenever the radio beacon was required for overflying aircraft. 99 [page break] One quiet morning the Provincial Commisioner [sic] asked me to his home to discuss a problem, and on arrival I was told that the Governor, Sir Edward Twining was convalescing in Mbeya, having just arrived, but could stay only if he could speak regularly with the Chief Secretary in Dar es Salaam. The Police and Posts & Telegraphs Departments had already been approached and could not assist. I was authorised to cut clean across any rules and regulations in order to set up a communications channel. Back at the D/F Station I sent an official message on the Aeronautical W/T channel to CHF ZHTD (Officer i/c Airport Dar-es-Salaam) asking him to pass a message to Jimmie Waldron, P.T.T. Chief Engineer’s office. I told Jimmie of the Governors request and the powers bestowed upon us, and that I would call him on 7151 KHz which was just above the upper limit of the amateur 40 meter band. I would install a receiver at the P.C.’s house. Would he advise me of his transmitting frequency. Meanwhile I got the local P.T.T. to connect my second aerodrome telephone line to the second line to the P.C.’s house. This automatically provided a microphone for the P.C. and enabled me to make a simple connection to my amateur transmitter at the airport. Half an hour later I received a message on the aeronautical channel “Loud and clear on 7175, Dar es salaam calling you on 8775. A check on my local receiver and indeed there was Jimmie. I then drove to the P.C.’s house and retuned the receiver to 8775, and we had first class duplex communication. A lady’s voice came on “Is that you George?” “No Love, this is Cliff”. “Oh dear, this is Lady Twining, is my husband George there please?” I handed him the telephone and restrained myself from saying “It’s for you George, I thought your name was Edward”. For the next two weeks the link was in constant use and another letter of thanks was sent from D.C.A. in Nairobi. Why the fuss one might say, but in 1952 it was the very first time [inserted] H E [/inserted] H.H. the Governor had spoken by private radio telephone to his Chief Secretary from outside Dar es Salaam. This was another ‘first’, also on an amateur basis. At Mbeya Post Office I was introduced to the Manager of New Saza Gold Mine, which was about 100 miles north of Mbeya. He said his radio link with Mbeya had not worked for four years although experts from all over East Africa had tried to fix it. It was a simple w/t link to Mbeya Post Office where there was an operating position and transmitter set up on 3900 KHz which seemed to be a reasonable frequency for the job. “Fix it and you can name your price”, and I agreed to have a go on a ‘no pass, no fee basis’. I first set up a spare DCA transmitter keyed from the D/F station, rather than rely upon co-operation from the Post office. My own DCA operator would monitor. I called the local Post office from the aerodrome but there was no reply. This was the rainy season and it would be a three hour drive through the bush to New Saza, so I lost no time over the Post Office and set off in my Ford Prefect complete with two amateur transmitters and two receivers, any combination of which could do the job if all else failed. On arrival, their station appeared to be working and with adequate output, but I soon found the output stage was doubling to 7.8 MHz. and not amplifying straight through 3.9. A higher tapping on the coil fixed that and I called Mbeya Post office. No reply. Then I called ZEQ3, my own office at the D/F Station and my operator came up trumps. We were in contact with 556 [page break] Mbeya. I asked my operator to ring the Postmaster asking him to kick his wireless operator. He found the transmitter had the wrong crystal in it and the receiver was also detuned. Having corrected this, all three stations were in contact. The station receiver at New Saza was a pre-war ‘straight set’, that is, not a superhet, and was not ideal, so I added one of my own receivers. In addition, I fitted a second operating position, with my own equipment and separate aerial, as a standby. The manager was delighted and I was rewarded handsomely. Only once in the next 18 months did I need to visit New Saza for a minor fault. Electrical and mechanical power for the mine was derived from a very old wood-burning steam engine of pre-1914 vintage and German manufacture. On the road about half way to the mine, was Chunya, a typical American-type western one-horse town, the main street being unpaved and 200 feet wide. The place was almost derelict, a few prospectors still panned for gold in the stream, but in years gone by it had supported a population of over 2000. There was a Police post which sported a telephone connected to Mbeya Post office. The overhead line ran at the side of the ‘road’ and I had this in mind for emergency use. A field telephone was part of my standard safari equipment in the car. Later on I carried a transmitter on the aeronautical H/F channels in addition. Communications was often the key to survival. One very hot day, about noon, George Blodgett, an American tourist, took off from Mbeya in his Cessna 180 with his wife and another passenger, continuing their round-the-world holiday. The aircraft carried the same load as when it took off from Dar es salaam without problem a week or so previously. But Dar was at sea level, and Mbeya at 6500 feet. Dar had a proper concrete runway with a clear flight path. Mbeya had a grass ‘runway’, much shorter and with a small hill at one end and a mountain within 4 miles at the other end. It was the slight banking to avoid the small hill which caused the aircraft to stall and plough along the ground, writing itself off. It took me several minutes to reach the wreck, to find a bewildered trio shaken-up, but physically unhurt. There was a strong smell of petrol which came from a 5 gallon can INSIDE the aircraft. The can had a hand pump and hose which fitted on the drain cock of a fuel tank inside the port wing. Transferring the petrol was achieved by opening a window and leaning out to fix the pipe. This rather surprised me as George was a very experienced pilot and was in fact the first to cross the Andes in Peru, solo, where some years later he went missing without trace. His life-story was written up in Time & Life and referring to his accident in Mbeya, it said he had crashed in the bush and the Despatcher from Mbeya trecked [sic] all night to reach the aircraft, to find George and his passengers surrounded by lions and tigers. Lions were a possibility but the only tigers in Africa are [deleted] a few imported ones in captivity. [/deleted] [inserted] in West Africa and are not tigers as we know them. [/inserted] Mbeya was a peaceful place, and to a large extent we were able to plan our lives. Occasionally we became involved with the local tribesmen, particularly after one of their frequent skirmishes. Generally a small group would appear at the house bearing the injured on bicycles with blood all over the place, and asking me to take the casualties to hospital. The first time this happened I took them by car to the African Hospital and not really knowing the system, gave them my name. Some weeks later I received the bill. Subsequent deliveries were made in the name of Ramsey Macdonald! Soon after joining DCA I noticed on one of many flight plans received the name of Iliffe as Captain of an incoming Dakota. When the First Officer 101 [page break] called me on VHF I requested him to ask the Captain if the number 1090111 meant anything to him. Back came the reply, affirmative. I gave him my first service number 1384956 and after he had landed, went over to the Terminal Building to see him. There wasn’t much time for reminiscing but he marvelled that I had remembered his first service number. It was on a pay parade in Bulawayo that Howard’s name was not called with the others in alphabetical order. It was called at the very end when he gave his ‘last three’, somewhat disgruntled, as “Sir, One one bloody one”. We had seen a great deal of each other on the troopship going to Durban and until our ways parted at Belvedere where Howard got his wings and my records were stamped ‘Wastage’. After his training at Belvedere, he completed S.F.T.S. on Oxfords and in U.K. converted to Dakotas. His war was on Transport Command, flying Dakotas. We met several times in the next 15 years, the last time being in 1965 when Howard was the Captain of a Comet of East African Airways returning to the U.K. After 2 1/2 years in Tanganyika our tour was finished and we were due for 6 months leave in U.K.. We opted to travel by air rather than sea but did not realise when making the decision that this referred to trunk travel to U.K. from the International Airport of the territory in which we finished our tour. It was unlikely that we would return to Mbeya after leave, my successor expecting to stay for the full 2 1/2 years. All our effects were crated up whilst we spent the last week in Mbeya Hotel. The car was left with the Postmaster and Paddy our Alsation [sic] boarded with Mrs. Maugham-Brown. And so with four children, Christopher a baby of 4 months, we said farewell to Mbeya at the railway station, not by train but by diesel-powered bus - referred to as a ‘taxi’ by the Africans. The first leg took us the 250 miles through Southern Highlands to Iringa, where accommodation was reserved at Iringa Hotel. The next day was very similar, by another ‘taxi’ to Dodoma. The drivers were Africans, probably ex-Kings African Rifles, and their driving was of a very high standard considering the state of the road. There was some tarmac in the towns, but otherwise the road surface was graded murram, a well-packed reddish sand. This was apt to become corrugated after rain and scarred with deep wheel ruts. Ruts made by lorries could be quite deep and dangerous to cars with little clearance below. The ‘taxi’ took us direct to the railway station at Dodoma where we had been advised to request compartments as near to the engine as possible, where the sway is minimum. The first job was to wash all the nappies and as we had two compartments it was easy to sling a couple of lines and hang up the nappies to dry. It was very hot in Dodoma, and the carriage windows were all open because of the heat. In the evening the engine got up steam and the train moved off amid clouds of thick black smoke, most of which seemed to come in at the windows. For 18 hours we chugged across the plains with its tens of thousands of many different types of wild animals, gradually descending to the coast and becoming progressively hotter. Arriving in Dar es Salaam at about 4 pm., the temperature in the shade was 120 deg.f. and it was a great relief to flop onto the beds in the air-conditioned hotel. The evening was spent in trying to clean up our clothing and indeed ourselves, with Christopher’s nappies hanging on lines in the hotel room. The nappies dried within an hour but were still filthy. After a browse around the big stores in Dar, we handed in our 480 lbs. of baggage and placed ourselves in the capable hands of B.O.A.C. 556 [page break] Our flight home was by Arganaut, [sic] 16 hours flying, stopping at Nairobi, Entebbe, Khartoum, Benghazi and Rome. Plenty of seat room, excellent food and a very comfortable flight. One engine developed trouble approaching Italy and we were delayed for 24 hours in Rome. The Romans were hostile to the British at that time, I cannot remember why this was so, but we enjoyed a conducted tour of Rome and first-class hotel accommodation. At breakfast next morning I thought I recognised a fellow at the next table. He was under the same impression and when he spoke to us there was instant recognition. He was the B.O.A.C. Rep. in Rome and we had seen a great deal of each other on the squadron in North Africa. He was then W/O Woolston, a pilot on 150 Sqdn. We arrived in London 24 hours late, but there were no complaints. B.O.A.C. had made the trip very enjoyable. The greater part of our leave was spent in London with Hilda’s parents, and I took the opportunity of spending 12 weeks at the School of Telegraphy in Brixton, for an Intermediate C. & G. in Telecomms and a P.M.G 1st. Class licence. I was also on a course of Dexedrine to reduce my weight, eating very little and actually losing it at the rate of 1lb. per day, for 44 days. Peter Gunns, another D.C.A., Radio Officer had been at the school for 6 months and was doing the complete 12 month course for a P.M.G. second class licence. I decided to give it three months and take the first class ticket. The Principal at the school advised against it, almost everyone first obtained a second-class ticket before trying for a first. For three months I swatted hard, long into the night and then went to Post Office H.Q. in St. Martin-le-Grand and applied to take the P.M.G.1 licence. The Chief examiner asked to see my second-class licence and when I said I didn’t have one, he said “look son, try for a second class and if you pass, come back in a few years time and try for a first”. I replied that I was not interested in anything second-class and he shrugged his shoulders and booked me to take the exam. three days hence. The exam. took from 9 am to 5 pm., written and practical and was quite intensive. The final part was the morse test at 25 w.p.m. and the examiner was wearing an R.S.G.B. tie. I took a chance at the end of the test and sent, on the key ‘QRA? De VQ4BM’ and after an exchange of greetings he asked me if I was returning to Kenya. I replied “yes, but only if I pass this exam”. He sent QRX3 and left the room, returning with a smile and said “strictly off the record, you could book your ticket”. The next three days were taken up with City & Guilds exams, and I was delighted when my P.M.G. licence arrived by post. The following day, feeling on top line, Hilda and I went to M.C.A. Headquarters at Berkeley Square and I applied to take the Flight Radio Officer’s exam. I found this was held only twice yearly and by sheer coincidence the next one was the following day. I was told to just fill in the form, pay £3 and come back at 0830 the next day. I saw the Chief examiner and told him I wasn’t quite prepared for the exam. at such short notice, it was many years since I had studied the S.B.A. and Navigational aids. He told me not to worry about them and to check through the last 5 exam. papers, copies of which he lent me. They could be bought openly from the “shop” downstairs, but this was already closed. He also said “bear in mind that everything has its own natural frequency”. I spent until 5 am next morning making sure I could answer all the questions on those papers, and doubly sure of the compulsory questions. I noticed that 103 [page break] year 4 had the same compulsory questions as year 1, and year 5 the same as year 2. Year 6 was to be my lot and if this was to be the same as year 3, on cathode ray tubes, all would be well, and I had a couple of hours sleep. It had taken me a long time to realise what the Chief Examiner had meant by “it’s own natural frequency”. The exams were spread over a period of two days and I failed two of them. The first was a three-minute test writing down the phonetic alphabet and I wrote “Alpha bravo coca delta foxtrot golf hotel etc.” The examiner looked over my shoulder and remarked “what on earth have we here, have you never heard of able baker Charlie?”. I thought this was a catch and I said “yes but that went out three years ago when I.C.A.O. introduced this one”. It seemed that Britain was three years behind the rest of the world on this simple issue. I had however quite rightly failed on R/T procedure. All went well on a simulated flight from Manchester to Jersey when I received a chitty that both engines had stopped and we were on fire. There was already a M’iadez in force from another aircraft and I broke radio silence and put out my own “M’aidez” without the Captain’s authority and that was the end of the exam. FAILED! on two counts. I had passed two three hour written papers, a two hour practical exam., an hour’s morse at 25 w.p.m. and failed on two ridiculous details. I said I was sufficiently experienced to anticipate the Captain’s instruction to send out an SOS but the book does say that only the Captain has the authority. However, I paid another £3 which I could by then ill-afford and resat the two parts the following morning. The licence came by post a few days later. The R/T Procedure test was the same as before, and when we reached the point where I had put out my M’aidez I just sat tight. I heard the other aircraft transmit his SOS again and it was acknowledged by Jersey Approach. Without authority to transmit an SOS I could not break radio silence according to the regulations and I continued to sit tight. One minute of real time was equivalent to 10 minutes of ‘flying’ and after 30 minutes of theoretical flying time I removed my headphones and placed them on the table. The examiner did likewise and asked me what I thought I was doing. I just said “swimming to the surface”. He laughed and said O.K. at least you didn’t originate a M’aidez. In the practical M.C.A. exam the equipment in use was the T1154 and R1155 and the main object of the examiner seemed to me to be one of getting me confused, argumentative and thoroughly rattled. Thanks maybe to the dexedrine I realised what his game was and remained very calm indeed. He admitted afterwards that he was trying to get me rattled, remaining calm and composed was all important in the air!. I cast my mind back 10 years but said nothing. Meanwhile Peter Gunns was still plodding on and becoming very discouraged. I urged him to take the PMG2 the following week, there was little point in further delay. I spent a week with him going through every paper set for 5 years, and he was successful in the exam. A few weeks later we returned to Nairobi together. About 10 years later Peter died of a heart attack whilst on night duty in the Nairobi Communications Centre. He was taking a short break and read in the newspaper that Pinnocks had folded up. He had £15,000 invested with them, and the loss was too much to bear. After a few weeks at Eastleigh I was posted to Mwanza on the southern shores of Lake Victoria, again in Tanganyika. [page break] Our car, a Ford Prefect KCC13 (new price £400) and Paddy our alsatian, were nearly 1000 miles away in Mbeya and I was able to scrounge a flight as supernumery [sic] crew with East African Airways. The return journey by road with Paddy took 30 hours non-stop except for refuelling and for half an hour at dawn when driving was dangerous. The work in Nairobi was operating air/ground channels on R/T and W/T and also at the D/F station giving H/F bearings to aircraft on the Khartoum and Johannesburg sectors where navigation aids were few and far between. It transpired later that the D/F station was adjacent to the Mau Mau graveyard. I recall one day looking out of the door and seeing the police askari guard fast asleep with his loaded rifle on the ground beside him. More for security reasons than mischief I took the rifle inside the building and it was still there when I closed the station at 1830. But there was no sign of the askari, so I put the rifle in the loft of the small building, intending to do something about it next day. Somehow I forgot all about it for two weeks and then handed in the rifle at the R.A.F. guardroom and questioned why the police had taken no action. The askari had just disappeared without trace. Once again our household effects were packed into crates, and despatched by ‘rail’ to Mwanza. We had exchanged our Ford Prefect for an Austin A70 and motored via Kitale (my father’s farm) to Kisumu where we boarded the M.V. Rusinga. The Rusinga ploughed clockwise round the lake shore calling at Musoma, Mwanza, Bukoba, Entebbe, Jinja and complete circle to Kisumu. Her sister ship the M.V. Usoga called at the same ports, but went anti-clockwise round the lake. A third ship, the M.V. Sybil was smaller and more or less a reserve vessel. Lake Victoria was the second largest inland sea in the world, and became the largest when its level rose 8 feet with the building of the dam at Jinja a few years later. The voyage of about 200 miles took a very pleasant 30 hours with one halt at Musoma. We were met at Mwanza Port by Johnny King who I was relieving. He said he expected to return to Mwanza in 6 months as it was his station and his wife’s father was Government entomologist permanently stationed there. His wife’s family were German, very domineering and forceful. I didn’t mind the mother’s clay pipe but took an instant dislike to her Bavarian-type husband. I insisted upon a proper formal take-over at the airport which was just as well, and the proper storage of King’s personal effects at P.W.D and not in the transmitter room. For a couple of weeks we stayed at Mwanza Hotel and then moved to a delightful house at Bwiru, facing north with a wonderful view over Lake Victoria. Palm trees in the foreground, paw paw trees in the garden and - we discovered much later - leopard in the hills at the back of the house. The water supply came from a storage tank half a mile up the hill via a metal pipe on the surface of the ground, and was always hot enough for a bath without further heating. The water had to remain in our roof storage tank for some time before we could regard it as being a cold water supply. Water and electricity could not be taken for granted in East Africa, but the house was connected to the town electricity supply. The airport was a fairly new one about 10 miles east of town, by the lake shore, the single runway 18/36 being of grass. It was a neat little place, the transmitters being in the room below the Control Tower with two diesel engines and fire station being in a custom-built building 50 yards away. The 105 [page break] transmitters were two RCA ET4336s, a G54 Redifon M/F Beacon and an ex-R.A.F. T1154. In the Control Tower was a Pye PTC704 VHF set with a direction-finding antenna. There were only 6 scheduled aircraft per week and an average of about 10 charters. This was a ‘one man’ station and my working hours were long. Perhaps the highlight of the tour was the four-day visit of H.R.H. Princess Margaret. The ten mile road to town was ‘tarmaced’ [sic] a few days before her arrival. The original murrum (red sand) surface was first graded and then covered by a quarter inch layer of chippings and sprayed with tar. The cost was £11,000 which was charged to my aerodrome maintenance vote. For the few days of the visit the road looked really superb, and then just a few days later it rained and the remains of the “tarmac surface” were cleared away by grader, the surface reverting to murram once more. [page break] Every effort was being made by the Administration to make the Royal Visit a success and the costs were covered somehow. The M.V. Sybil was in dock for 6 months at Kisumu being completely refitted so the Princess could spend just a few hours on the lake. An R.A.F. Shackleton flew down from Aden to provide an escort for the Sybil. Four radio stations were established on the boat, each with an operator, to contact the Police on H/F W/T, Aircraft on VHF, Mwanza Airport on H/F R/T, and E. A. Railways & Harbours. Just about every vessel afloat on Lake Victoria seemed to be milling around outside the harbour waiting for the Sybil and the Princess. A Widgeon aircraft, the only amphibean [sic] in E. Africa, was detailed to position itself at the end of the runway at instant readiness for take-off. The Shackleton took-off to patrol an hour before the Sybil was due to leave harbour, Captain Chris Treen positioned his Widgeon and stayed put with engines idling. All the Sybil's radios were tested and people were getting excited. We were then advised that it was a case of not tonight Josephine, H.R.H. had a headache, the trip was cancelled. The Shackleton, looking remarkably like a real Lancaster landed on my murrum runway, and the Widgeon had to be towed in backwards, the engines having over-heated. In company with all the other Colonial officials I had been given six pages of foolscap telling me how to address the Princess and how to conduct myself in the Royal presence. There was also an application form for a Permit to be at the airport for her arrival and another application form regarding my being presented to the Princess. It was the two application forms which bugged me. I refused to apply for a permit to enter the airport where every aspect was my responsibility, if anyone denied me access, be it on their own head. "Before applying to be presented", the write-up stated, "You must qualify under at least one of the following headings:- 1. Be a Government Servant on a salary exceeding '£x' 2. Be a serving officer of H. M. forces, 3. Be a retired officer having held a rank above 'Y' 4. Hold a Civil Decoration equivalent or senior to an M.B.E. 5. Hold a military decoration. 6. Have already been presented to another member of the Royal Family. There was virtually an order to apply if one qualified and this decided me to ignore the whole issue. I was not in favour of the pomp and circumstance and the relatively vast expenditure involved, and I was never any good at playing charades and other party games. Just before the Royal Visit a gang of workmen turned up at the airport and were starting to fit a toilet suite in the 'Crew Room'. This was a small room where aircrews could relax and enjoy a little privacy between flights. Toilet facilities were quite adequate without specially converting the crew room for the Princess. I vetoed the plan, and finally the toilet wing, already with four Asian type and four European type loos was enhanced with one new and rather superior loo. The superloo did come in useful however; whilst the Princess was inspecting the guard of honour, the bare-chested Engineer of the Widgeon aircraft appeared inside the Terminal building, 107 [page break] looking quite incongruous in his filthy shorts and sandals. I told him to keep out of sight until Princes Margaret had left. He did, and hid in the superloo. After the visit, someone fixed a royal coat of arms an the door to which I had the only key. I was tempted to replace the heraldry with a replica of the board made for me by one of the German prisoners at Poynton. written in Gothic characters "Lager Kommandant, Eintritt Verbotten". The Royal Visit was the highlight of the decade for Mwanza, the road to the aerodrome was closed for three hours and all the Police were concerned only with the visit. It was during that three hours the villains broke into many European houses. We lost all our shoes which were not actually being worn at the time, some clothing, and all our clocks including a time-switch I had just repaired for someone. There was one charter aircraft based at Mwanza, the Widgeon piloted by Chris Treen. It was a very busy aircraft, being an amphibean [sic] , going relatively short flights mostly around the lake shore. Chris had a full-time engineer who was not very co-operative, and the operation proved to be uneconomical although Chris tried very hard. He was on Transport Command during the war and later flew in the Berlin Air Lift, then flew the Widgeon from U.K., 6000 miles to Mwanza. The airline had its moments, on one occasion the Provincial Commissioner was climbing out of the aircraft at Ukerewe Island into a dingy which collapsed and he was nearly drowned. Submerged rack. and crocodiles added to the excitement One of the busiest aircraft at Mwanza was a Miles Magister which, was owned privately and which has also been flown out from England by its owner, an official of the Lint & Seed Marketing Board, who also had an Aircraft Maintenance Engineers' licence. It became the main asset of the Mwanza Aeroclub and was very active at weekends. The tribe an Ukerewe Island had it's own language, and the story goes that the District Officer studied the language and wrote a dictionary and grammar for it. Having done so he applied for the £60 per year "language competency allowance", and to qualify had first to pass the Official Colonial Office exam. in the subject. The Colonial Office department which organised such matters was duly asked to prepare an exam. and find an invigilator for it, but was not given the identity of the candidate. There was no record of anyone being able to speak the language, and they approached the obvious source, the District Officer Ukerewe. As a part of his normal chores he was pleased to prepare the two papers as 2 hours of translation each way between English and the native language of Ukerewe. On arrival in U. K. on leave, he received a letter from another Colonial Office department, addressing him by name and asking him to invigilate at as examination, giving the venue and date. Shortly after, yet another office wrote to him advising him that an examination had been arranged and wishing him luck in the exam. He hardly needed it, reporting as directed in his official capacities as both invigilator and examinee. Not only that, but he had also prepared the examination papers. He was the only European who knew the language and he got his £60. per annum. The common language with the natives was of course an up-country impure Swahili, as in all parts of East Africa. I had studied Kiswahili in the Prisons Service and from books, but the grammatical version was spoken only at the coast and on the radio. The [page break] Africans in the Prison Service and those I worked with spoke the up-country version, almost completely ungrammaticaI. The further one went from the coast the more it became a matter of joining words together. Nevertheless, it was an interesting and descriptive Ianguage. Beautiful words like 'maradadi' which in fact is an adjective meaning 'beautiful', and 'tafadahali', said to mean 'please' , but I never actually heard an African use it. ' Asanti' meaning thankyou was frequently used. Calling someone a "shenzi" hardly needs translation. The Caspair Lake Service operated daily. Based at Entebbe, a DeHavilland Rapide flew to Kisumu, Musoma, Mzanza, Bukoba and back to Entebbe. It called at Mwanza three times weekly and remained on the ground for 4 hours. Paddy O'Reilly was the most colourful of the pilots and on one occasion was missing when the aircraft was due to take-off. He had borrowed a native canoe and paddled out into the lake for some peace and quiet. He was very soon asleep and when he awoke he found he was two miles off-shore without a paddle. He was soon rescued and took off two hours late. I had a very good African Assistant at Mwanza, Zepherino Shija, and he was a tremendous help in making things run smoothly. In fact my African staff were all good types, far from home, politicians and the trouble-makers to be influenced by them. It was at Mwanza that I really became involved with radio repairs, and once I had repaired a few, word quickly spread and I was inundated with them. Many of the 'dukes' -shops- in town sold radios but hadn't the vaguest idea how they worked or how to repair them. Most of the radio owned by the Africans were powered by dry batteries, using a 4-pin plug on the power lead which was very often forced the wrong way into the socket on the battery. This instantly blew all four valves for which the shops charged 25 shillings each. I bought valves for 3 shillings each in quantity and sold them in sets of 4 for forty shillings, throwing in a new and better type plug. I must have repaired over a thousand radios in two years, plus many bigger sets for Europeans. Before very long I met Mr. Manning, the American Head of the African Inland Mission in the Province, and he showed me a room full of equipment, domestic radios, car radios, record players, tape recorders, transmitters, P.A. ampIifiers etc. etc. Every item was faulty. I was invited to repair what I could, keep what I wanted and throw out anything that was past it. Three trans-receivers were very attractive and they needed only setting up. Independent transmitter and receiver units powered from 115v a.c. but with rather limited frequency coverage of 5 to 8 MHz. I used them on the air for a couple of weeks and they were then taken by road to African Inland Mission stations in the Belgium Congo where they had a network on 7150 KHz. These sets were to prove very useful within a few years during the Congo rebellion which came with "Independence". It took me 6 months to empty the room, and all except three or four units were returned to use within the Mission organisation. Those three or four units caused a misunderstanding with Mr. Manning. I said "These units are U/S, best place for them is in the lake", and I could see that I had upset him. He associated my expression 'U.S' . with Uncle Sam, or the United States, but when I explained it meant ‘unservicable’ in English Service jargon a crisis was avoided. 109 [page break] I met a fellow called Nawotsey, supposed to be a Belgian, who was making a fortune killing crocodiles for their skins. He had just about wiped them out on Lake Rukwa. His technique was to use an infra-red lamp and sniperscope at very close range, typically six feet. His equipment gave a lot of trouble and I charged him well over the odds for repairs. In reality he was German, and ex-German army. There were many of them in ex-German Tanganyika but few had the guts to admit it, and there was not a nazi among them, in theory. Eventually one of the dukas offered me £50 per month cash if would stop doing radio repairs. This was not far short of my salary and quite a compliment, but not accepted. We became very friendly with one German, Dr. Schupler, who had been a wartime Medical Officer in the Luftwaffe. He was serving in Dresden the night of the 13th. of February 1945 when it was attacked by over 800 R.A.F. bombers, followed by over 300 American Fortresses the next day, causing between them 137,000 casualties including an estimated 50,000 killed. A doctor somehow seemed to be in a different and acceptable category, but our talks had reminded one of a period I had almost forgotten, and about which I had stopped thinking. One good point in East Africa's favour, there was very little to remind us of the war. A row of ribbons perhaps on a police uniform, or a retired senior type using his old rank, but there were few occasions when we compared, notes on our respective war efforts. The Germans were supposed to be super-efficient, a myth already exploded, but in the main they were still mostly distrusted. Mwanza was a peaceful place, there was only one murder during our 2 years residence, and that was committed by a mad african from Dodoma, 400 miles away. I could not have visualised at the time that within twentyseven years this nice little airport would be bombed by the Uganda Air Force. I can picture now the little bakery where the murder was committed. It was in same road just before we left that a hyena was running down the road to meet us. We were in the Austin A70 which already had a damaged right. wing and I put on full speed. We met the hyena head-on, relative speed about 70 and he was thrown completely over the car. He lay on the road for about two minutes, then picked himself up and loped off into the bush. We had ringside seats watching an interesting battle between hyena and baboon one evening. Our bungalow was on the hillside and the bedroom windows on one side were 15 feet above ground, and level with the tops of the pawpaw trees, heavily laden with fruit. The baboon were taking the fruit and being attacked by about a dozen hyena which were being thrown around by the baboon. The fight finished suddenly for reasons best known to the combatants. They might have sensed the presence of a leopard, which was very likely, but we were not aware of the leopards ourselves until a few weeks later. In the middle of one night we were awakened by a scuffling outside the window and there was the most obnoxious stench. There was the so-called laugh of the hyena and a deep sawing sound which we were told was a leopard. It seemed that a hyena had been dragging an old carcass along when it was disturbed by a leopard. The carcass was dropped outside our bedroom window and later one of them returned to collect it. Apparently baboon are the favourite diet of the leopard and everything including baboon and leopard dislikes the hyena. One of them cornered a neighbour’s dog in our garage and [page break] chewed off it’s vital parts before help arrived too late. Snakes too were in abundance around Mwanza, and a European girl had been crushed, but not fatally by a python near the lake shore. One of the houseboys hacked a monitor lizard to death, thinking it was a snake. Hilda recalls the occasion when I encountered a leopard on the driveway to the house and I got out of the car to tell her!. There was the occasion too when Paddy, our Alsatian was aware of a leopard outside the front door and Paddy's hair literally bristled. The leopard was probably aware of Paddy's presence also. I was away in Nairobi at the time Some months before the end of our tour, we received a telegram from Les with the sad news that Hilda's father had died. At about the same time the Kenya Education authorities informed us that as we were no longer resident in Kenya, Colin and Wendy would have to leave Kitale School. The alternative was Kongwa, a school established at the time of the groundnut scheme, a British Government fiasco then almost fully wound up after wasting eighteen million pounds. Kongwa was about 400 miles away and difficult to reach from Mwanza, and as it would be only a temporary measure in any case, we felt it better that Colin and Wendy should return to U.K. We saw them off on the Dakota on an hour's flight to Entebbe where they were met by Flossy and Pi Reed. The following day they flew to London and stayed with Mum at Korella Rd., in Wandsworth. In early June `57 it was time for home leave again and once more we packed all our household effects into huge crates ready for shipping to our next station which had not yet been decided. I had been promoted to Radio Superintendant [sic] in Mbeya and later to Telecommunications Supt. having passed departmental exams for the two lots of promotion. I was finally relieved by Sailor Seaman who immediately objected to the long working hours. The way of life on the outstations had a great deal to commend it. There was no television but we always had a good radio set. There was not the pressure we were to experience in later life and we made our own entertainment. It would be nice to go round again. 111 [page break] Before leaving Mwanza I had ordered a VW Beetle on the home leave scheme stipulating the date and time that I would collect it in London. This resulted in a considerable saving. The cost was £330 delivered London whilst the price in East Africa was £1250. Colin and Wendy were already in Britain, only John and Chris were with us on this trip. From Mwanza we should have returned via the capital, Dar es Salaam, as we did from Mbeya, but for some weeks I had been pointing out the futility of the extra 1600 miles via Dar, when the the [sic] aircraft would go via Entebbe in any case. Sanity prevailed and we flew by DC3 to Entebbe, a nice lunch at the Lake Vic. and a 10 hour flight to the U.K. with one stop at Benghazi. I think that was our first trip by Jet aircraft, a Comet. I have flown in many jets since then, but none as comfortable and roomy as the Comet. The following day we went to Lower Regent Street and collected our new VW Beetle, which came into the showroom one minute ahead of schedule. I was very impressed by the German organisation. I was taken into a workshop and given some useful tips about the car which was to serve us well for over 200,00 miles most of which was on murrum, our reddish East African sandy soil. In the following six months we made good use of the car, visiting my mother in Barnoldswick, the Yorkshire Dales, and whilst up north had a rendezvous avec Ace (Ted) and Mary Foster, Ace having been our second tour Navigator. Ted recalled this many years later and remembered an incident in a Southport restaurant. We were sharing two tables with Ted and Mary and their three children, making a party of 4 adults and 7 children. Ted alleges the waitress exclaimed “By gum are these all yours?” and claims I replied “No, they are from the local orphanage, we are just taking them out for the day”. She said that was right champion and gave us a discount! I went to Liverpool also and en-route noticed that a Police car had been right behind me for several miles. I slowed down to 30 for the next five miles and eventually the blue light came on and I was stopped. “What speed were you doing Sir?” An instant reply, “29.5 m.p.h. “The officer agreed with that and said “Why, it’s a lovely road and there’s no speed limit. When you slowed down from 80 to 30 we thought you had a problem, enjoy your visit Sir”. I had a “Visitor to Britain” sticker on the back which was supposed to help a little. In Liverpool I met Stan Chadderton, our First tour Bomb Aimer. I called at Stan’s house and his wife Hilda directed me to the Gladstone Dock where Stan was working, I seem to remember being introduced to his boss and Stan was given the rest of the day off. We adjourned to the Lord Nelson Pub and reminisced well into the night about our efforts in North Africa. We had made another acquisition whilst in Mwanza. Clearly a base was needed in Britain even if my work was to be in East Africa. Les told us of a house in Glyn Neath called Glaslyn going for £1850 on the balance of a 999 year lease. I offered to buy it if the freehold was available. It was very quickly ours at a total cost £1910 and £25 solicitor’s fees. Hilda’s Mum moved into Glaslyn and Colin and Wendy had already joined her. Glaslyn was a comfortable and handy sort of place, only a few hundred yards from Aunt Doll’s cottage. In early December I was told to report direct to Entebbe Airport to relieve Henry Day in charge of Telecommunications. I wrote to P.W.D. in Mwanza and asked them to send on our boxes and car by Lake Steamer to 113 [page break] Entebbe, and completed other arrangements. Just before Christmas I handed over the new car to the A.A. near Tower Bridge and paid £75 for shipping it to Mombassa [sic]. Then with our four children and a mass of baggage we once again booked-in at Victoria Air Terminal and shortly afterwards we realised we had just been home for six months and were then in Entebbe. The Comet aircraft was flown by Howard Iliffe, 109011! but I discovered this too late to meet him. At Entebbe we were met by Henry Day who had been in charge for six months in an acting capacity and he made it clear that as he was now demoted – with loss of acting pay – I could not expect any co-operation from him. For 10 days we stayed in the Lake Victoria Hotel, luxurious but not at all homely and with it’s population of some hundreds of cats living on the roof. We then moved into a house with a red mbati (corrugated iron) roof. Between the ceiling and the roof was a foot of sand and if the builders had been designing an oven it would have taken some beating. The red iron absorbed the heat from a tropical sun and it was retained by the sand. Entebbe was a pretentious place, not the capital of Uganda, which was Kampala 20 miles north, but where most of the senior Gov’t officials lived. The airport was a minor one to U.K. standards but trying very had [sic] to appear important. I found the whole place docile and yet offensive, “toffee-nosed” is the phrase which comes to mind. The job itself was not at all demanding, I had a team of about 8 Engineers including Frank Unstead and Gibby. Also three Radio Officers including Henry Day and several Africans to operate the teleprinters and radio links to Nairobi. There was little for me to do personally. Airport Management was taken care of by Uganda Government officers. The East Africa High Commission, of which the Directorate of Civil Aviation was a part, was responsible for Air Traffic Control and telecommunications. About six airlines had their own Station Managers and there was a great deal of empire building which led to over-manning and inefficiency. An individual’s importance was determined by the number of his subordinates and the extent of his warrant to incur expenditure. There was a great deal of ill-feeling too, between the officers of Government and those of the High Commission, later more appropriately renamed the East Africa Common Services Organisation. The latter was responsible for all communications in Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika, except for the actual maintenance of roads. It included E.A. Posts & Telegraphs, Railways & Harbours, Fisheries, Meteorlogical [sic] Depts., Civil Aviation and several Medical Research establishments. Politically, the scene was complex, Kenya was a “Colony & Protectorate” – some of each – Tanganyika was a Protectorate with a United Nations mandate and Uganda a combination of twelve Kingdoms formed into a ‘State’ with 12 Kings, a Prime Minister and also a President. It had its political problems but they were not mine. Dickie Dixon was Senior Air Traffic Controller and therefore Officer i/c Navigational Services in which capacity I was his deputy. As I was not at that time a qualified Air Traffic Controller, this led to friction, and as I have already implied, Entebbe was not a happy place. The crunch came when I was told by Dickie to compile all the Annual Confidential reports, including those for Air Traffic Controllers. I told him that I did not think it proper that I should report on officers whose qualifications I did not hold myself. He should do them himself and I would write them for all the Telecommom [sic]. [page break] staff. The previous year he had reported on the Telecomms staff and I disagreed strongly with his findings in one case, that of Gibby who, he wrote, “was slow in carrying out a job”. He was indeed slower than most, but was also the most thorough engineer in the Department. When repairing an equipment he not only repaired the current fault but also brought it right up to the manufacturer’s specification. My personal relationship with Dickie deteriorated rapidly, and rather than speak to me he would write me memos. In one of his many memos he “required” a technical explanation of a particular problem, and I replied to the effect that “as the conductivity between the two points was less than half a mho, this was inadequate for proper operation”. He wrote to my Chief in Nairobi complaining that I was taking the Mickey, and this brought him a rude reply. I could have referred to “a resistance greater than 2 ohms” instead of “a conductivity less than half a mho”, which would have been more helpful, but I made my point. One major problem at Entebbe was the absence of schools for European children, and Colin and Wendy had to go to Nairobi and Kericho respectively, as boarders. This would have cost little had I been stationed in Kenya and paid the statutary [sic] Education Tax, but as I was stationed outside Kenya and had not paid the Kenya tax I had to pay the full boarding fees. I was not alone in this of course, it was a problem for all families of the E.A. High Commission living in Uganda. However, I learned that in June 1958 Dinger Bell was finishing his four year tour at Kisumu in Kenya, and I managed a transfer for myself, handing-over Entebbe to an officer returning from a U.K. leave. At that time we had two cars, and I remember taking the Austin A70 to Kampala and selling it in a bar to a consortium of five Africans for £25, each chipping in with a hundred shillings. We travelled to Kisumu by road, our effects going by lake steamer. It was an easy day’s drive round the north-east shores of Lake Victoria, through Jinja, with its crocodiles at the source of the Nile. This was in the days before the level of the Owen Falls dam was raised by eight feet. It was refreshing to arrive at Kisumu, and we were pleased with everything we saw. We spent the first week in the hotel, then moved in to Dinger Bell’s house at 55 Mohammed Kassim Road, near the African Broadcasting Service transmitting Station. Kisumu Airport had been established about 1932, and had, like Mbeya been a scheduled stop on the Empire Air Route of (the original) British Airways. The lake was ideal for the Empire Flying Boats and our staff pilot, Capt. Casperuthus had many stories of flying Hannibal biplanes into Kisumu. During the Second World War it was taken over by the R.A.F. and used extensively by Catalina amphibeans [sic] and Sunderland seaplanes. R.A.F. aircraft of most long and medium range types were regular visitors, together with the 3-motor Junkers 52 transports of the South African Air Force. With two excellent murrum runways and four hangars, it had seen some service one way and another. The Control Tower was a small two storey building of 1932 vintage, the ground floor being taken up completely by the transmitting room. The first floor comprised the Control “tower”, a small office, and store. Originally there had been a second floor with a glass top for good all-round vision but this had been removed at the end of the war and replaced with a tiled roof. The second floor became the loft and housed the VDF antenna. I 115 [page break] found the transmitters had been sadly neglected for many years. Two RCA 4336 types were used on R/T., a third on W/T., and a new Redifon GR49 NDB. There was also a dual transmitter which was not on the inventory and which had in fact been ‘liberated’ from a Catalina, before it joined the other two scuttled in the lake at the end of the war. This set was the best of the lot, and certainly my favourite. It was complete with a 110v ac supply of 600 Hz, not 60 and within a month I had modified an old T1190 power unit to drive it. The M/F section was put into use in place of the Redifon beacon, and the H/F section performed wonderfully on the amateur bands. Being a ‘one-man station’ my working hours were long, 7 days a week and seldom a whole day off, but I had a workshop and bench and put my waiting-for-aircraft hours to very good use, mostly repairing domestic radios. The transmitters were giving a lot of trouble. As an example, whilst tuning a rotary inductance on a 4336, a two inch nail providing an electrical contact dropped out and had to be bodged up again. The GR49, although nearly new, was using modulator valves at the rate of a pair every two weeks due to a missing relay and associated wiring which had actually been left out at the factory during production. Fortunately there was a good old T1154 which acted as a standby for all transmitters except VHF, so I was able to take each transmitter in turn out of use for as long as was necessary whilst I overhauled them. As this progressed I was enjoying the practical work and decided to make use of a three-foot cabinet which was not on charge. (I inherited quite a lot of useful ‘junk’ at Kisumu!). At the Fisheries office on the lake shore, also on the airport, I found that a vehicle had demolished a rondaval (a 12 ft. diameter building constructed of aluminium). I volunteered the services of my crash-tender crew to clear up the mess and to take away the wreckage. A few days was spent by the crash crew in cutting the best of the aluminium into 19” panels of standard sizes, and suitable chassis. One of the ET4336 transmitters was going to be off the air for several weeks waiting for spares, and in order not to delay my overhaul programme I built a two-stage transmitter on one of the 3 1/2” panels. This was a 6V6 crystal oscillator driving an 807 to a dipole antenna. The operator at Nairobi reported our signals as very good and better than they had been for a long time. 20 Watts in place of 400, but it was the dipole antenna in place of a random length of wire which made all the difference. Within three weeks the 3’ cabinet contained 4 transmitters and was providing all services except VHF and M/F Beacon. The overhauling programme was completed, the official transmitters finally tested and then switched off. For the next 18 months we operated almost trouble-free. My monthly engineering reports to H.Q. in Nairobi were mainly negative and referred to “routine preventative maintenance only”. However, Sid Worthy, Chief Telecomms. Engineer was not fooled, and in due course he wrote and asked why my monthly electricity bill was only a quarter of what it had been for many years. Before I had plucked up enough courage to reply, Sid arrived unannounced and went direct to the Transmitter room, finding the four big transmitters switched off. In the Control Tower he saw my all-purpose cabinet, and to put it lightly, he was not amused. I suggested to Sid that we should make our own single-purpose transmitters and dispense with the old uneconomical general-purpose types. He agreed there was no good technical or financial argument against this but what would he do with his army of 50 [page break] or so engineers? He compromised and allowed me to leave my own equipment in use provided I removed it a month before I left Kisumu. One of our friends at Kisumu, Jimmie Sanson was a very keen constructor of model aircraft and several he had made were lost in the lake. His final model was a rather superior type with six-foot wingspan and single engine using alcohol as fuel. The rudder was radio-controlled on 27MHz. and the aircraft made some very impressive flights at the airport. On one occasion it went up to about 2000 feet before it ran out of fuel and for almost an hour Jimmie kept it turning over the airport. The aircraft was trimmed slightly nose-heavy but apart from turns, he had no other control. Eventually it was so far down-wind that it was lost to sight and last seen heading for the mountains. After a period of calm, the wind changed in the early evening and Jimmie and I were standing outside the Control Tower lamenting his sad loss when one of the crash Crew shouted “Bwana, Ndegi ndogo narudi”. His eyesight was far superior to ours, we saw nothing until the aircraft appeared over the end of the runway and actually landed, after a record flight of over three hours. Up-dating the radio control was the next stage and two months and about £200 later an eight function system was completed, giving control of the engine, elevators, ailerons and rudder. The machine could then be made to taxi out, take off and carry out aerobatics. The engine was used in short bursts and as there appeared to be a permanent thermal over the runways during the warm days, thirty minute flights were quite routine. Eventually the aircraft was lost over Lake Victoria and probably joined the three Catalinas on the bottom. Perhaps one day a Catalina will be recovered from their fresh-water grave, but the Sanson special was lost for ever.. My official work ran quite smoothly, with a little excitement occasionally. At 3 am one night, Nairobi Flight Information Centre phoned and asked me to open up the VHF and call Alitalia 541 which was three hours overdue in Nairobi, from Khartoum, and with no radio contact for four hours. I sped through town doing over 70 m.p.h. to my Control Tower, switched on and called the aircraft. There was a weak signal in reply and I managed to get a class C bearing of 270 degrees. A second transmission confirmed this and I told the operator he was probably over the Congo, but certainly well to the west of Kisumu. I told him QDM Kisumu 090, but the pilot would not agree and said he was east of Kisumu, not west, and approaching Mombassa [sic]! His signals faded right out and I telephoned F.I.C. asking them to log the QDM of 090C that I had passed to the aircraft. After half an hour, whilst F.I.C was sending frantic messages to all points west, I heard the aircraft calling Kisumu and was soon in good contact giving QDM’s, his signals gradually improving. It was just 0530, 20 minutes before first light when I heard the aircraft and sent out the boys to light-up the gooseneck flares. Then he was overhead and decided to carry on to Nairobi. This was rather disappointing, and in fact the wrong decision, his endurance being insufficient for any further diversion. I was told much later that the Captain and Navigator had a row before take-off and were not on speaking terms. The aircraft was a DC8 and the Italian crew and passengers had been very lucky indeed. The police followed me through town and I was charged with speeding, but the fine of 60 shillings was refunded later by the court when the urgency became known. 117 [page break] Some weeks later Nairobi F.I.C. phoned again, about 4 am., an Air Liban DC6 from Cairo was lost and was not within the scope of Nairobi VDF. The aircraft had made a brief contact on the area cover VHF through Lodwa, and another aircraft north-east of Kisumu had heard the DC6, but of course had no idea of range or direction. This time I went through town at a more reasonable speed, opened up the radio, and called Air Liban. The crash crew was called out and the boys started dispensing paraffin and setting out the flares right away. I called Nairobi on 5680 H/F R/T to establish my station was on the ball, and every two minutes called the Lebanese Airlines aircraft. About 20 minutes later the aircraft replied to my call and I gave him a QDM of 225, and was satisfied there was no risk of it being the reciprocal. Three minutes later I measured 230 and then 235. He said his Giro compass was u/s and his magnetic compass erratic, and that he would use a standby giro, set to my figure. He turned 10 degrees to port and the QDM increased, 10 degrees to starboard and the figure decreased, so he was heading for Kisumu, and not going away from it. The bearings were given every two minutes and were reasonably steady, and after about 25 minutes the pilot said he thought he could see the coast, meaning the shores of Lake Victoria. It was still very dark but a clear night (not a contradiction of terms) and the boys hurtled out to light up the goosenecks. I told the pilot the wind was north-easterly at 15 knots, he was down wind, duty runway 06. I reminded him of the very high ground 2 miles to the north of the airport and he replied “O.K. Bud, Thanks a lot, I’ll come straight in on 24, hope youv’e [sic] got some gas, we shure [sic] ain’t [sic]”. A few minutes later he made a good landing and parked outside the 1932 wooden terminal building. The Captain of the Air Liban DC6 was an American pre-war Veteran. I had completely forgotten to tell the East African Airways agent but did so at 0545. There was no catering at the airport so he found some buses and the passengers were taken to the hotel. I was also late in phoning the police who dealt with immigration, but they hadn’t a clue how to deal with 60 international transit passengers. Similarly, it was a new experience for Customs, so both departments decided to pretend it hadn’t happened. The Captain asked me to tell the non-English-speaking African Shell Assistant to put 3000 gallons of 100 octane into the tanks. I translated to the startled assistant “Bwana Mkubwa anataka gallon elfu tatu, pipa sabini na tano”. That was 75 drums of petrol to be pumped by hand. Finally he compromised with 400 gallons, but it was still quite a task, even with only 10 drums. The Captain was concerned about the limited fuel and lack of a reliable compass and we double-checked that the met. conditions to Nairobi were near perfect. A scheduled DC3 of East African Airways came in at 10am. And was taking off for Nairobi at 11 am. The two pilots talked together at length and studied the map. The DC6 took-off three minutes after the Dakota and the two remained in visual contact until Nairobi was in sight. Surprisingly, the DC6 did not carry a radio compass for M/F but relied entirely on VHF, which, in East and Central Africa was quite inadequate. I was criticised by DCA for not informing them in detail of progress, and was conscious of this at the time, but had I done so, they would have confused the issue with lots of advice. A civilian airliner without a reliable compass would be a major issue. I operated an “aerodrome [page break] advisory service”, not being an Air Traffic Controller. F.I.C. would have tried to control my detailed activity, but with a bit of common sense, things worked out well. The visit of Her Majesty the Queen Mother to Kisumu went off smoothly except that two European Police Inspectors on the airport main gate refused permission for me to enter without a permit. One of my passengers, an R.A.F. Wing Commander leaned out and said he was the Queen’s Pilot, better open the gate old chap. Police had been drafted in for this event from hundreds of miles. I remember little else about the Royal Visit, or it’s main purpose. On these occasions most of the senior officials climbed in on the act, establishing their own importance. I do remember in detail the visit of Billy Graham. My brief from the organising committee was to provide the Public Address systems. The main system had to cope with an audience of 30,000 people, with three microphones for which I borrowed a 300 watt amplifier from Twenche Overseas Trading Co. in Nairobi and used my four 100 watt loudspeakers. In addition there were six other systems for separate areas where the audience spoke only their tribal languages. Each of the six would hear Billie Graham plus one interpreter translating into the appropriate tribal language for that particular group. There were nine microphones on the platform for the evagelist [sic] and 8 interpretors [sic]. In addition the Post Office ran a special line about a mile at the end of which they connected a candlestick type of telephone with a carbon microphone and place it with my nine microphones. This relayed the proceedings to another mass meeting in Nairobi. The microphone was ineffective until I connected the P.O. line direct to the main amplifier output via a suitable transformer. Billie Graham had a very efficient team. Harley and Bonnie Richardson are two I remember, both very hard working and leaving nothing to chance. They were backed-up by representatives from most church denominations. The following Christmas, the missionaries approached me again, could I use my loudspeakers at the Church to simulate bells on Christmas morning. An interesting proposition, and someone had written to Bradford Cathedral to scrounge a tape of the Cathedral bells. I had to edit the tape considerably, as every two a rich Yorkshire-accented voice was superimposed with “You are listening to the bells of Bradford Cathedral”. I set-up the amplifier and loudspeakers at the Church at about 7 pm. On Christmas-eve and tested the system with a record of carols. Within minutes, people began to gather and joined in. The Vicar asked if I could connect a microphone and in no time at all he was conducting an impromptu carol service with a bigger congregation than he had enjoyed for a long time, well over 1500. At 7 am next morning I relayed the bells of Bradford Cathedral, but could not resist pre-empting them with a verse of ‘Christians awake’. The loudspeakers were in constant demand and were in use every day for two weeks during H.H. the Aga Khan’s visit. Events included H.E. the Governor’s barazas, opening a ginnery and so on, all official requests from the Provincial Commissioner. I was spending so much time away from the airport that I fitted a TCS12 Transmitter and a good H/F receiver in the car to work aircraft and keep in touch with the airport. At the African hospital I fitted a receiver and 50 Watt Vortexion amplifier imported by my father, and installed 30 loudspeakers round the wards. This was followed by a similar 119 [page break] job at an American mission hospital about 30 miles from Kisumu, but more ambitious with microphones, tape recorder and record player. At the Roman Catholic Cathedral in Kisumu I fitted an amplifier and loudspeakers with microphones on the Altar and pulpit. Another system was fitted at the African Community Centre in Kisumu and one way and another I was kept very busy indeed. The transmitter in the car was used also on the 40 metre amateur band to keep in touch with my father and amateur chums in Nairobi and other parts of East Africa. On one occasion Tom Mboya took an interest in it and was quite impressed. Tom was a Luo by tribe and a party leader of the Kenya African Democratic Union, a very nice chap with an attractive wife Pamella [sic], daughter of Mr. Odede, a Kisumu lawyer. Tom wanted to buy the transmitter but for me to sell it to him would not have been wise. Later Tom was shot and killed in Nairobi. Kisumu was fairly well populated and within 10 miles or so of town we saw very few wild animals. The two exceptions were the protected herd of impala in Kisumu township and the hippo which abounded on the lake shore. They came ashore at night to graze and I encountered them on the aerodrome several times. One rather amusing occurrence, the airport was wide in area and Africans frequently trekked across the runway and even drove their cattle over it at most inappropriate times. On several occasions I impounded the cattle after due warnings and charged the owners with trespass under section 69 of the Colonial Air Navigation Act. When I found the offenders were getting six month’s imprisonment and losing their cattle, I stopped charging them and the Police insisted upon taking over this task. Finally they agreed to drop the practice, when I told them that I doubted whether the Colonial Air Navigation Act really applied in Kenya and in any case I had invented the content of section 69. However, the runways had to be watched carefully and checked every time there was an aircraft movement. One morning at Kisumu a uniformed Prisons Askari I had known at Nairobi Prison in 1950 came to my Control Tower and after a smart salute handed me a note saying it was from Bwana Mkubwa ya Ndegi. It was from Commander Stacey-Colles R.N. Ret’d., my former boss and previous Director of Civil Aviation. He had arrived at Kisumu Prison only two hours earlier, and was serving a three year sentence. He had been found guilty of receiving money, a refund of an airline ticket issued by the High Commission and which he did not use. At the time he was in Britain having travelled home on a complimentary ticket from Air France. The official ticket was handed in to East African Airways and a refund obtained which was paid into his bank instead of the High Commission’s account. He claimed no knowledge of this and most of us believed him. He would not prejudice his career and Navy pension in this way, someone had fixed him. The note was a list of things he wanted, which I soon assembled and took to him at Kisumu prison, where I found I knew the Prisons Officer from 1950. A very embarrassing situation. I met Stacey and gave him the radio, writing materials, money, cigarettes and cakes from Hilda, on the first of many visits. Three days later the Askari was back with a long message in code for Muriel Pardoe, his former secretary in Nairobi. I sent this off straight away on the aeronautical W/T channel, addressed to HKNCHQPA, the ICAO address which would reach Miss Pardoe from any airport in the western world. HK was Kenya, NC Nairobi City, HQ DCA [page break] Headquarters and PA Personal Ast. To the Director. The code was in five letter groups with a double substitution of letters, a similar system to that used during the war. The message was decoded by Muriel who obtained whatever it was Stacey was asking for and gave it to Capt. Casperuthus who was DCA pilot of the Avro Anson. Casper gave it to the Controller at Wilson airport who passed it to a pilot about to depart for Kisumu. The pilot handed it to me at Kisumu and I delivered it – whatever it was – to Stacey in prison the same day. Three days later the radio set came back to me with the askari, not working. Two of the valves had been swapped over, and I noticed a piece of paxeline had been fitted neatly inside the bottom of the set, forming a false bottom. Under it was a note asking me if I could fit a B.F.O. into it. This was a beat frequency oscillator and Stacey could want it for only one reason, to monitor morse, probably on the Prisons channel, to see what was happening. There were two spare holes for valve holders on the chassis and plenty of space for fitting a mains power supply, vacant in this case because it was a dry-battery receiver. I fitted the B.F.O. as requested, and also another valve as a flea-power transmitter, using just a channel freq. crystal about 6.5 MHz and a tuned circuit on the anode. Maybe 50 mW output, I had no means of measuring it, but I tested the set at a range of 2 miles using 3 feet of wire for an aerial it was received at the control tower. The morse key was just a matter of touching a wire to the chassis. I returned the set to Stacey personally and explained the switching of the B.F.O. and transmitter keying. He was delighted and agreed to be very careful, taking absolutely no-one into his confidence. About six weeks later I met my former colleague the Prisons Officer in town and he told me there was some concern over the prisoners getting confidential information before he received it himself. He quoted that a week ago a prisoner asked if he could change cells and share with a particular prisoner who would be transferred to Kisumu with three others on a date a week hence. He said the four arrived that day, how could the prisoner have known a week ago? It should have been obvious, there were many ex-service personnel who were good W/T operators and the Prisons Radio on 7 MHz could be monitored by anyone, the signals being in plain language morse. I said nothing. Stacey’s frequency was monitored at my office where I had a similar tiny transmitter. It was used at a specific time of day on only two occasions for test purposes, but he found it satisfying and consoling to have a personal and totally clandestine link to the outside world. It gave him a great deal of satisfaction and from my point of view did no real harm. Stacey was a great organiser and motivator. The African Inland Mission in Mwanza had colleagues in the Sudan [author indicates with X and page footnote that it is Kisumu not Mwanza] who visited Kisumu frequently in their Cessna aircraft. They desperately needed two transmitters in the Sudan but were not able to obtain import permits. They could however get a permit to re-import a transmitter if it had been sent out of the country for repair. I suggested to them that they should send me a piece of otherwise useless equipment which might look like a transmitter to the uninitiated and send it to me as a transmitter for repair, together with the appropriate paper work. This was done and in an antenna tuning unit they brought me, I built a 10 Watt transmitter without changing it’s outward appearance in any way. A few weeks later a second one was built and the two did a very useful job in the Sudan for about six [KISUMU NOT MWANZA] 121 [page break] months until the African Inland Mission stations there were closed, and the missionaries withdrawn. The missions’ aircraft were also licenced on that frequency and I contacted them occasionally. It is most reassuring to be able to communicate with someone in times of trouble, and plenty of folks in Africa were in that situation. But trouble was also brewing in the Belgian Congo, just across the Lake. Six months earlier, the Belgian Government had advised the missionaries and other settlers to leave, but many were dedicated to their work and some felt they were quite indespensible [sic]. The Belgiauns [sic] had handed over the reins of Government and administration hurriedly to a totally ill-equipped and unprepared Congolese. The consequences of withdrawal by the Belgians were clearly predictable but they succumbed to political pressures from all directions. There was human slaughter on a big scale, and the only information coming out of the Congo was on the frequency of 7150 operated by Mission stations, and also shared with East African amateurs. It was in Kisumu that I received a message from a mission at an Agricultural Station which read:- “We are being menaced by 100,000 hostile savages. We have their chief as hostage and expect annihilation within one hour. We have ammunition but no guns, please advise Kamina”. The amateurs among the DCA staff in Nairobi, of whom Viv Slight was one, had set up a W/T link to the Belgian Coast Station at Ostend, using a communications booth in the D.C.A. Communications centre and a powerful DCA transmitter at R.A.F. Eastleigh.. I relayed the message direct to them on the aeronautical W/T channel, and Nairobi passed it straight to Ostend, with a steady flow of other messages. Ostend relayed it to Brussels who passed it to the Military where it was relayed on it’s final leg back to Africa, to the Belgian Paratroop Base at Kamina. Within 20 minutes of my receiving the message at Kisumu, the paratroopers were airborne and the Agricultural Station was liberated. Hardly had I cleared the message when I received a correction to it which advised: “Not one hundred thousand savages, only ten thousand” When I passed this to Nairobi, the reply was “What’s the bloody difference” There were many such stories during the evacuation of Europeans from the Congo. Uganda was the main escape route and DCA Nairobi asked that any aircraft available and pilots who could make it, should get to Entebbe and help in the evacuation regardless of Certificates of Airworthiness and Pilot’s licences. One of my ex-pilot friends evacuated about thirty people in several trips in a Rapide aircraft. The last aircraft he had flown was a Beaufighter during the war. Some thousands were got out from the Congo, one way or another, mostly via Kampala and Kisumu. The Kenya Girls’ High School in Nairobi (known as the Boma) was turned into a Medical Reception Centre the records of which show the dreadful experiences and medical remedial action taken. Wendy reminded me that she and all the other girls who were not taking G.C.E..s were sent home a week before the term was due to end, to maked [sic] room for the refugees. At Kisumu I met many who came out by road. Two middle-aged ladies came to my Control Tower and one phoned her parents in [page break] the United States with a terrible story of pillage and rape. A third, more elderly, who had three American Doctorate degrees – Medicine, Divinity and a PhD. – had devoted her entire working life to helping and teaching Africans, but she said a lifetime had made only a superficial advance from their savagery. Most of our memories of Kisumu were of happier days. There was an excellent social club but we were not members due only to the lack of time. The children made good use of the swimming pool, the lake being too dangerous, not only with its hippo and crocs. but with Bilharzia and hook worm. Hilda enjoyed her painting and drawing and we even managed to take a few photographs. After nearly three years at Kisumu, Colin was still at the Prince of Wales School in Nairobi and with Wendy at the ‘Boma’ we were not seeing very much of either. And so a transfer was arranged and we packed up our household once again and moved to Nairobi, to a lovely house in Nairne Road, near Wendy’s school. 123 [page break] [underlined] D.C.A. HEADQUARTERS [/underlined] It was then June 1960, the Mau Mau emergency was still with us, but 84 Squadron had finished their bombing of the Aberdares which had raised the eyebrows of a few ‘hasbeens’ like myself. I had talked with the crews of the R.A.F. Lincolns some time earlier at R.A.F. Eastleigh and it all seemed very unreal to me. Perfect weather, ceiling and visibility generally unlimited and no enemy opposition from either the air or ground. Bombing over the bush was a matter of a timed run at a specific speed from a firmly identified point on the ground. Hardly a challenge for the Chaddertons and Fosters of this world and I don’t know what comprised a tour. It reminded me of O.T.U. where I saw the log book of a fellow-instructor with 40 ops. to his credit. His first tour ops were shown in the normal way, Benghazi 0340, Benghazi 0345, Benghazi 0342, Benghazi 0350, about 6 pages of Benghazi and no other target. But then, there are those among us who never bombed B.G., so the song goes. I could visualise the log books with several pages of ‘Aberdares 0125…”. Some of the Africans reckoned it was “mzuri sana” (very good) for the terrorists, the bombing just laid on a supply of fresh meat without their having to hunt for it, but there was probably more to it than that. My place of work was the Communications Centre in the High Commission Building, on the top floor, above the Inland Revenue office. My duties were those of Telecomms. Supt. i/c a watch, responsible for the operation of the telecommunications system. We were not really concerned with aeroplanes, only messages about their movements. We had Radio Teleprinter circuits with Johannesburg, Khartoum, Der es Salaam, Entebbe, and Gan, and teleprinters on line to R.A.F. Eastleigh, Wilson Airport, Nairobi (Embakasi) and the Flight Information Centre next door. Our internal communications, that is within East Africa, were mainly by W/T links, to Iringa, Songea, Mbeya, Mwanza, Tanga, Dodoma, Arusha, Kisumu etc. Every teleprinter link had a standby W/T channel and most of these were resorted to in the early mornings, about 4 to 6 am. Brazaville [sic] and Leopoldville in the Congo were only on W/T but there was little traffic to the west and none to the east except Gan. With Gan, we operated an emergency channel with a test message every twenty minutes, to supplement the R.A.F. network if required, but they seemed to manage quite well without us. We handled about 20,000 incoming messages per day in the Tape Relay Centre, and apart from one or two all had to be relayed out again and logged. We also had three ground to Air operating booths, two of which were always manned, working aircraft, one on HF/RT and the other HF/WT. The European Radio Officers preferred the latter, where often three messages per minute were handled for long periods. As soon as an aircraft left, say, Khartoum, a message would be sent on the Fixed Service by RTTY to the Tape Relay centre which should reach F.I.C. within a few minutes of being originated, requiring two relays, at Khartoum and Nairobi Tape Relay Centres. The system was that the pilot would not need to call Nairobi until he reached the Flight Information Region Boundry [inserted] Boundary [/inserted] at 4 degrees North, as Nairobi F.I.C. should have already received all the information by teleprinter. However, this being Africa and therefore supposedly not very efficient, the pilot would call Nairobi as soon as he could after take-off, on HF/RT. On the older propeller jobs, (the real aeroplanes), this would have been 125 [page break] carried out by the Radio Officer on W/T., where just a few groups in code meant a great deal, for example:-. ZGU de VPKKL Nairobi this is VPKKL QTN STKM 0201Z I departed Khartoum at 0201 GMT QAH 24 TTT QBH My height is 24,000 ft. below cloud QRE HKNA 0718 I am estimating Nairobi Airport at 0718 QRX FIR I will call you again at the Flight Information Boundary The Radio Officer would write those 14 groups onto a pad and his Clerk would put two copies through the hatch to the Air Traffic Controller. The Clerk would spend most of his time putting carbon paper between the pages, it was fast going during the busy periods, but was even faster before HF/RT was introduced. The aircraft would remain in constant contact with Khartoum on VHF until it reached 4 deg. N. when Nairobi would become responsible. Many aircraft were still using W/T at the time. There was no really conscious use of code, it was as commonplace as plain language and to a radio operator the two were synonimous, [sic] as were the many technical and other abbreviations. One example which comes to mind was at a Board of Enquiry into an accident where an aircraft had crashed into Mt. Kilimanjaro. An elderly judge asked the Ground Radio Officer if there had been any radio message, and the R/O replied “Yes, I last worked the aircraft on C.W. at 0247” “What is C.W.?” asked the Judge, and the reply “C.W. is Charlie Whisky your worship” and the Judge nearly gave up, maybe thinking whether Irish or Scotch. Some Radio Officers preferred to transcribe the morse and speech messages straight onto a teleprinter which produced a simultaneous page copy in front of the controller, but this method was not very popular. With several aircraft calling at the same time it was easy to make a mistake but too slow to correct it on the teleprinter. The F.I.C. Controller operated the VHF himself. The whole set-up was very well thought out and we were very well equipped. Communications were our line of business and we were highly organised. The tour of duty was rather longer in Nairobi, where one had to work for 4 years to earn 6 month’s leave, compared to only 2 1/2 years in Tanganyika. I believe there was some reduction for the Kenya coastal strip. These were the rules established when East Africa was supposed to be an unhealthy and hostile place, and most of the Europeans were Administration officials. I always felt the home leave terms were over-generous, as we also enjoyed three weeks of “local leave” each year with railway warrants provided to any part of east Africa. Where there was no railway to our particular ‘holiday resort’ or we chose to travel by car we could claim car mileage costs. Most people preferred to go on leave by sea, depending upon the time of year, possibly home on a 10 day voyage via suez, returning on a 3 week cruise via the Cape of Good Hope, on Union Castle liners. Some preferred the long way round both ways, spending as much time at sea as possible and thus economising [page break] on accommodation costs in the U.K. My only experience of sea travel had been the four troop-ships and Hilda claimed she couldn’t swim; we wanted to spend as much time as possible with the folks back home so we chose to travel by air every time. Within a year of our return to Nairobi, June 1961, political unrest was well to the fore and getting worse. Alice, my step-mother, was a Senior Secretary to an African Minister in the Secretariat, and felt it was getting too dangerous to remain. Luigi and Mary had already retired to Italy and Alice was preparing to join them. Most of us were expecting the balloon to go up at any moment and people were getting jittery. We had been close to the hiatus in the Congo and the more recent mutinies of the armies of Kenya, Tanganyika and Uganda, and Europeans were beginning to leave. The weight of evidence of impending disaster was overwhelming and towards the end of June Hilda returned with the four youngest children to U.K., Colin remaining at the Prince of Wales School as a boarder. Alice and Brian returned to Italy shortly after and my father moved in with me at Nairne Road. My father and I had become very involved with emergency communications for the settlers up-country, which dominated our lives for the next few years, but this is a story unto itself and is dealt with in the chapter “Laikipia Security Network”. The mutinies referred to occurred soon after the British Forces had left Kenya, and the emergency was declared officially over. Some European Service personnel remained as advisers to the Kenya army - there was no Kenya Navy and the Kenya Air Force existed mainly on paper but with a few light aircraft. We awoke one morning to the news that the three separate armies many hundreds of miles apart, had thrown out their European officers and declared themselves independent of any authority. Within 48 hours and before they could organise themselves and cause any damage, very small forces of British troops appeared simultaneously near Nairobi, Jinja and Dar es Salaam, subdued and disarmed the lot, without any loss of life or limb. I recall a cartoon in the East African Standard, showing Jomo Kenyatta with both arms raised to paratroopers dropping from aircraft and the caption “How good it is to welcome old friends” - His arch-enemies for 10 years or so. I saw several hundred African soldiers sitting on the grass at Wilson Airport with three European soldiers guarding them with machine guns. There was a large pile of rifles and other weapons nearby, also guarded. Life was not all traumatic, however, we had the occasional laugh. One of our officers, MacDonald, was on official leave of absence quite frequently and we understood he was masterminding a very hush-hush communications link direct to U.K. from Government House and even satellites had been mentioned furtively. This was before the days of the Sputnik when satellites were a part of science fiction. He was one of the [underlined] firt [sic] [/underlined] to retire and as he was leaving he let us into the secret. Mac. had indeed spent a great deal of time at Government House. He was a master baker and was responsible literally for the icing of the cake. He told us also that when he joined the Dept. he stated that his qualifications included a final City & Guilds Certificate. They did, he confided, as a Master Baker, but not in telecommunications. One Sunday morning in October on duty at the Comm. Centre I found my African Supervisor was monitoring Reuter on teleprinter, and looking over his shoulder I read on the page copy that thousands of Africans armed to the teeth were surrounding the High Commission building and holding hostage the 127 [page break] Europeans working inside. The report gave more detail of riots and demonstrations and gave the impression that we were really in trouble. I went out through a window and onto the flat roof of the High Commission building and gingerly looked over the parapet entitled to expect a hail of bullets. On the road was a police car with two officers watching a group of about 20 Africans, some of them supporting two banners on which was written “Wazungu Rudi Uliya” (Europeans return to Europe). That was the extent of the demonstration reported to the entire world in Reuter’s message. Had it occured [sic] in Cambridge it would not even have received a mention in the free local papers. My tour of duty ended in December and I relinquished the house, my father moving into Plums Hotel. A nine hour flight to London, and I was home for Christmas. [page break] [underlined] Dec. ’61 ON LEAVE [/underlined] Hilda and Anne came to London and I met them at Paddington. We intend to spend a week with Joan and enjoy a holiday in London, but Hilda had a rather worrying cold so we limited our stay to two days. The next six months or so were spent on leave. With the exception of Colin who was in the R.A.F., the whole family was together in Wales at Glaslyn. My father was in Nairobi, and his regular letters referred to increasing unrest. He was working flat-out in building the ‘Watson Wonders’ and he asked me to take back 500 B7G valve holders and 150 modulation chokes In May ’62 I said goodbye to the family and returned to Kenya. As I was unaccompanied, Sid Worthy the Chief Engineer asked me if I would housewarm for him whilst he was on his 6 months leave. This meant that he paid the rent but could just walk out without packing up his household and walk back into the same apartment on his return. There was a tendency for senior officers who were permanently based in Nairobi to try and retain the same house or apartment once they had found the right one. Rent was in fact 10% of salary and it was well worth it. My father moved in with me and together we carried on with the transmitters, having rented a workshop next to Stephen Ellis in Victoria Street. After only 3 months in the apartment I received a letter from Sid telling me he was returning immediately, could he please have his flat only a few days hence!. The following morning we were going up-country and I could see my father was a more than little depressed. He was driving like a madman down the Nairobi escarpment and I insisted that he let me do the driving. He told me he had to go to Mombassa [sic] next day, having received a telegram from Alice that she and Brian were returning on the Union Castle. This was supposed to be a surprise to him and I did not doubt that it was so, but Alice admitted later that she had in fact booked return tickets on the homeward trip. She had been totally dishonest in her statements about her intentions which had resulted in Hilda and the children staying in Wales. Our safari was cut short and we returned to Nairobi the same day, a 500 mile round trip. Alice’s return meant a complete change in plan; clearly she and my father expected to share my accommodation but with Sid’s return they had no option but to move into an hotel again. They were lucky in obtaining a couple of rooms at Plums, after only two nights in the flat. I moved into Woodlands Hotel, but applied for a housing allocation as my family had decided to return to Kenya. Hilda and the children rejoined [sic] me and we moved into a house at Likoni Lane, resuming a normal life except that it was dominated by the Laikipia network and work at the Comm. Centre. Within a year of my return I was promoted to Asst. Signals Officer and took over from Mike Harding As [sic] Officer in charge of the Communications Centre. This I had tried to avoid for a long time, not the responsibility, but the working hours. The new post meant working office hours and for the first time in my life I was working a five-day-week. On watches it had been a four-day cycle of say monday afternoon, tuesday morning and all tuesday night, then off duty until friday afternoon. The 2 1/2 days off within every 4 days had suited me very well and was a very popular roster with everyone. Office hours curtailed my visits up-country except at week-ends, but I did have every evening free. Very soon, each European Radio Supt. In charge of a watch had an African trainee assistant. Shortly afterwards one joined me. They were all supposedly bright boys from Secondary School and we delegated the routine work to them as much as possible. Their presence was resented by the old-timers among the 129 [page break] wireless operators, who knew what they were doing and were very good operators, but their educational background was inadequate for the senior posts. Africanisation was the policy dictated to us and we bowed to the inevitable. I trusted most of my Africans, and there were about 180 of them working on the 4-day Watch roster at the Communications centre. Although many of them had served with the British Army both during and after the war, I could not completely lose sight of the fact that some had taken part in the Lare massacre when an African village was set ablaze and almost everyone slaughtered as they tried to escape. The majority of my staff were from the three main problem tribes, the Kikuyu, Meru and Embu, and a few of the Luo tribe from Nyanza. My father’s farm had been abandoned long ago. It was not possible to obtain reliable labour during the Emergency, and the whole of the European settled areas was to be handed over to the Africans. There were already very few farmers left in the Trans-Nzoia and the Eldoret areas, the latter being mainly from South Africa. The Laikipia farmers were the last to hold out, except perhaps for the bigger ranches near Athi River. Our next home leave was in June 1964 and the story of my activity over the three years leading up to it is synonymous with that of the Laikipia Security Network. The network seemed to priority over everything, but lives were at stake. Occasionally Hilda and the Children would go up-country with me, and one memorable week-end was spent with Tony Dyer and Family at their lovely home facing Mount Kenya. One afternoon Tony asked the children if they would like to go to a polo match and they took off in Tony’s Cessna from their own front door, landing at the side of the pitch. One of Tony’s sons was killed some months later whilst taking a gun out of the back of his vehicle. It was never discovered how the gun came to be loaded and with the safety catch off. Hilda and the children stayed too at the farm of Dr. Anne Spoerry, at Ol Kalau. Anne’s loo was a traditional type in the bushes down the garden, very comfortable and lined with bookshelves, full of the Lancet and other medical journals. Anne was a wonderful character. Only once did we go to the coast for a holiday, and this was two weeks spent at Likoni, near Mombassa [sic]. Unfortunately we chose to go in the rainy season but it was a welcome break. We took Chippy, our cockerel, and it followed us around everywhere, afraid of absolutely nothing. Chippy returned home one day in Nairobi with a broken beak and was unable to peck for food. Fortunately Jean and Dick Chalcroft came to stay overnight with us and Dick fitted a new lower section to the beak with the plastic resin we used in making dipole aerials.. It took an hour to cure, or set, and Jean and Dick held Chippy during that period, and again whilst they filed down the surplus plastic and polished the result. Chippy was ravenous and began to feed straight away, but was very aggressive towards humans, except for Jean and Dick, who took him back to their farm at Molo. I saw Chippy several times after that at the farm, lording it over the hens, and not another cockerel in sight. One day I bought a petrol/paraffin engine-driven alternator and a bank of batteries, a complete 32 volt lighting set in fact, too good to miss for £25 in Nairobi. The dealer said the engine wouldn’t start although it had just been thoroughly overhauled. I knew that Jean and Dick were without power on their farm although their house was wired for a 32 volt DC system such as this. I knew too of Jean’s prowess with anything mechanical and I took the whole lot straight up to the farm at Molo. At 10pm. on the Saturday Jean started stripping down the engine whilst I was linking together the 26 alkaline cells [page break] and checking the house wiring connected to my car battery. Jean, assisted by Dick slogged on until 5am. in the light of an Alladin lamp, but she had discovered the trouble long before that. The timing was exactly 180 degrees out of phase. At 5am, just before dawn, the batteries being flat, Jean cranked the engine which roared into life, literally, we were deficient of a silencer for the exhaust. The batteries were taking a charge and we changed from petrol to paraffin and switched on a few lights in the house. The following evening the Chalcrofts were very proud of their lighting system. That sort of effort and co-operation did give one a great deal of satisfaction. My recollections of work in D.C.A. over that period are very few. We seldom talked of the war, but in the middle of one night I somehow got chatting to the F.I.C. Controller, Sqdn Ldr. Anderson DFC & Bar, who had also been in 5 Group on Lancasters. Andy said we were sometimes like a lot of sheep, he recalled one night having reached his ETA, all was very quiet except that markers had been dropped 20 miles to the south. Within minutes bombs were crashing down so Andie turned south for five minutes and joined in. Next day it was found that the target was 20 miles north of where most of the bombing had taken place. My reply was just “Politz”, we had done exactly the same thing, followed the flock. We talked together of flying during the war, several times, but my memories of the actual events are more vivid now, after 45 years, than they were 25 years ago. Perhaps because there was not a great deal in East Africa to remind me of it, compared to today, living 4 miles from Wyton on the approach to Alconbury. To see the Lancaster of the Battle of Britain Memorial Flight fly over gives me rather more than a lump in my throat at times. Pathfinder House is not what it was with Don Bennet, either, it is now the place where I pay my rates, but they at least have a picture of a Lancaster on the wall near the Cashier’s office. A couple of years ago I asked one of the cashiers why it was called Pathfinder House, she had no idea, I asked what the aeroplane was and the answer was the same. I let the matter drop. I had taken over the comm. Centre from Mike Harding who had retired prematurely, and his immediate predecessor had been “Bing” Crosby, ex Royal Signals. Bing was in Headquarters just along the corridor and came into my office every day to inspect an object pickled in a sealed jar which he had left on the shelf when he was promoted. Although he urged us to take good care of it, he used to look at it and say to it “You useless ruddy thing”, or words to that effect. Finally, on retirement, he came and collected it and let us into the secret, with the parting words “Oh don’t worry, the other one’s fine, you only need one you know”. Alice and my father had left in May for Italy, to stay with Mary and Luigi. My own feelings were that he should have stayed in Kenya, possibly up country with Jean or with one of his many other friends among the Settlers. He had worked unceasingly on the network for over 4 years, but Alice insisted upon their return to Europe. In June ’64 it was time for home leave again. We were reluctant this time because there was so much happening up country and we expected it to be our final tour in East Africa together, unless I returned and carried on with communications on a commercial basis. This was still an option, communications had kept me very busy and with lots of ‘job satisfaction’, but it was DCA who had paid my salary. I still had a family to support, and there was a great deal of uncertainty in Kenya. And so it was we flew to London yet again, and joined Hilda’s Mum at Glaslyn. 131 [page break] [underlined] ON LEAVE June 1964 [/underlined] Before leaving for Wales we bought a second-hand Vanguard from a dealer in Putney which was to prove very useful in the next few months. At the end of our leave it was sold to the local Policeman for the same price. A month or two before we returned, the house next to Aunt Doll had become vacant and was put on the market for £500. It was small and in shocking state, but a real snip so we bought it. Five months was spent in refurbishing it, building a bathroom, kitchen, replastering, new fireplace, rewiring etc. I remember John mixing at least a ton of concrete manually, he was a tremendous help. Electricity at the house had not been used for many years, and what little wiring remained, mostly twin flex, we ripped out. Electrical contractors quoted £900 to rewire, which was totally ridiculous, and finally John and I did it in one day, having spent about £50 on materials through an advert in Exchange & Mart. We tried to buy the field - or even part of it - at the back - of the house, but our lawyer said it was quite impossible to find out who owned the land. Many years later it transpired that it had in fact been owned for at least a hundred years by members of his own family. Visits were paid to my other in Barnoldswick and to Joan and Ken in London, but the greater part of my leave was spent on the ‘new house’. At the end of April Hilda’s Mum moved into her new home and made comfortable. From the house there was a wonderful view of the mountain separating the Neath and Rhonda valleys, with the river within 25 yards in the foreground. Perhaps it is only fair to mention the road between the house and river, but when the bypass was built a few years later this road carried little traffic. In November ’64 I returned to Kenya unaccompanied, and being so, moved into Woodlands Hotel. The following day I was in touch with Laikipia and also back at work. I relieved Mike Harding as Asst. Signals Officer in Headquarters, Deputy to ‘Spud’ Murphy who was Telecommunications Officer (Operations). The job was just a matter of dealing with the steady flow of paper-work. Every piece of paper coming in was registered in Central Registry and filed by the Clerk. If he couldn’t decide which file to put it, he would open a new one. The file was then delivered - and booked out - to the officer thought to be the one who should deal with it. The officer would either add his comments as a minute and pass on the file to someone he thought might not return it to him, or if he felt he was authorised to make a decision, draft a letter for his immediate superior. Very occasionally, on an external matter he might even sign the letter “for the Director of Civil Aviation”. I was expected to finalise all matters concerning the operational aspect of the Telecommunications side of DCA, including all staff problems, their examinations and promotions. Europeans were leaving the Directorate almost every week and being replaced by Africans. Those with African proteges training to take over the senior posts were most vulnerable. The Africans thought it was easy to sit back and authorise someone to go on leave, or to promote or reprimand another. The newcomers could read the many returns and forms but whereas a European officer could do every job subordinate to his own, the assistant had neither the experience, qualifications nor ability to do those jobs. In some cases the African was promoted and his former boss remained as his assistant. It was [page break] obvious who did the actual work. I found the work uninteresting, mainly it seemed just a matter of going through the motions and staying out of trouble by being non-committal, which was completely out of character. My main thoughts were with the 5190 Network, something that really mattered. Sqdn. Ldr. Anderson was still with us and when he went on two week’s leave to the coast he asked me to sleep at his house, which made a welcome change from staying at the hotel. At about 3am on the third night there was a hullabaloo outside and a pounding on the door. “Police, open up”. I opened up, 9mm. Mauser ready, to be greeted by an African Police Inspector and about 15 Askari with enough weaponry to start a rebellion. Andy had told the Police he would be away for two weeks and would they please keep an eye on the house? I told them he had asked me to sleep there but they were not convinced. All my documents were at the hotel and eventually the Inspector ‘phoned the Acting Director of Civil Aviation at his house - Dickie Dixon, my old antagonist from Entebbe. Dickie was not amused, he never was, with me, but the Inspector was satisfied. A few nights later, about 10pm. I was lying on the bed reading, the house in darkness except for a small reading lamp. I heard footsteps on the gravel outside and quickly extinguished the light. I heard a key turning in the lock of the pateo [sic] door. By this time I was off the bed and standing at the bedroom door, left hand on the hall light switch and my Mauser in the right, cocked and with the safety-catch off. When the outside door opened I switched on the light and was startled to identify the intruder as Jimmie Sanson, whom I had not seen since we were in Kisumu. If he had been carrying a gun I might have blown his head off before it became unrecognisable. Andy had done it again, asking Jimmie also to keep an eye on the house. That night my car had been in Andy’s garage. On the following nights I left the car in full view outside, and with the a few lights in the house switched on. For several years I had held one of the very few Flight Radio Officer Licences in the Department and frequently flew as Radio Officer first on the Anson VPKKK and later on its replacement, the Heron. On my last trip on the Heron we did a “tour of inspection” with visiting officials from ICAO in Montreal. Whilst supposedly inspecting the runways here and the Met. Station there, a V.O.R., D.M.E. and other aids to Aviators, in reality we enjoyed a visit to Zanzibar, flew around inside the Ngoro-ngoro crater, an extinct volcano well stocked with wild life, witnessed a specially-staged lion kill in Tsavo West National Park, and entered into the spirit of a very expensive ‘Cook’s Tour’. A few weeks later I did another tour of airports, inspecting the Telecomm. aspect and also giving morse tests to operators who were otherwise already qualified for promotion. I knew most of the staff and the stations also. 16 years previously I had first visited Iringa, which was then run by ‘Blossom’, Mrs. Brown, the only lady Radio Officer in DCA. Blossom was an ex-WREN officer who had specialised during the war in Japanese morse. I think she told me there were about 120 characters in their morse alphabet, and she used to transcribe in Jap. characters for hours on end. It was someone else’s job to translate them into English. Blossom had left some years previously. The morse tests were interesting, first the candidate sent for 10 minutes at 25 w.p.m. of 5-letter and figure groups, which was recorded on tape. The second test was 10 minutes of plain language, and the third receiving for 10 minutes of automatic morse. The fourth test was for the candidate to receive the morse recorded in the first two tests, without telling them of it’s origin. Many complained that the 133 [page break] fourth test was unfair, the morse being very poor and difficult to read. Some found it difficult to believe the poor morse was their own! In general, the morse was, in fact, very good, most of the old-timers having been British Army trained, during the war. Soon after the invasion of Zanzibar I flew there in the DCA Anson piloted by Capt. Casperuthus. The two Air Traffic Controllers had been deported to Mombassa [sic] and almost all the Telecomms. equipment was faulty. The teleprinter on line to Dar es Salaam still worked, however, and this was taken over by an African from Tanganyika. Zanzibar and Tanganyika became known as Tanzania and for the very first time customs and immigration formalities were introduced between the two. I recall paying customs duty in Dar es Salaam on 200 cigarettes bought in Zanzibar, although the price was the same in both places, and duty had been paid already to the same authority, the new government of Tanzania. There was no rational explanation to some of the politics in East Africa. Rumours were rife that a huge Russian biplane bomber made secret trips at night without contacting DCA, the aviation authority, and the machine was said to be in a particular hangar. We were intrigued by this and taxied very close to the hangar, a ‘deliberate mistake’, and took photographs of the aircraft. It was a biplane about three times the wingspan of a Tiger Moth, but we were not able to find anyone who had actually seen it airborne. By May 1965 I was recovering transmitters from Settlers who were leaving the country, and these sets were more than meeting the demand for new ones. I felt that by the end of the year there would be very few Europeans left, and in that atmosphere of intense anti-climax I gave 6 months notice of my retirement. The leave earned would take me to just over my 44th. birthday when compensation for loss of office would be at its peak. Looking at this in more detail, compensation would have been reduced by £2,000 per year of delay. There was really little choice but to go. [page break] [underlined] JOB HUNTING [/underlined] I returned home finally on the 11th. of November 1965 and joined Hilda and the family at Glaslyn, except for Colin who was in the R.A.F. in Aden. My father and Alice were settled in Voghera in Northern Italy. There was plenty of time to look for a job, as I was on full pay for about six months and could not really afford to start work until April. Had I started before that, it would have meant paying income tax at the U.K. rate for the previous year on my world income, so I was advised, probably wrongly. I wrote many letters, one offering my services to O’Dorian of Redeffusion [sic]. They were at that time considering establishing a Radio Relay system in the African areas of Nairobi. Other firms were also interested and the City Council was monitoring a pilot scheme which I.A.L. had fitted about a year previously. The pilot scheme had been put out to tender and my father had submitted a bid to provide for a four-program system. The contract went to I.A.L. on the grounds that they had shown confidence in Kenya by being established there for many years and were a reputable firm. My father was invited to comment and said I.A.L.’s presence was nothing to do with confidence, they were wholly-owned by B.O.A.C. and were there to do aircraft radio maintenance for E.A. Airways also owned by B.O.A.C. As for being a reputable company, so are Marks and Spencers but like I.A.L. they have no experience in Radio Relay. I had seen the pilot scheme at Kaloleni. Each house had a loudspeaker on the wall with volume control, and the system was wired in D8 cable and flex, with no protective devices. Reception was poor and quality was that of a typical bus station P.A. system. I gave O’dorian [sic] a detailed report of what I thought could be achieved in Nairobi and also the whole of Kenya, together with the engineering detail, resources required, budgets etc. The report was mainly the result of my father’s efforts of two years previously, updated. I included my report of I.A.L.’s one programme pilot scheme the performance of which could induce the Council to reach only one conclusion about Radio Relay. One of not to bother with it. Transistor radios were then on the market at 40 shillings giving good world-wide reception, Moscow being a necessity. I mentioned too the near to impossibility of collecting payment from individual subscribers. Payment would have to be made by the authorities. O’Dorian thanked me for my interest and appreciated the report and said he would be in touch. About a month later he wrote again and said they had decided not to pursue any interest in Kenya. I also tried West London Telefusion who I knew at working level in 1947, and had an interview in Blackpool with their M.D., and Personnel Manager, for a new post as Development Manager in Taunton, Somerset. The job was to establish a cable T.V. system. I was offered the job after a prolonged interview and at a good salary. I accepted there and then and was advised to start looking for a house around Taunton. Only the starting date was uncertain, but they agreed to confirm the appointment in writing and provide a detailed Terms of Reference. I was very surprised indeed a few weeks later when a letter from Mr Wilkinson said he was very sorry but had decided not to proceed with the Taunton project and all development was under review. I realised that cable TV was popular in fringe areas but more and more repeaters were being provided and the need for cable was reducing all the time. I am writing this in 1993 and the concept of cable TV has developed from the 1966 “amplified aerial” to a single coaxial cable providing over 30 T.V. channels, radio and telephone, and 147 [page break] most recently, scanned T.V. Security Systems. The technological advances in Relay since its inception in my father’s time, around 1928 have meant many fresh starts for the industry. I had an interview with Aero Electronics at Crawley – to whom I had a letter of introduction, and was offered the job of Development Engineer & Manager! I felt this was aiming rather high. The interview took place in a large country house, alongside which was a fairly new factory with lots of activity, and a sketch of which appeared on Aero Electronics letter heading. I later found that the factory had no connection with Aero Electronics, which was in fact a one-man show. The job would have been responding to overseas enquiries received mainly via the Board of Trade, designing a system and providing equipment, winding up with a quotation. On the face of it a very interesting prospect, but with no back-up of any sort, and relying upon other firms’ equipment. I felt it to be somewhat dicey, particularly when I was asked if I could type! I had to say it was a job for a team, not one man. From Crawley I went to see G.E.C. at Coventry for interview as a “Production Team Leader”. The job turned out to be the leader of a team of about 12 assemblers and wiremen constructing telephone exchanges – one at a time. I was shown one being assembled and spent an hour with the Team Leader on one particular exchange which comprised thirty 7’ racks of relay panels, counters uniselectors, jack fields etc. As far as I could see it was just a matter of ensuring each item was in the right place and wired-in correctly. Turning down the job was the right decission [sic] for the wrong reason. There seemed to be thousands of people around all moving at the same time, and the environment depressed me. Although I was only vaguely aware of it at the time, that type of system would be giving way to electronic exchanges within a year or two. Next stop was Redifon in Wandsworth, who were advertising for Test and Installation engineers. The job was described accurately but was basically testing H/F and M/F equipment at the end of the production line, with very occasional trips into the field on installation and commissioning work. There was great competition for the field work. I was offered the job but the Personnel manager told me to think very carefully, Wandsworth was a terrible place to live in. I was given two weeks to think it over, and turned down the offer. I asked the Personnel Manager what happened to the job I was offered in 1957. The requirement was for an engineer who had a PMG1 licence to operate on ships and an MCA Flight Radio Officers Licence to operate on aircraft. He was to take equipment to sea and into the air to ensure there were no problems, and if there were, to resolve them. That job really appealed to me and could very well have become what I cared to make it. Maybe. He looked up my file and told me the vacancy was not filled and the post was withdrawn. I saw a job advertised for a Telecommunications Engineer for Gambia, 18 month tour, £3500 per year + 25% gratuity, and applied for it. A week later I was called for interview. I didn’t think there was the slightest chance of this happening, having applied out of interest and an expences [sic] paid trip to London. The interview went well and soon after my return to Wales a letter arrived asking me to confirm my acceptance on a salary of £2500. I was in a quandry [sic], I didn’t really want to go to Zambia, but wrote to the Crown Agents and pointed out the discrepancy between the advert of £3500 and offer of £2500. [page break] They regretted their mistake in the advert, and on those grounds I was able to decline I applied for an advertised post of Signals Officer at the Ministry of Aviation’s Communications Centre at Croydon for which my D.C.A. experience fitted me well. The interview went off very well and I found that in some respects E. Africa was more up to-date than was the practice at Croydon. At the end of the interview they said they would write to me. About a week later their letter arrived and advised that I had not been selected but only because a more senior post would shortly become available and I was already short-listed for it. Good news indeed, but having heard nothing further after four months by which time we had moved house to Cambridge, I wrote to them. In their reply I was told that the letter offering me the job had been returned to them marked “Gone away”. As Communications Officer in charge at Croydon life would have been rather different. Becoming more and more disillusioned with U.K. I went to see the Overseas Services Resettlement Bureau at Eland House, Victoria. I saw a Mr. Williams who was ex-Malaysia P.& T and we chatted for a while about the prospects of settling down to a job in the U.K. I had to agree that after 18 years in East Africa I was not impressed with what I saw in Britain nor with the people who occupied it, it was a vastly different place to the one I had left in 1948. He was quite right in saying that I first had to decide whether I wanted to stay and if so to make the best of it. What job did I want? I told him I had hoped to join Pye Telecomm’s technical sales dept. I knew Pye aeronautical equipment and felt I could fit in there, but had written and been advised there were no vacancies. “Did I still want the job?”. Having replied yes please he picked up the phone, and said “get me Ernie Munns at Pye”. Moments later he greeted someone in what I assumed was Malay, then switched to English “look Ernie, I’ve another bloody Colonial here, thinks Pye’s the ultimate., When can you see him?” We agreed 2pm the following day at Pye Telecommunications, Newmarket Rd., Cambridge. More words in Malay between them and he wished me luck. I liked the friendly environment at Pye and was interviewed by Ernie Munns, head of Systems Planning Dept. and his deputy, Cyril Foster. The interview was constantly interrupted by the telephone and people barging in for instant decisisons [sic]. I recall Ernie asking whether I would be prepared to write a paper for a semi-technical customer on the relative merits of conventional VHF links and Tropospheric scatter and I said “yes”! Fortunately the phone rang and both interviewers were involved, which gave me a few minutes to think about it. I had heard of Tropo-scatter, but that was about all. I awoke to the question of “how would you go about it?” I replied that I would read up the subject in the Pye library. It must have been written up many times, I would study it and probably be able to quote a learned authority. I agreed that I didn’t know all the answers, and Ernie said “Thank god for that, one or two around here think they do”. I was told that my application was opportune, if I joined them I would be in the Aeronautical team headed by Cyril, which was currently preparing a factory order for equipment to re-equip 22 airports and several other sites in Iran, plus a lot of other orders for aviation equipment. Basically the job was block-planning of systems to meet the customers’ operational requirement, prepare quotations, to engineer the job in detail and to project manage the order to its conclusion. This was the sort of job offered by 149 [page break] Aero Electronics but at Pye there was full backing from experts in all fields. The second part of the interview was with Cyril and the Personnel manager who said he would write to me with the result. The letter arrived a few days later offering me the post at £1250 per year and to start preferably on the first of April. This was gladly accepted. Hilda and I went to Cambridge and after a week’s run around by Estate Agents we found a nice 4-bedroomed house at 14 Greystoke Rd. near Cherry Hinton which was to be ready by the end of March. [page break] [underlined] AT PYE TELECOMMUNICATIONS [/underlined] The first two years at Pye were spent as a Project Engineer in Systems Planning Dept, not in the Aviation team as hoped, but in Duncan Kerr’s team doing general systems. Also in the team were Jim Bucknell, Ian Douglas, and Mike Bavistock who had also joined Pye on April first. Duncan was away most of the time drumming up contracts with the Scottish Police forces but on our first day Mike and I did meet him briefly and he gave us two pink files. ‘Take one each’ said Duncan. ‘Turkey 10th Slice is now an order and needs a flimsy, and the Libya quote needs revalidating’. Mike and I hadn’t a clue on Pye methods and we decided to work together, providing a mutual back-up. It quickly transpired that we had something in common, Mike had been in the Gambia for three tours whilst I was in East Africa. I told him of my experience with the Crown Agents for the Gambia job and he had seen the advert for what had in fact been his post. He was not amused when he saw his £2500 a year job advertised with a salary of £3500. Of the 36 people in the department, no-one was particularly helpful, in retrospect mainly because they were themselves under great pressure and had problems of their own. I saw the Chief Clerk, - later known as the Admin Group Leader – and said ‘Duncan wants me to do a flimsy, what’s a flimsy?’ He was most unhelpful although he was responsible for the admin. aspect of many hundreds of them. His philosophy was that he wasn’t going to help anyone who was on a bigger salary than his own. I had to go to Export Sales to find out what a flimsy looked like. It turned out to be an all-singing and dancing instruction to every dept. detailing all the action required in designing, manufacturing inspecting packing shipping and invoicing and even installation of a customer’s order. All the information available was entered on the forms and circulated around the departments. The initial circulation was programmed to take six weeks. The system was designed in detail and all the engineering information added with ammendments. [sic] Eventually there were so many ammendments [sic] I had to completely rewrite the flimsy after six weeks, and finally there was an issue 4. The job was eventually engineered by Dickie Wainwright – ex East African P.& T., following a departmental re-organisation, and I picked it up again at the delivery stage having moved to the Systems Installation Dept. My performance on my first task in Pye was not at all brilliant, and about 18 months later when the installation was finished I issued a memo entitled “Lessons Learned on Turkey 10th Slice”. I started with saying that a week of training in Pye methods would have saved a great deal of cost and misunderstanding and went on to discuss the contract itself. The contract stated that ‘The Turkish Version of the contract shall be deemed to be the official version’, and it seemed there were many anomalies all to the advantage of the Turks, in particular to our agent, a chap called Avidor, who in fact translated the Turkish contract into English!. The system originally quoted was for a microwave chain the length of Turkey with a dozen or so links carrying teleprinter and telephones. We were awarded only the links, the radio parts of which were main and standby. One rediculous [sic] requirement in the Turkish version was that they wanted the main link in one place and the standby in another. We were providing main and standby transmitters etc within a link, not a completely seperate [sic] standby link. The whole thing was quite rediculous, [sic] no 151 [page break] wonder it was given to one of the new boys and everyone else steered clear. The title of the contract simply meant that it was the 10th slice – or part – of a multi-million dollar allocation of N.A.T.O. funds. I don’t know how many slices there were, but one was enough for us. With Mike’s first job, revalidating a quotation might on the face of it seem more straight-forward. It is just a matter of extending the date on which the offer expires, or is it?! The engineers who did the quotation with many versions over a period of 10 years, and the half dozen salesmen involved over different periods had all either left or moved on somewhere. Now they were all out of picture, it was Mike’s job, and he was on his own. Revalidation implied that he must thoroughly understand the customer requirement. The quotation comprised 18 volumes of A4 size, each 2” thick, plus a mountain of minutes of meetings and correspondance [sic] over a period of 10 years. Undertakings made in good faith years ago could well be quite impossible to honour, requiring endless variations to the tender document. Every change required approval from others in Pye. Every aspect had to be checked. Equipment from other manufacturers was included and confirmation of availability and price had to be obtained, every move documented and absolutely every aspect of the tender was Mike’s direct responsibility. When I think back to those days, I remember how every letter and memo originated had to be written out in longhand for the team’s typist to action. I understand the office system did not change in the next 25 years although there is much less of it. Mike asked me to sit in at his very first meeting on this project, the main purpose of which was to put him in the picture and answer any queries he might have. One item in the quote was ‘2 years Bavister £2000’ What’s that asks Mike. The finance dept man said it’s an accountancy term, just leave it in but add 10%. Two others had totally different ideas and finally a fellow woke up and said “I’m Bavister, I’m supposed to go out there for two years to help the customer”. There followed a discussion on the price of whether it was 2 or should be 20 thousand and which department accepted the responsibility. Mike asked why we are using scramblers bought from Redifon at £1200 each when we can make them. It turned out they were actually ours, produced in Cambridge for T.M.C. who sold them to Redifon who in turn mounted them on a panel with their label, and sold them back to Pye at about 10 times the price. The Libya communication system itself was very good, a policeman on a camel with a hand-held portable could talk through a local Base station and several UHF links and an HF SSB link to his HQ 3000 miles away if required. Mike Bavistock saw the project through two revalidations and the tender’s final acceptance, and the production stage, over a period of 4 years. He went on to do many other big projects before deciding to resign and return to Africa to try and regain his sanity. When I joined the department, one half prepared quotations and everything else with the exception of the detailed engineering. The other half were responsible for engineering and nothing else. The system was sound, one person should not have to divert his thinking from conditions of sale to pricing to shipping to the specific connections on a 131 way socket. After a while the system was changed whereby one man did the lot, and with a dozen or more projects on hand at any one time constant re-orientation was getting me down and I asked for a transfer to Systems Installation Dept. Meanwhile I pressed on [page break] doing many quotations and made sure I did not get involved with detailed engineering design or anything else which could delay my transfer. In fact I feigned some excentricity [sic] and got away with it. The pressure however was high and there was a great deal of jeolousy [sic] and backbiting in the department. At one stage I did a couple of Fireman’s callout schemes and these were done on the electric typewriter by a typist who normally did only the conditions of sale. The only difference was in the number of base stations and portables, and the finance. Together using the same basic tape we could rattle off a quotation in half an hour. We made about 20 spare copies and sent them to Home salesmen who were not already in the know, to help them secure orders from their local fire services. This was very rewarding to Pye. One monday [sic] morning I was given the job of providing a quotation to meet a requirement for the Yugoslavian police, to be ready by 4 pm on friday [sic] . It was a big job and I would have three chaps to assist me but I was not to make a start until the go-ahead was received from International Marketing Dept. At 2.15 pm I was told to forget it, it would not be possible to complete it in time. On Wednesday at 10 am I was told the job was on and vital, top priority. Drop everything and get on wth [sic] it. I would not have any assistants and would have to complete it myself. So one man had two days and two nights to do a job which was too much for 4 men in 5 days and 4 nights. I worked almost non-stop, all day and all night, mostly at home, and on the thursday [sic] I asked for a typist to be available for friday [sic] night. By 5 pm on friday [sic] the document was ready for typing, a very long technical description and equipment schedules. The prices had not been agreed with the finance dept, so I used standard Export price with 15% mark-up for luck. No signatures of approval were obtained from Snr. Management although a quote for over £100,000 needed signatures from three Directors and finally the Company Secretary. I did ‘phone Bert Ship who was responsible for determining delivery time and I put 5 months instead of his 9. The typist did not materialise, and as a last resort I took an office typewriter to my daughter Wendy’s home and she typed it overnight. At 7 am on the saturday [sic] I assembled a batch of relavant [sic] publicity material and technical leaflets, and made 10 copies of the whole document, four of which I signed and gave to the Salesman at 9 am. He translated the Technical Description and schedules into Italian on his way to London Airport by road and to Milan by air. It was retyped into Italian on the Sunday and presented to the client in Rome on the Monday [sic] , by Pye Italy. A month later the Salesman told me we had got the job and thanked me, but there was no other official recognition. I was amused to have signed it myself, having cut through all authorities and proceedures. [sic] One copy of the file was circulated around for approvals by Mike Loose and this was completed a few days before we got the contract. Not all jobs were like that. One particular quotation was done for Frank Mills, a salesman responsible for dealing with government departments in Wales. I had first known Frank when he was Provincial Police Signals Officer at Mwanza in Tanganyika when I was in charge of the airport. Prior to that he had been a Radio Officer with D.C.A. in East Africa. Frank had told me of his lucky escape when he went to Musoma on a routine inspection. An african [sic] sold him a live snake in a sack for a shilling and Frank decided its skin would make a good present. An 8 foot python for a shilling. First the python had to be killed and whilst still in the sack was placed in an empty 40 gallon storage drum. A pipe was connected between his 153 [page break] landrover [sic] exhaust and the drum, and the engine left running. After an hour the python was removed and made ready for skinning, but first let’s take a few photographs. Off came Frank’s bush jacket, and the python wound round his chest and neck, with Frank gripping the snake’s head and looking it square in the eyes. The photos were taken and the snake lowered to the ground. It was sweaty work and Frank sat on the back of the landrover [sic] drinking a cool beer. After a few minutes the python slid away into the bush. However, Frank had arranged to collect the quotation at 1.30 pm. and as the hour approached it was ready in triplicate except for the three front labels. All the typists and secretaries were enjoying their lunch break, most of them sitting at their desks knitting or reading. Not one of them would type the labels, so I used a spare manual machine and typed them myself. It was their right to stop work between 1 and 2 and they would excercise [sic] that right regardless of everything else. Most of them didn’t speak to me for weeks. This childish attitude was only too prevalant [sic] throughout the organisation and was completely foreign to me. However, Frank collected his quotation and we had a short chat about old times. Tragically he was killed in a road accident next day whilst on the way to see his customer with the quotation. After my 2 years or so in Systems Planning, Bill Bainbridge one of the two Field Controllers in Systems resigned to start his own business, Cambridge Towers, and I was fortunate in succeeding him. At the same time Harry Langley Head of Systems Installation moved into Sales and D.A.D. Smith took over as Manager of Systems Installation Dept., (S.I.D.). I got on very well with Harry Langley, he had been with the Kenya Police as a Radio technician seconded from the Home Office. Howard (Jimmie) James was the other Field Controller and between us we managed all S.I.D. projects, mainly installing and commissioning systems in the field, about 60% being overseas. In theory we had a Project Engineer heading each Installation team but as each was involved in several jobs at any one time it was never possible just to sit back and let the P.E. get on with it. He was likely to be abroad when most required. [underlined] IRAN [/underlined] One of the first jobs allocated to me in S.I.D. was the Iranian Airports project, Pye being a member of a consortium with Marconi, C & S Antennas, Redifon, G.E.C. and S.T.C. All came together as the Irano-British Airports Consortium to re-equip the major airports and aviation facilities in Iran. This was the project mentioned to me at my interview when applying to join Pye and Cyril Foster and Allan Breeze had devoted their last two years entirely to it, and much of 5 years before that. Allan in fact eventually went to Iran to commission the F.I.C. console. I had a great respect for him when we went to Iran together and whilst I was struggling along in French he was talking in Farsi with the hotel staff. He had been quietly studying it in Cambridge and could even read it, which was a tremendous achievement. I became suspicious when I received a memo from D.A.D. Smith the Departmental Manager enclosing a change-note and asking me to confirm that we could still carry out our installation committment [sic] in Iran for the £85,700 he had quoted. A change-note was a notification from a Lab. making a minor change in the design or manufacture of a piece of equipment. In this case it refered [sic] to a resistor which would make no difference to anything except the parts list. [page break] [photograph of the head and shoulders of a man] [Arabic writing] [stamp] [Arabic writing] G. Watson [Arabic writing] [signature] [Arabic writing] JSB/100/14/6/T [Arabic writing] 154A [page break] Not “will the change-note make any difference?” His subtle phraseology was making me responsible for the whole installation amount, not just a possible minor differe [deleted r [/deleted] nce. His figure was derived by taking 5% of the factory transfer price of the equipment which had no real relationship to the cost of fitting it, and was totally unrealistic. I studied the draft contract and drew up an installation plan, and after a few days replied to my manager that “if the work can be carried out in the 12 month time scale as in the contract my estimate of costs is not £87500 but £250,000. I believed the work would take at least 5 years, it would not be possible to co-ordinate the many scores of officials with their different loyalties and the organisations involved. The final cost could very well be double the £250K. The end customer was the Iranian Director General of Civil Aviation, represented by Aerodrome Development Consultants Ltd., (A.D.C.) apparently a private firm, but wholly-owned by the then British Board of Trade and staffed by their officials. They were more than loyal to their Iranian masters. After a great deal of arguement [sic] with A.D.C. and other Consortium members about methods, division of responsibilies [sic] , consequential losses and costs etc., the quotation was accepted including my price of £250K, and the contract signed. I was to live with that contract for exactly 10 years and have been sorely tempted many times to record the frustrations, stupidities and almost impossible business of working with the Iranians whilst retaining any degree of sanity. It was the custom in Pye at the time, and a very good one, that before work was started on a major quotation, the comments of people with recent similar experience were sought as to its desireability, [sic] and with the question “Do we want the job?”. The file, an informal one came to me and in answer to that question I wrote in a light-hearted moment, “pas avec un barge pole.” I didn’t know that our masters Philips in Holland were involved until a minute came from them asking ‘vos ist ein barge pole’? This surprised everyone as the Dutch generally have no sense of humour where money is concerned. One year from the signing of the contract, bang on time, we airfreighted the 26 racks of equipment and a mass of other material for installation at Meherabad airport, a direct flight from Stansted to Teheran where it was to be fitted. The pilot spent 36 hours under armed guard first for not having a “Certificate of no objection” from Iranian Airlines and secondly for paying a parking fee for only a 12 hours stay. There were many problems with that first consignement [sic] which provided a good pointer to the difficulties to follow. It was 12 months before the equipment was released from Customs and then it was stored in the open air outside the Meherabad receiving station for 6 months. Soon after that first air shipment I returned to Iran and spent 6 weeks studying the first 12 airport installations, including Meherabad, and re-formulating detailed plans. Meherabad was the main International Airport and included the Flight Information Centre. One problem at the F.I.C. was how to fit a 24 ft control console manned by 6 people whilst maintaining a full service on the old console which occupied the same floor space. In addition the contract stated that 12 racks would be fitted in the old equipment room on the fourth floor and 14 in a new equipment room on the second floor. This really was quite impossible and I was keeping the problem to myself. When I was discussing with the Iranians the work involved in their own equiupment [sic] room, 155 [page break] they became extremely worried because their wiring was an absolute shambles with hundreds of multipair cables actually threading their way in and out and through racks which we had to replace with no interuption [sic] in the service. They finally startled me by laying down the law and insisting that we stay right out of their old equipment room, and they would knock down walls between six offices on the second floor to house all 26 racks. This area was very close to FIC and made our job not only possible, but easy. Also the change was their firm requirement and we charged them £17,500 extra for the priveledge [sic] . On Kushi Nostrat mountain, Marconi were to fit a Radar scanner, which we were to link to Meherabad by a 7GHz link, but the only way to reach the site was by helicopter, unless one was a mountaineer. There were no civilian helicopters in Iran and it was only when I put the problem to A.D.C. that I found the Radar stn. was to be at Kushi Basm and not Kushi Nostrat, a totally different mountain. This had an access road and Meherabad was a line-of-sight path of 32 miles. At a critical distance was a salt pan and we were supposed to go round this desert on a dog leg using a microwave link repeater. There was no suitable location for the repeater because of the “change” in location of the Radar site. This resulted in another variation to contract for a frequency and space diversity single link, less equipment than in the original contract but we got away with charging £18,000 more. Some of the problems were pathetic, others amusing. When I checked the earthing and lightening arrestor system at Meherabad I found the one inch copper earth lead was terminated not with an earth mat in the ground but to a spike stuck in a concrete plantpot on the first floor verandah. That was and probably is still there and highly dangerous. Incredible but true. At Bandar Abbas Airport I prepared a detailed installation plan which together with others was discussed later at a monthly progress meeting in London. It bore no resemblance to a plan prepared by Redifon two years previously and we realised that since Redifon’s visit a new airport had been built about 9 miles away. More variatons [sic] to contract. There were 260 of them finally. At Bandar Abbas, the port of which was the main base of the Iranian Navy, I was with the Provincial Governor, an Iranian Air Force General and the Airport Manager. All three agreed it was permissible for me to use my camera. Later when an army corporal confiscated the camera they all denied it and simultaneously lost their ability to speak fairly good english, resorting to french in discussion with me. I had already met the works manager in charge of the extensive building operations who spoke excellent english and was apparently all-powerful. He not only recovered my camera from the army but also gave me a fine selection of photographic prints together with detailed architect plans of all the buildings. I did not see the three senior chaps again but the works manager put a car and driver at my disposal. I think he must have been related to someone important, maybe the Shah-in-Shah, or maybe he was a member of the secret police, there is no knowing. A consignment of Redifon transmitters was held up in Customs for over two years with a documentation problem, and even the fixer employed was quite ineffective. To clear through customs it was necessary to get 120 signatures and rubber stamp impressions on the release document and this had to be done in a single day. This was finally achieved after the Shah had decreed that the equipment must be released, but the chap on the gate seemed to resent this interferance [sic] and refused to release it. The document with the signatures was out [page break] of date the following day so the man’s boss supported him and the equipment remained a part of the scenery. A week or two later, another department came into the act and gave notice that if Redifon did not remove it within 7 days, it would be sold off by police auction. Redifon did not appreciate my suggestion that we should go to the auction. The problem had arisen because one small item of equipment was refered [sic] to as a “tone transmitter”, the word transmitter being anathma [sic] to Middle east types. It did not appear on the schedule [deleted] d [/deleted] of approved tranmitters [sic] and was regarded with grave suspicion. It took four months to amend the contract to exclude the tone transmitter and substitute a tone oscillator, - the same thing -, but even then 36 copies of the invoice had to be changed and re-submitted. The Consortium offices belonged to the G.E.C.O.S. agent who kindly trebbled [sic] the size of them at the Consortium’s expence [sic] . All the members’ staff in Iran moved in and made themselves comfortable. About three weeks later a gang of workmen with demolition equipment reduced the new buildings to rubble and said “sorry, no planning permission”. Two months later the lawyers proved that all the proper authority and permissions were completely in order. The gang returned and said “sorry, ok you build”. Despite all the red tape in Iran it was generally possible to get results eventually, the main difficulty was often finding out just which palms had to be greased. Our man in Iran for three years was Mike Cherry and he was successful in getting an amateur radio licence, with the call-sign EP2MC. Mike fitted an SSB125 transceiver in the office in Teheran and I was in daily contact with him from both my house and the office in Cambridge. By using very carefull [sic] phraeseology [sic] I was kept right up to date with progress in the field. I was talking with Mike from the office one evening on 14 MHz when Dr. Westhead the Chief Executive came in and asked who I was talking with. I replied “to Mike Cherry, our man in Teheran, Sir”. He grimaced and said “Ah well, ask a stupid question..” The public telephone system to Iran was diabolical most of the time. I used to book a call for 4.30 am the following day and take it from home, which saved a great deal of time in both places. Teheran time was 2 1/2 hours ahead of U.K. On most occasions the Post Office telephoned several times during the night to confirm the call or advise of delays, which was very tiresome. Monthly progress meetings were held in London, and at one of them I was asked to quote for additional work at Esfahan during the 2500 year celebrations, which were to take place before the new equipment was fitted. They required to talk with aircraft and I suggested they should do so on a mobile set which would be quite adequate. Our team would already be on site with the mobiles so without any fuss I quoted £300 which was put forward. At a board meeting a week later this was confirmed and the Pye member of the Board, Pat Holden who was also our International Marketing Director promptly withdrew it as I had not gone through the proper channels. The next day he sent for me and instructed me to cancel my quotation, and with a great thumping of the table told me to increase it £3000. Then followed a lecture that “we are here to make money, add a nought”. I told him the job would take about an hour and £300 was more than adequate. £30,000 was utterly rediculous. [sic] I told him “I was doing no such thing, put it in writing through the head of my department and meanwhile you are clear to return to earth”. I then excused myself and left him 157 [page break] to it. I returned to my own desk 20 minutes later to find a note asking me to go and see the boss, not surprisingly. I told him exactly what had happened and he laughed. I said I thought I had burned my boats with Pat Holden and David Smith my boss said “far from it, he admires you for standing up to him and asks you to forget it.” I took no further action in this and in the event there was no income at all, but the job took only 30 minutes for one engineer. Another equally challenging job was the installation and commissio [deleted] m [/deleted] ning of a UHF system within the London Stock Exchange. This employed 520 adjascent [sic] channels. The Base Stations in the basement comprised a transmitter and receiver for each channel, all being combined into one “radiating feeder”. About 600 pocketphones on the Stock Exchange floor were used by dealers working into this system. An invitation to tender for this job had been received by Pye about two years previously and comments invited from all technical departments. It was unanimously agreed that the job was quite impossible and must not be attempted. Pye did not quote for it and the contract was awarded to S.T.C. Mobile division. Nearly two years later Pye or Philips aquired [sic] that organisation and half the installation had been fitted. About 60 channels were in use and very unsatisfactory. Dealers received messages intended for others and signals faded out at the crutial [sic] moment. Firms were receiving wrong messages and transfering [sic] and buying shares erroneously through these faults. The task of bringing the job to a conclusion was allocated to me and I chose my favourite team of Nick Fox, Aussie Peters and Jack Faulkener. There was a local Service Dept. depot at the Stock Exchange of four engineers who were struggling to get the system working and we took over from them. On arrival there was a flap on, a dealer had acted on a false message and bought some tens of thousand shares for which he had no client and he was stuck with them. He said he was going to sue Pye for his loss. He dropped that idea next day when he sold them at a profit. The main problem was loss of signals into the pocketphones on the Stock Exchange floor but we were not allowed onto the floor during dealing times to make tests. Eventually we were given an ultimatum to either fix it or remove it and face an enormous claim for damages. This was very serious indeed and I reported back to Cambridge. The Engineering Director, Frank Grimm showed me a copy of his comments of two years ago when he said the job was quite rediculous [sic] and impossible, and that was the end of it. No-one wanted to know, “It’s your problem Cliff, get on with it”. So it was back to the Stock Exchange, and I demanded permission to see for myself what was actually happening by being on the floor during dealing hours, otherwise there was nothing more we could do. The Chairman gave permission, quite unprecedented and we were then able to make a more scientific approach. We stayed on that evening and with Jack Faulkener in the basement at the transmitters we measured signal strengths which were astonishingly high and with no blind spots. Jack reduced the base station transmitter power at the input to the antenna system until even with the antenna completely isolated the signals were far more than adequate. This provide the mathematicians were all wrong and we were all barking up the wrong tree. We then carried out the most elementary test of all, whilst receiving properly on a pocketphone we transmitted on other pocketphones – on other channels – at a distance of ten feet. We had found the reason for the problem, simple R/F blocking which should have been checked in the Lab. at a very early stage. That evening we modified 6 [page break] pocketfones [sic] , fitting a 2 pf. capacitor at the receiver input and completely bipassing [sic] the transmitter output stage. They worked perfectly, and with no blocking even at 2’ distance between portables. We had found the answer and the next day, friday, [sic] we recovered all the 160 pocketfones [sic] and over the weekend modified the lot. Everything worked as it should and the customers were delighted. We had received no co-operation from anyone in Cambridge but word soon reached Cambridge that all was well. We deliberately kept them in the dark until I issued a formal report. I had of course no authority to modify equipment but deliberately flouted this on the grounds that someone had to do something constructive or we would have been thrown out of the Stock Exchange. It did not improve my popularity with the people who could influence my career. In 1979 after being responsible for some dozens of major projects three more Field Controllers were appointed, Dave Buller Mike Simpson and Clive Otley and I felt that a change was long overdue. Relationships with the Departmental Manager and his yes-man deputy Joe were deteriorating rapidly. I transfered [sic] back to Systems Planning Dept. and overnight became a specialist in Radio Frequency propagation. I was in a small team headed by Dave Warford, and including Lewis Wicker and John Ewbank, and a trainee. Our job was to plan Radio Links and area coverage systems, within the parameters laid down by D.T.I. At the outset my knowledge of R/F propagation (or Electromagnetic Radiation) was limited to my practical experience of what had been achieved and what had failed to work. The theoretical aspect was highly mathematical but fortunatly [sic] the subject was well written up and the principles well established. Dave Warford and Lewis Wicker were a great help in getting me onto the right lines. A typical job would be a request from a salesman asking whether a radio link on a particular frequency band would work between two specific sites and if so what aerial height would be required? The first step would be to study the Ordnance Survey maps of 1:50000 scale, and plotting all the contours on the direct line between the points. From this information a profile of the earth’s surface would be prepared including the earth’s curvature [inserted] To be continued [/inserted] 159 [page break] [underlined] Dresden 13 – 14 February 1945 [/underlined] At the end of January 1945, the Royal Air Force and the USAF 8th Air Force were specifically requested by the Allied Joint Chiefs of Staff to carry out heavy raids on Dresden, Chemnitz and Leipzig. It was not a personal decision by Sir Arthur Harris. The campaign should have begun with an American daylight raid on Dresden on February 13th, but bad weather over Europe pre-vented [sic] any American operation. It thus fell to Bomber Command to carry out the first raid on the night of February 13th. 769 Lancasters and 9 Mosquitoes were dispatched in two separate attacks on Dresden and at the same time a further 368 R.A.F aircraft attacked the synthetic oil plant at Bohlen near Leipzig. A few hours after the RAF raids 311 bombers of the 8th US Air force attacked Dresden. The following day (15 February 1945) the USAF despatched 211 bombers to bomb Dresden and a further 406 bombers on the 2nd March. As an economic centre, Dresden ranked sixth in importance in pre-war Germany. During the war several hundred industrial plants of various sizes worked full-time in Dresden for the German War machine, Among them were such industrial giants as the world famous Zeiss-Ikon AG (Optics and cameras). This plant alongside the plant in Jena was one of the principle centres of production of field glasses for the Armies, aiming sights for the Panzers and Artillery, periscopes for U-boats, bomb and gun sights f or the Luftwaffe. Dresden was also one of the key centres of the German postal and telegraphic system and a crucial East West transit point with its 7 bridges crossing the Elbe at its widest point. In February 1945 the war was far from over. The Western Allies had not yet crossed the Rhine, Germany still controlled extensive territories, and Bomber Command lost more than 400 bombers after Dresden. The war was at its height, the Allies were preparing for the land battles which would follow their crossing the Rhine, the Russians were poised on the Oder. This destruction of Dresden meant a considerable reduction in the effectiveness of the German Armed forces. The Germans followed Hitler even after the liberation of Auschwitz in January 1945 when its horrors were broadcast to the world. They continued to follow Hitler even after they watched the thousands of living skeletons from concentration camps being herded westward in early 1945. A quote from former POW Col H E Cook (USAAF Rtd) "on 13/14 Feb 1945 we POWs were shunted into the Dresden marshalling yards where for nearly 12 hours German troops and equipment rolled in and out of Dresden. I saw with my own eyes that Dresden was an armed camp: thousands of German troops, tanks and artillery and miles of freight cars …. transporting German logistics towards the East to meet the Russians.” [signed] Jim[?] Broom [/signed] [page break] [curriculum vitae page 1] [page break] [curriculum vitae page 2] [page break] [autographed photograph of Lancaster bomber] [page break] [history of Jack Railton and Emma Sharpe] [page break] [history of George Henry Watson] [page break] [history of Herbert Kilham] [page break] [history of Herbert Kilham continued] [page break] [photograph of male] [page break] [history of George Henry Watson] [page break] [history of Jack Railton and family] [page break] [history of Jack Railton and family continued] [page break] [history of Cliff Stark’s early years] [page break] [letter from LMS railway to C.W. Watson page 1] [page break] [letter from LMS Railway to C.W.Watson page 2] [page break] [letter from LMS Railway to C.W. Watson] Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Just Another Tailend Charlie Description An account of the resource A memoir written by Cliff Watson (divided into 20 chapters.) It covers his life events, from birth to his career in the RAF and beyond. It provides details of his family life in Yorkshire, before relocating to London. Having joined the RAF, he underwent training in Torquay and Newquay before sailing to South Africa to train as an air gunner. In August 1942 he sailed back to the UK, where he was sent to Bournemouth for assessment, then on to RAF Finningley for training then RAF Bircotes for operations. Next was a move to RAF Hixon and its satellite airfield at Seighford. He married Hilda on 1st March 1943 during a week's leave. He was sent to Algiers for further training and continued operations into Italy. At the end of this tour he sailed back to Greenock. He has included a letter in Arabic with instructions to take the bearer to British soldiers for a reward. After some leave Cliff's next posting was at Operational Training Unit RAF Desborough where he helped train new gunners and his next was operational base was RAF Scampton, then RAF Winthorpe for its Heavy Conversion Unit on Stirlings, followed by RAF Syerston on Lancasters then RAF Bardney, where he joined 227 Squadron. During this period he was awarded the DFC. His squadron was transferred to RAF Gravely at the end of the war, where he did a photography course and was transferred to RAF Handforth. After leaving the RAF, Cliff returned to Whitehaven to revitalise a radio company and details the improvements made. Wired radio services were set to become less popular and financially worthwhile so, looking to the future, he and the family decided to emigrate to Nairobi. He held various positions in several African countries, before returning to the UK in 1964. The document includes various photographs of aircraft and crews. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cliff Watson DFC Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989-06 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 192 typewritten sheets and photographs Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SWatsonC188489v1 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. 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It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Peter Bradbury Maureen Clarke 109 Squadron 142 Squadron 150 Squadron 1661 HCU 227 Squadron 25 OTU 30 OTU 5 Group 617 Squadron 84 OTU 9 Squadron air gunner Air Gunnery School aircrew Albemarle Anson anti-aircraft fire B-17 B-24 Beaufighter bomb aimer bombing bombing of Dresden (13 - 15 February 1945) C-47 Defiant Distinguished Flying Cross Distinguished Flying Medal ditching FIDO flight engineer Flying Training School Gee ground personnel Halifax Harvard Heavy Conversion Unit Hudson Hurricane Initial Training Wing Ju 87 Ju 88 lack of moral fibre Lancaster mess military discipline Morse-keyed wireless telegraphy Mosquito navigator Operational Training Unit Oxford Pathfinders prisoner of war RAF Balderton RAF Bardney RAF Bawtry RAF Bircotes RAF Blida RAF Catfoss RAF Desborough RAF Eastleigh RAF Farnborough RAF Finningley RAF Graveley RAF Greenock RAF Handforth RAF Hemswell RAF Hixon RAF Holme-on-Spalding Moor RAF Kairouan RAF Milltown RAF Norton RAF Scampton RAF Seighford RAF Strubby RAF Syerston RAF Waddington RAF Wick RAF Winthorpe RAF Wyton searchlight Spitfire sport Stirling Sunderland Tiger force Tiger Moth training Wellington wireless operator / air gunner Women’s Auxiliary Air Force https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020001.jpg dc8832898b9affc7bb5031a911202bd0 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020002.jpg aca449644998cb8919f6e3e20c6691fe https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020003.jpg 2fcd790afdb0a0582c290a45f0076c7a https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020004.jpg 02db65d966ed750a662e71b3bd92b3d1 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020005.jpg 33ec8bb8d8552978360b53b4b7521bbf https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020006.jpg d64eb9d7fd70e90489d2f472d4e4a649 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020007.jpg 3a5fb9ec9cb43b006a87885bb3508628 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020008.jpg 2187d714a711c4b5a68a86e62a73ba26 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16301/MAllenJH179996-160512-020009.jpg 377ec1a6e4b5f7f856219100d34c06ca Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Allen, Jim J H Allen Description An account of the resource 18 items. The collection concerns Flight Lieutenant James Henry Allen DFC (b. 1923, 179996 Royal Air Force). He flew a tour of operations as a pilot with 578 Squadron. The collection consists of a number of memoirs, photographs and a diary. It includes descriptions of military life and operations and his post-war life and work. The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Steve Allen and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016-05-12 2019-02-05 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. Some items have not been published in order to protect the privacy of third parties, to comply with intellectual property regulations, or have been assessed as medium or low priority according to the IBCC Digital Archive collection policy and will therefore be published at a later stage. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal, https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collection-policy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Allen, JH Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document To my grandchildren With grateful thanks to Peggy and Sam Hunt and Irene and Peter Hinchliffe A Love Story by Granddad J H Allen November 1997 [Page Break] In the Spring of 1941 I was working for the Plessey Co. Ltd, Vicarage Lane Ilford Essex as an apprentice instrument maker. The office of the instrument shop was a wood and glass box about 12ft square. My lathe was about 15ft from the door of this office. One day a fellow turner said to me, “what do you think of our new office girls?” I looked up to see a young lady learning forward over a table in the office displaying some 4” of white leg between the top of her stocking and the hem of her skirt atop a very shapely pair of legs. My first view of a girl who years later would become my wife. Her name was June; I thought her rather plain with steel-rimmed spectacles. On 23 June’41 (a Sunday) a number of us were working including out office girl. It came up that her birthday was on the 26th June; she would be 19. Someone suggested that we give her a birthday kiss, and we all did,. It was the first time I had kissed a girl. I was one month short of my 18th birthday. Shortly afterwards I asked her if she would ‘come to the pictures with me ‘– standard request then for a date. She agreed and on the following Saturday we went to see a film at a cinema in Romford; we both lived in Romford. No romance blossomed, in fact she dated another (rather handsome) chap in the instrument shop, named Johnny Johnson. However I did learn that her surname was Eve, which somewhat intrigued me. I joined the RAF on 30 March 1942. On my first leave some thirteen weeks later I contacted June and was gratified to find she was no longer dating JJ and there was no-one else in her sights. Leave over I departed ad we agreed to write. This rather gentle romance jogged along until November 1942 when I sailed for Canada – on the Queen Elizabeth. I had a double cabin shared with fourteen other airman tiered bunks three high. I was now in love with June, but she made it quote plain that she regarded me as no more than a friend. In fact this was the second time she had made this clear to me. Before departing I purchased a writing case for her (it cost thirty shillings, four days pay, which I still have 55 yrs on) in the hope that it would encourage her to write. Whilst training in Canada I wrote to her and she replied. One letter I received about April ’43 informed me that she was much interested in another young man, and it was clear that I was well down the list in her affections. This was the third occasion on which she has in effect told me to go away, [sic] Even so I maintained contact as I expected to return by early July’43. In fact I had seriously debated with myself whilst in hospital in May ’43 suffering from a very high temperature whether or not I really wanted to marry her. I concluded that I most definitely did want her, but felt that she would probably not return my feelings – my hard luck! It is worth recording that in all my training I really did strive to so well as I felt very strongly that if I failed to get my wings I would not return to Romford, being unable to face her as a failure, Thus she was an inspiration to me – that is no exaggeration. On return to Romford in July’43 I called on June (without much hope) to learn she had no other attachment. I had two weeks leave during which time we visited the cinema and theatre and spent as much time as possible ‘walking out’ together. June was able to take one week summer holiday so we were able to spend quite a bit of time together [sic] On one such occasion she said “Look, there’s a church, lets go in and get married!. Being totally taken aback I made some stupid remark about it being a good idea as it would reduce my income tax. It did however cause me much thought that evening – this being the first intimation that there might just be a glimmer of hope for me, The following day I told her again that I loved her and asked frankly “Is there any chance for me?” When she replied “There’s a great chance” I was simply over the moon. We agreed to marry ‘when the war is over’ and announced the engagement to our families. The date was 16th July 1943. June was 21 yrs, I was a fortnight short of my 20th birthday. We were now in a sort of limbo; unable to set a date to marry and restrained by our upbringing and culture from enjoying each other before marriage. A majority of young women at the time strove to preserve virginity till their wedding night. June was such a girl and indeed I expected it of her. We were waiting for the war to end. On January 21 ’44 I was flying a Wellington on a night cross-country exercise and crashed just outside York bear a village called Askam Bryan. It was pitch black and we hit the ground at over 100mph, downwind some five seconds after I saw it in the landing light [sic] All six of us got out of the aircraft without a scratch. The plane was reduced to scrap and one engine was on fire about thirty yards from the aircraft. This incident triggered the date of our wedding as June said “Let’s get married and take what happiness we can while we can”. We set the date for July – in fact we married on St Swithin’s day. 15 July. In January ’44 the war was far from over, and I would be on an operational bomber squadron in a few months. My leave started on Thursday 31 July, we married on the Saturday in Romford with ‘doodle-bugs’ (V-1 flying bombs) passing over head – speeches bring curtailed until they had passed - then departed to spend our wedding night at the Winston hotel in Jermyn St. London, further to the sound of flying bombs passing by accompanied by the crash of anti – 1 [Page break] aircraft fire. We then had three days honeymoon at Marlow (Bucks) and on the Wednesday night I travelled back to camp to arrive for breakfast on the Thursday, to learn that during the night the squadron had lost six aircraft, two crews from my flight. On 23 July I carried out my first operation as a married man, to Kiel where U-boats were being built. My very new wife was now in line to become a very new widow. As you know, by our wedding day I had flown twenty-twenty two operations and flew a further eighteen after it. You can read two or three of them in the book, “Based at Burn”. June was sometimes asked how she felt knowing that I was operating. She said she felt no great anxiety as I always seemed so confident that my crew would services. This despite having met us (the crew) twice at Liverpool St station, London as we returned to base by rail after landing away due to the damage to our aircraft. How I felt in surviving the tour in Bomber Command and later flying the Atlantic in winter in York aircraft is another story which has no place here apart from the fact that June was always my home port and reason for returning. In 1946 we bought a house for £900 with a mortgage of £640. It was a poor house in a non-salubrious area and the top half of the house was let to a family with two small children at a ‘controlled’ i.e. low rent, and the law gave them total protection against loss of their accommodation. I was still in the RAF so this really was no problem; we had our own home small as it was. Shortly after the war in Europe ended (May 1945) June developed a strong urge to have a baby. There is no greater force in human emotions than this; it is inconceivable to anyone who has not come up against it. Cutting short a two-year-long difficult story in April 1947 after numerous painful and embarrassing visits to the hospital for both of us, and the last of which for June consisted of oil being forced into her reproductive tract (under anaesthetic during which she woke up) in order that is could be x-rayed the verdict was delivered: “In the present state of medical knowledge we have to say that we think it is not possible for you to conceive. The fallopian tubes are so malformed that it is impossible, and we cannot correct it with surgery. This is a congenital condition that you were born with. You may prove us wrong one day – it has been know – but we think not. The verdict produced a profound depression. We enquired about adoption, to be told that we could not be considered until we were both over the age of 25yrs of age. (in April ’47 I was under 24yrs and June not yet 25yrs) It is quite impossible to find words to describe the depths of misery that these to blows produced. At the time I was stationed reasonably near June and got home most weekends. I came home for the weekend in late July ’47 to be greeted by my wife in a state of supreme suppressed excitement. She was simply bursting with the news that her period was [underlined] two days [/underlined] late. She was pregnant and no amount of cautionary words would alter it. She KNEW it and she would have a daughter who would be called ‘Marion’!! She couldn’t wait for the first bout of morning sickness. When her condition was confirmed a week or so later her joy was boundless. From the depths of despair to overwhelming elation in three months.!! I left the RAF in October ’47 having served a year beyond my demob date. I would have liked to continue, but pressure to leave was now great; our living conditions were not good and I felt I needed to be with June when the baby arrived. I returned to engineering, working for a small firm in Brentwood, Essex. My pay was two shillings an hour, fifty hours per week. After working inside for a few weeks I simply could not stand it any longer and became a bus conductor with London Transport, the pay was just under six pounds per week and I would be working outside. I was in fact the best job I could get. Our daughter Marion was born ten days late on 29 March 1948, weighing-in at 10lbs. As the midwife said, No wonder it was a tough job”. The baby was born at home as it was not possible to get into a maternity ward unless complications were expected. Our accommodation comprised of two rooms and a small kitchen. The only heating being a small fireplace in each room – central heating was simply not on and coal was rationed. The after-birth was wrapped in newspaper and put on the small fire in the room where our daughter was born. The attendance of the doctor cost £7, the midwife £3. June’s Aunt Rhoda came in each day to help with the baby until June was able to get up again. Up to a point the job of bus conductor was quite enjoyable, it also had some prospect of advancement and after a year I did apply for the a post as Inspector. I didn’t get it as it was policy not to promote a conductor until he had several years experience – primarily to make him acceptable to other drivers and conductors. This attitude and the lowly status of the job produced a high degree of frustration. June never wavered in her support for me: from being the wife of an officer in the RAF she was now the wife of a bus conductor. By this time our living conditions became intolerable due to the attitude of the family upstairs. As always their darling little children were just playing; to us it was continual intolerable noise without relief. When Marion was three months old we were able to buy a house at Ardleigh Green, Hornchurch. We took out a mortgage for £1300, cost £2 per week plus 10 shillings per week rates. May take home pay was £5 per week. We were [Page Break] Utterly desperate to get a place of our own, Ardleigh Green was a much better area and we felt pleased to have moved and improved our situation. In the event we had to let two rooms to a newly married couple to help pay the mortgage, but overall we were better off. In June 1949 my wife asked how I felt about a second child. I replied that this was entirely a matter of her choice; she would have to produce the child and do 99% of the upbringing for a least the first three years. June said that she had always wanted two children: Marion was now 14mths old she would prefer to bring up two children together rather than several years apart. In contrast to the difficulties of conceiving out daughter June became pregnant immediately (I now think that both our children were conceived on 26 June – her birthday). As certain as she had been that the first-born would be a daughter June was now equally certain that she would bear a son. She duly did on 14 March 1950, on schedule. Chris was born on Oldchurch hospital, Romford, as this situation was now improved. I visited mother and son that evening; looking down on Chris I said to him, “What have we done. We created you quite deliberately, you are much wanted yet what future have you? Before you reach school age you are likely to be a little heap of atomic ash”. At the time it did look as if we would be at war with Russia quite soon; the whole atmosphere was depressing. All the newspaper talk was of Foreign Ministers meeting for a ‘last chance’ to avert war. A week later Marion met her new brother and our family was complete. Chris was born with a band of eczema across his chest. He suffered severely and continuously with this complaint for over fourteen years; it never did clear up. The doctors assured us from birth that ‘it would clear up in a couple of years’ always two years ahead! He suffered severely from the itching of this complaint; the amazing thing to us was that he was always very lively and so cheerful accepted his bandaged arms and legs. The strange thing was that neither of our families had a history of eczema. June was now totally happy with the family she wanted and excelling in what was really her destiny – to be a wife and mother. Financially we were not well off, in fact living literally from one pay day to the next. In 1950 food prices were relatively twice the prices of the 1990s. With each other we were totally happy. It is fashionable now to sneer at such statement on the grounds that the wife must thereby be a doormat: this is total rubbish. My mother burned herself to death due to the treatment she received from her husband; my wife was never less than my equal and we were both happy with our condition. In June 1950 I started work with the Prudential Assurance Co. Ltd as an insurance agent. It was quite an interesting job and I got to a point where I enjoyed calling on families. Some families opened my eyes more than somewhat. I found myself invited in for a cup of tea many times, not so much for refreshment as for someone for the wife to talk to. If the stories I heard were half true some wives lived appalling lives at the hands of their husbands. It was almost impossible in those days for the wife to escape from home (especially if she had children) other than ‘going back to mother’ – regarded as shameful; she got precious sympathy. In some cases a wife would pay pennies per week insurance on her husband’s life and beg me to keep it secret as the husband would beat her up if he knew. The same husband considered talking out life insurance as the equivalent to signing his death warrant. Half a century on I look back and consider that these wives were not exaggerating. There was as much marital disharmony then as today and I was appalled to find that of the families I called on, as ‘The Man from the Prudential’, that only one or two of them lived in genuine harmony. In July 1951 a cousin of June’s Joyce Levi, called on us one afternoon. She was in the WRNS (Womens Royal Naval Service) and just before she departed I said to her, “I often wish I was still in the Service”. When she had gone June said to me, “If you really feel that you’d like to go back in the RAF don’t let me stop you”. After some little discussion to be sure that this truly was the case I wrote that evening to the Air Ministry to ask if there was any possibility of me rejoining the RAF. The short answer was, “Come up and see us and let’s talk”. I was asked if I would like to be a flying instructor. Would a duck like to swim? Unfortunately, as I expected, my eyesight was just not up to standard. However all was not lost. On 19 October 1951 I returned to the Royal Air Force. The Korean War provided the opportunity to rejoin and I considered myself extremely fortunate to return with a commission (rank of Flying Officer) in the Fighter Control Branch. My flying experience was the crucial factor. June was not keen for me to RAF, but accepted that I was not happy in civil life, and the RAFF would pay me £53 per month – nearly double our current income. In the event June took happily to service life and agreed that it was the correct decision. Once again she was totally supportive. 1953 was a year I remember for two particular reasons. Our ninth wedding anniversary instead of giving June a card I wrote her a short letter saying quite simply that she was my reason for living. Many years later I gave this letter to our daughter Marion that her children might know that in a world of much martial distress it is possible for two lovers to remain so down the years. Little did we know that we were then half way through our life together. At about this 3 [Page Break] time I asked June if she could tell me at what point she decided to accept me after telling me three times to go away. She replied that there was no particular moment, a sort of growing realisation ‘that you were always there’ which developed into the feeling that this was a desirable state that she wished to maintain on a permanent basis. We were stationed at Acklington, Northumberland. This is a very beautiful county and it was a happy time for us, June spent some time in the hospital in Newcastle as in 1955 she underwent hysterectomy (removal of the womb) which meant a round journey of some 80 miles to visit her. I was able to fit this in with talks I gave to the Royal Auxiliary Air Force in the evening so reducing travelling expenses. June seemed to be in and out of hospitals on a continuous basis from about 1946. She once said to me “In trying to have a baby it was a case of ‘Take your knickers off’ and since the birth of the babies it’s been the same story.” In December of the same year I was granted a permanent commission in the RAF. It was a ‘Branch Commission’ which meant that I wold not be promoted above the rank of Flight Lieutenant, but we were both delighted as it meant we would now be able to spend many years in the RAF. It wasn’t a job; it was a way of life and we liked it. We spent two and a half years in Germany, July ’56 to February ‘59, which was a joy to us all. Life was good to us. On our thirteenth wedding anniversary in 1957 June wrote on her card to me, “ You could have not made me happier in the 13 yrs of our marriage”. We were indeed a happy family During [sic] our time there we were able to travel and see the country, and also to visit Austria. Today this nothing exceptional, but in 1950s it was still an adventure to see another country. And of course to try the food and wines! I had said to June many times, “If I had a thousand years with you, when it was time to go I’d want another five minutes”. Several times down the years I had voiced to her a fear that as we seemed to be so much happier than many families in the world, and indeed some we knew, that one day a bill would come in to pay for it. She always replied, “Let’s enjoy the life we have and be glad of it and not worry unduly”. In 1958 June had to spend a few weeks in hospital in Germany The [sic] Services has a military hospital there exceedingly well equipped and run. We moved to Ireland in February 1959. Marion was now 11 yrs, Chris 9 yrs. We discussed adopting two children as June could have no more. In five years our children would be thinking of leaving home one way or another we felt that we had years ahead of us to take on two children, say two years apart. And there were many children in the world who were not wanted. At that time abortion was a criminal offence and to be an unmarried mother was a matter of great shame, both to the girl and her family. In July ’59 we were placed on the register as prospective adoptees, in Belfast. June was now bubbling with joy at the prospect of another baby. In August ‘59 June went into hospital with suspected ovarian cyst. I was told one day that she would undergo surgery that afternoon at 2pm. I arrived at the hospital at six o’clock ad went straight to the ward (I knew the way!). On entering the ward I saw her bed by the door [underlined] stripped down to the mattress [/underlined]: my soul screamed. The Sister now spoke saying that she has intended to stop me entering as my wife returned. She had been seven hours in the operating theatre. The surgeons told me that they had found stomach cancer and has removed over 4ft of her intestine. They also gave me the usual rubbish about having cleared it all out, with a good chance of it not recurring. She was in hospital for ten continuous weeks. It must be mentioned here that June’s grandmother had died of throat cancer (the last two weeks being nothing short of slow strangulation as doctors then, as now, were not allowed to provide death with dignity) and her mother’s sister also died of cancer at age 37 years. As a result June has a profound fear of cancer. When the surgeon told me that he has found I faced a major dilemma. As she had so much agony of body I could not give her agony of mind by telling her of the cancer; it might not develop anyway. I could not cancel plans for adoption without giving reason – which would have to be the truth as she would pick up a lie at once, which would simply compound the problems. And what would out relationship be of the plans were cancelled and the cancer [underline] was [/underlined] cleared? There seemed to be no alternative but to proceed as planned and hope for the best. [Page Break] In March 1960 we were offered a 3 mth old boy and in due course formally adopted him – we called him Stephen Christopher. I recall one evening in the mess when June was being asked by the other wives about the baby overhearing her say, “I couldn’t be more proud if I’d produced him myself” June was at the Gates of Heaven, and for the next year was [underlined] in [/underlined] heaven. This ended in March 1961 when June passed a large clot of blood, and I knew at once that she would die in one year. Don’t ask me how or why, I knew instantly. Very soon the surgeon confirmed that the cancer was back – and far worse. It was a difficult year. My own state of mind was one of continuous oppressive worry. To provide a bit of relief I took up dinghy sailing as it is almost impossible to think of anything else when sailing. This did help. In July we planned to take a caravan holiday in Southern Ireland. I spoke to the doctor about this and he replied that s we were to go on holiday it has better be very soon (like tomorrow) as my wife would not be fit to move in two or three weeks. I now spoke with my CO (Wg Cdr Pope). who [sic] was a good friend from our days in Germany, and fully in the picture regarding June’s condition (one of [underlined] very [/underlined] few people in the know). In order to allow us to go on holiday he recalled another officer from leave; as you may imagine this upset the officer and his wife, but we could not tell them why. (After June’s death did write to him with a full explanation). By now June was in almost continuous pain. Through our doctor she was able to visit a Harley Street specialist who hopefully could make the pain bearable through hypnosis. In fact she did obtain considerable relief through this method. But by October her condition was so bad that we decided to sleep in single beds, as much as anything to allow me to sleep. This was almost as much trauma s deciding to divorce – utterly dreadful. I also had to gently persuade June that it would be a good idea to get Marion and Chris into boarding school to ease her load at home. In November 1961 I arranged to be posted to RAF Uxbridge so that she could go into the RAF hospital there. We flew from Belfast and were met a Heathrow by and RAF staff car which took us directly to the hospital. June was mildly surprised, but by now she was in a wheelchair a few more lies from me smoothed the way and considered the RAF service to be nothing less than excellent. I was posted on to the strength of RAF Uxbridge to be near her. The RAF is a very understanding employer. Thus I was able to see her every day. She was told every day that she was beautiful and I loved her – both true. At Christmas 1961 the three children and I spent the whole day with her. They were staying with me in a married quarter on camp. Marion was able to go to boarding school at Brentwood County High School in January 1962 and Chris was boarded by Aunty Rhoda whilst he attended Brentwood School (a Grant Maintained school) He was given a boarding place in March. June’s sister Peg (Mrs Margret Daphne Hunt) took over care of Stephen for the next five years. A few days before June died the Duty Sister allowed me to take Stephen in to see her one evening. The Matron then complained the following evening when I was there that the baby should not have been allowed in. The Sister stood her ground and said that is was probably the last time June would see the baby. So much for the humanity of the matron. The Sister was right. I was sitting with June shortly afterwards, I has just told her I loved her so much, he struggled to say something and I said, I know, you love me too!; she relaxed and her eyes smiles. In a few seconds I realised that though her eyes were open she was not seeing. I went out to call the Sister. It was 7.45pm. June died in Uxbridge hospital on 22 March 1962: She was 39 yrs old. We had been married 17yrs, 8 mths and 1 week. She has undergone surgery not less than twenty three times. Our courtship had ended. The bill had come in. Can I find a grain of comfort in all the stress and strain of those years. Only that June did not suffer mental strain in her family relationships. She loved and was loved deeply; she was utterly happy with her children and her husband for the time that she knew them, and we both knew it at the time. 5 [Page Break] Epilogue In the last few years, since 1990 I have learned that many cancers have a genetic basis. June was born with a cancer gene and was doomed from birth. After June’s death a major problem has to be faced – the upbringing of our children. Marion was 14yrs, Chris 12 yrs, and Stephen 2yrs and 3 mnths. There was no question of me leaving the Royal Air Force, the problem just has to be solved. My own health was under strain and at my own request I was posted to Kuwait for a one-year unaccompanied tour. Before leaving it was necessary to cover every week of my absence especially the school holidays. June’s sister Peg took over the complete upbringing of Stephen this in addition to her own children who were the same age as Marion and Chris. My debt to her and to her husband Sam is total. I returned to England in July 1963, did a ten-month tour in Zambia (1964-65) and spent a year (1967-68) in Iran as an ‘Operations Advisor’ in the Iranian Air Force. In October 1968 I returned to England blind in the left eye due to cataract and underwent surgery to restore a large degree of sight to the eye. The right eye went blind a year later and again surgery restored some sight, but not as good as the left eye. I did feel some bitterness as this time as having lost my wife there did seem some distinct possibility that I would lose my sight – and livelihood. In the event I was able to remuster to the Administration and Organisation Branch of the RAF in 1970. On my return from Iran in October 1968 I was invited to dinner by RAF friends from out days in Germany. Flt Lt Peter Hinchliffe and his wife Irene. There I was introduced to Irene’s friend Mrs Alison Barclay- Jones, a widow with three children. Irene was frankly match-making, (“You haven’t done very well in finding another wife; it’s time I gave you a hand”); we all knew the score and the rules of the game. The upshot of this introduction was out marriage on 29 March 1969, Marion’s 21st birthday, with all six children at the wedding. There was no difficulty in integrating the children into one family and in 1970 we formally adopted the four children under 18 yrs. (After the authorities had checked with the children that they were in agreement to being adopted!) Peter and Irene attended our Silver Wedding Anniversary in 1994. Our six children and five spouses attended complete with six grandchildren. In Match 1997 we celebrated our 28th anniversary. The story owes nothing to imagination, it is entirely factual. Hopefully my grandchildren (and perhaps their children) will find it of interest and learn of the sort of problems that may be met by a hopeful young couple as they set out on life’s journey together. 6 [Page Break] Photographs [Page Break] Top Left Miss June Eve 1942 Right Marion and Chris 1952 15 July 1944 Bridesmaids left to right Dorothy Groom’s sister Joyce Brides Cousin Joyce Groom’s sister Peggy Bride’s sister Molly Brides’s cousin Christmas Day 1961 at RAF Hospital Uxbridge Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Love Story by Grandad Description An account of the resource Jim Allen describes his life during the period 1941 to 1997, including how he met his future wife and their intermittent courtship. The item includes several photographs, some annotated. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jim Allen Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1997-11 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Seven typewritten sheets and two pages of photographs Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context MAllenJH179996-160512-020001, MAllenJH179996-160512-020002, MAllenJH179996-160512-020003, MAllenJH179996-160512-020004, MAllenJH179996-160512-020005, MAllenJH179996-160512-020006, MAllenJH179996-160512-020007, MAllenJH179996-160512-020008, MAllenJH179996-160512-020009 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Civilian Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Bomber Command Royal Air Force. Fighter Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Great Britain England--London Canada England--Northumberland Germany Ireland Zambia Iran Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Claire Monk Maureen Clarke coping mechanism entertainment fear love and romance RAF Burn RAF Uxbridge training V-1 V-weapon Wellington https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16299/BAllenJHAllenJHv20003.jpg c2d46d8f592d27616c417e299c0fb611 https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16299/BAllenJHAllenJHv20004.jpg 6d88889eec4f1e3ae082b545fbe82a2a https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/files/original/1242/16299/BAllenJHAllenJHv20005.jpg 477911dd120177c4bd0ebc983ee6df96 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Allen, Jim J H Allen Description An account of the resource 18 items. The collection concerns Flight Lieutenant James Henry Allen DFC (b. 1923, 179996 Royal Air Force). He flew a tour of operations as a pilot with 578 Squadron. The collection consists of a number of memoirs, photographs and a diary. It includes descriptions of military life and operations and his post-war life and work. The collection has been loaned to the IBCC Digital Archive for digitisation by Steve Allen and catalogued by Barry Hunter. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016-05-12 2019-02-05 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. Some items have not been published in order to protect the privacy of third parties, to comply with intellectual property regulations, or have been assessed as medium or low priority according to the IBCC Digital Archive collection policy and will therefore be published at a later stage. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal, https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/collection-policy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Allen, JH Transcribed document A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Transcription Text transcribed from audio recording or document AFTER THE WAR WAS OVER We have read many stories circa 1944-45, but relatively few of the years that followed. We know that at least one member of 578 Sqn became an Air Marshall and another became a Group Captain and an Australian member became the Speaker in the Australian Parliament, in each case generating a feeling of reflected pride in the rest of us having once known them. It may well be that other members of 578 Sqn were in their own modest ways perhaps as successful rather lower down the scale contributing to the sum of human happiness when their wartime flying days were over. It is possible that many interesting stories lie untold covering some sixty plus years which might be of interest to the rising generation(s) indicating that normal life can be full of incidents and problems ranging from elation to downright despair. I left Burn in September 1944 on completion of a normal tour of 40 operations, with heartfelt thanks to our Guardian Angel who had been on duty full time. After some months at an OTU I was posted to Transport Command and made some interesting trips to America, ten flights to India bringing troops home, and a proving flight to New Zealand. Having served a year beyond my normal demob date I left the RAF in October 1947. My wife and I had married in July 1944 and in 1947 she was pregnant and keen for me to leave the service. After some difficulty we did manage to buy a house in Hornchurch, Essex. Then there was the matter of getting a job, there being a dearth of vacancies for bomber crews. Pre-war I had been in the engineering industry, but soon found it impossible to return to that trade. Something had to be found which involved working outdoors in a large firm which offered some prospect of advancement. I chose London Transport and went to work as a bus conductor. Surprisingly I met a number of ex-aircrew who had chosen the same path. ‘Night School’ classes were available and I attended for two years, learning, among other things how to schedule buses within this vast organisation. After a year I applied for promotion, but was turned down on the grounds that one needed two years service to be even considered for advancement. When I was turned down the following year I made some gentle enquiries and I learned that I was unpopular among the other crews because of my strange ideas of timekeeping. The conductor was responsible for timekeeping and I considered that we were paid to keep to the schedule. Drivers considered this ridiculous, the idea was to catch the bus in front and leave prospective passengers to the following bus. (Now you know the basis of: ‘no bus for twenty minutes, then three together’) Some drivers spoke with the garage manager saying they didn’t want me allocated to them. Unable to accept this atmosphere I left and became ‘The man from the Prudential.’ This was an eye-opener as many women would invite one in for a cup of tea and then proceed to pour out their stories of domestic woe. And some were very sad storied indeed. After a year of me selling insurance my wife said on (sic) evening that she could see that I was not happy, and if I wanted to return to the RAF she wouldn’t object. That evening I wrote to the RAF basically asking, “Have you got a job I might do?” The reply was, “Come and have a chat”. A few weeks later I was offered a Short Service commission in the Fighter Control Branch. I was over the moon at the prospect of returning to the RAF and my wife was willing to accept the position. I reported to RAF Patrington towards the end of October 1951. At the end of the training period, as a newly qualified Fighter Controller I was told at 9am one day to get packed and report to RAF Acklington (Northumberland) [bold, underlined] today [/bold, underlined]. On arrival I asked, “What’s the rush?”, to be told that I was a replacement for a controller who Page break 2 was leaving the following day, and as the station was an Armament Practice Camp with quite high pressure controlling I was to have one day’s instruction before taking over. This turned out to be the most profitable 24hrs of my life. The system of control was very well organised, high pressure and continuous. Target (towing) aircraft took off every 40 minutes, firing aircraft every 20 minutes. There was a requirement to avoid hitting fishing vessels below. The firing aircraft were Meteor 8s using 20mm cannon, the target aircraft towed banners or glider targets. After two years of such intensive control one became a very slick Fighter Controller. We were used as a finishing school for Controllers nearing the end of their courses at Units. A most satisfying time. This was followed by a 30 month tour in Germany at the time when the new Luftwaffe was being formed. The first Unit was a defensive one – a Control and Reporting station at Brockzeitel near Jever in North Germany. Guess who found himself volunteered as one of the two instructors – neither of whom spoke German. In the best Service tradition we were promised that all trainees would be English speaking. This was true for the first course. The second course arrived with the one member who “Spoke English”; He had served for two years behind the bar at an American unit!! Again in the best Service tradition we were told to get on with the job. This called for much burning of midnight oil, sweating of blood and laughter in class as this instructor struggled with (and mangled) German grammar. Fortunately all voice procedures were in standard Nato English so progress was made. After three months conversation in German was smoother and at the end of the year I was reasonably fluent in practical German. (A one-time girl friend once said to me, “You don’t have to be bright to learn a language, small children can do it”. I think she was trying to tell me something). In February 1959 we were posted to Bishops Court in N. Ireland. In July my wife became ill and in March 1962 died of cancer. We had three children, ages 14, 12 and 2 years. The older two children were placed in boarding schools close together and the baby was taken over by my wife’s sister and her husband who had a boy and girl of their own the same ages as my older two. They fostered the baby for the next seven years until he too could go to boarding school. In July 1962 at my own request I stated a one-year unaccompanied tour in Kuwait in order to recover somewhat from two stressful years. Contact with the children was maintained by means of tape recorder at each end; at the time tape recorders were just coming into general use – mine weighed about 14lb. On returning home in 1963 I bought a small house for the older two children in order to provide them with a base during the holidays. At the same time I became a founder member of No.1 ACC (Air Control Unit), a new mobile Control and Reporting unit. This was at the time of the UDI crisis in Southern Rhodesia. There was a need for political reasons to put British forces on the ground in Zambia. Obviously a very sensitive issue so the RAF was used. No.1 ACC went to the airfield at Lusaka, The RAF Regiment to Livingstone and a Javelin Squadron to Ndola; this we occupied the key points of the country. We arrived at the beginning of the wet season, I kid thee not; the we season is WET. We stayed in Zambia for almost a year, meeting president Kenneth Kaunda a very intelligent man who was a pleasure to talk with. Returning to the UK in 1966 we found, “It’s all been changed” ACC personal were dispersed and replaced. I was asked if I would like to go to Iran, and accepted and in 1967 found myself at Babolsar on the shore of the Caspian Sea. A new Hydra multi-beam radar was installed there and I was soon on a steep learning curve. It was quite interesting teaching the Iranian Controllers how to Page break 3 Switch beams as the mountainous terrain south of the station produced a profusion of permanent echoes which the Controllers claimed made the tracking of aircraft impossible. About a dozen English and German nurses worked in the local children’s hospital and we were appalled at their living conditions. We bought electric fans for them to alleviate the summer heat. These girls were doing Voluntary Service Overseas. The Iranian nurses treated them pretty much the same as nurses in England were regarded in Florence Nightingale’s day – barely above the social level of prostitutes. Yet these girls simply loved attending to the children. We had a GP14 dinghy and took them sailing and swimming in the sea. Some six months after arrival in Iran I developed double vision in one eye and was sent to CME (Central Medical Establishment) in London. I was developing cataract, but as it could not be treated for a year I returned to Babolsar wearing a patch over the affected eye. This caused hilarity among the Iranians who now called me, “Captain Jim the pirate”. After a year in Iran I returned home blind in the left eye, quite useless for Fighter Control. Cutting the story short surgery was carried out on the left eye (removal of the lens) and some months later on the right eye. Eventually I was fitted with contact lenses that today give me something like 80% normal vision. On return from Iran, in Oct 1968, I was able to reconnect with my children, by now very grown up – the two older ones at University and the youngest at boarding school. Now the wife of a long-standing RAF friend played Jane Austin in deciding that I was in urgent need of a wife and entered the match-making stakes – “In seven years you haven’t done very well in finding another wife; it’s time I gave you a hand!” In March 1969 I married a widow with three children – all six children at the wedding. We have now been married 36 years, have six grandchildren and one great-grandchild, in all a very happy family. The one tragedy being the sudden death of the youngest child five years ago. Jim Allen 2005. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource After the War was Over Description An account of the resource Jim Allen recalls his post-war experiences. He married in 1944 and had three children. Having undertaken various jobs as a civilian, he was unhappy so re-joined the RAF. He trained as a Fighter Controller and was posted to RAF Acklington, Germany then Ireland. His wife died in 1962. He did tours in Kuwait, Rhodesia, Zambia then Iran. He remarried in 1969. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jim Allen Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Three typewritten sheets Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Text. Memoir Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context BAllenJHAllenJHv20003, BAllenJHAllenJHv20004, BAllenJHAllenJHv20005 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Civilian Royal Air Force Royal Air Force. Fighter Command Royal Air Force. Transport Command Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. United States India New Zealand Australia Great Britain England--London England--Northumberland Germany--Jever Kuwait Zimbabwe Zambia--Lusaka Zambia--Ndola Iran--Bābul Sar Germany Iran Zambia Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBCC Digital Archive Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This content is available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International license (Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0). It has been published ‘as is’ and may contain inaccuracies or culturally inappropriate references that do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Lincoln or the International Bomber Command Centre. For more information, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ and https://ibccdigitalarchive.lincoln.ac.uk/omeka/legal. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Laura Morgan Maureen Clarke 578 Squadron aircrew Meteor Operational Training Unit RAF Bishops Court RAF Burn training